'■'*

The International Critical Commentary

CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL
COMMENTARY

ON

AMOS AND HOSEA

WILLIAM RAINEY HARPER

PROFESSOR OF SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES
IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

NEW YORK

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

1905

J>'^^

/>°

REESE

COPYRIGHT, 1905, BY
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

Published March, 1905

J. 8. Gushing & Co.— Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.

^0
ELLA DAVIDA HARPER

WHOSE DEVOTION TO HER HUSBAND AND TO HIS WORK

HAS BEEN HIS GREATEST SOURCE OF HELP AND STRENGTH

DURING THIRTY YEARS

PREFACE

The agreement to prepare the volumes on the Minor Prophets
for this series was entered into in 1890, — fourteen years ago.
I did not then anticipate the serious obligations which were
shortly to be assumed in other directions. But in all these
years of administrative concern I have had recourse for change,
comfort, and courage to my work on the Twelve Prophets.
A large portion of the work had been finished as early as
1897, when the essential results on the structure of Amos
appeared in The Biblical World. It is a significant fact that
during these fourteen years there have been given to the world
the noteworthy contributions of Oort (1890), Mitchell (1893,
1900), Miiller (1896), Cheyne (in W. R. Smith, Prophets'^, 1895),
Nowack (1897, 1903), George Adam Smith (1896), Volz (1897),
Driver (1897), Wellhausen (3d ed., 1898), Budde (1899), Lohr
(1901), Sievers (1901), Baumann (1903), Meinhold (1903), and
Marti (1903).

The plan originally included two volumes for the Minor
Prophets ; this has been enlarged to three, of which the pres-
ent volume, containing Amos and Hosea, is the first. Vol. il.
will include Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Obadiah ;
Vol. III., Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, Joel, Jonah. It is hoped
that the second and third volumes will appear within the next
two years.

It cannot be said that the Twelve Prophets lack, either in
the comprehensive relation which they sustain to the entire
history of Hebrew life and thought, in the interest of the prob-
lems which they suggest, or in the almost infinite variety of
these problems. In every field of study, the textual, the literary,
the historical, the archaeological, and the theological, they fur-
nish facts and suggest questions than which few others, perhaps,
possess greater significance. One need only mention, by way

VIU PREFACE

of illustration, the questions involved in determining the place
of Amos in the development of Hebrew thought, the problems of
criticism and interpretation which are suggested by the early
chapters of Hosea, the text and historical distribution of the
chapters now joined together under the name of Micah, the
complexity of the data included in the several portions of
Zechariah, not to speak of the fragmentary character of Oba-
diah, the peculiar phenomena presented in Jonah, and many
other equally puzzling but significant aspects of literary and
theological inquiry. These facts and problems connect them-
selves with every important phase of the Old Testament activity
between 900 B.C. and 300 B.C., in other words, with the entire
creative period.

The books which occupy our attention in this first volume go
well together, not only because one follows the other chrono-
logically, but also because one supplements the other logically,
the two presenting a totality of expression in the light of which
each receives a clearer interpretation. It seemed necessary to
take up, in connection with these first two of the immortal
Twelve, many questions that concern just as closely the others.
Especially was the force of this point felt in the Introduction ;
for an introduction to Amos and Hosea is really an introduction
to Prophecy.

Nowhere is it more necessary to distinguish sharply between
the actual words of an author and those that have been added
by later writers than in the case of Amos and Hosea. The his-
tory of the Messianic idea, in whatever sense we employ that
term, is fundamentally involved in this distinction. Care has
been taken, therefore, to keep separate the quite considerable
proportion of material (ascribed by tradition to these authors)
which may confidently be treated as of later origin. This in
the case of Amos is about one-fifth of the whole, and in the case
of Hosea about one-fourth.

It is unquestionably the first duty of a commentator to recon-
struct the text as best he may. The contributions to the text-
criticism of Amos and Hosea, made within two decades, are
striking; but not more so than the unanimity with which the
more important emendations have received acceptance. More-

PREFACE ix

over, many of the changes originally suggested, perhaps on
one or another basis {e.g. grammar, history, the versions, or the
strophic structure), have later received corroboration on other
grounds than those on which they rested primarily. This has
frequently occurred in my own experience ; and when I recall
how often a twofold or even threefold substantiation of a con-
jecture has thus taken place, I am compelled to defend myself,
and others like myself, against Professor Driver's suggestion
that " it is precarious to base textual and critical inferences "
upon the " strophe." * I venture to suggest that in the near
future this comparatively new phase of critical study will be
"brought forth into a large place."! It is worthy of notice
surely that nearly every important piece of work on the Twelve
Prophets in fifteen years has taken into consideration the ques-
tion of the measure and strophic arrangement (pp. clxv f .).
My own interest in this subject was aroused in 1887 by the
articles of Professor Briggs in Hebraica. No one can doubt
the good results in general which have followed the turning of
attention in this direction. It is unnecessary, and in a com-
mentary impossible, to take up this phase of treatment in all
the detail worked out by Sievers ; but it is equally impossible
now to study the thought of these prophetic sermons without
recognizing fully this fundamental factor in their form of com-
position. As a matter of fact, " strophic structure " is only
another name for " logical structure."

The textual notes preceding the general treatment and the
grammatical and philological notes following it have been in-
tended to furnish the student of ordinary advancement the
more important data with which to reach his own conclusions.
I fear that in some cases these suggestions are too elementary
in their character ; but I have had in mind that student of
Sacred Scripture who, with such help, might enter into a fairly
critical appreciation of the points raised ; and I have felt that I
might advantageously omit a portion of this kind of material in
the succeeding volumes. The presentation of different read- 1
ings which are not accepted, as well as of all the principal!

* Joel and Amos, p. 116. f K. p. clxix.

X PREFACE

interpretations in every case, seemed to me to be required by
the emphasis which the editors of the series have placed upon
the importance of providing the history of the interpretation.
I am perfectly aware that the history of interpretation does not
consist in placing one after another a series of differing interpre-
tations ; but it is quite clear that space would not permit a fuller
discussion in every place, nor was such discussion necessary.
At the same time, upon the basis of the interpretations as thus
given, even when no comment is added, it is not difficult for
one to construct the history. I have endeavored to note all
opinions really worthy of consideration ; and I trust that the
I'ulness of citation in some passages may not prove too weari-
some to the reader who is not a student.

It is a source of great satisfaction to make acknowledgment
of the indebtedness which I owe to those who have preceded me ;
and especially to Baur, Wiinsche, Cheyne, Wellhausen, W. Rob-
ertson Smith, Nowack, Driver, George Adam Smith, Budde,
and Kautzsch (v. his article, "Religion of Israel," in Hast-
ings's Dictionary of the Bible). I have tried in each important
instance to indicate the position taken by those who have dis-
cussed that particular case ; and likewise to recognize the
author who first suggested a reading or interpretation after-
ward adopted by others. I regret that my manuscript was
already almost wholly in type before the appearance of No-
wack's second edition and of Marti's commentary. Use has
been made of these volumes in the revision of the sheets. I
ought perhaps to mention that a considerable portion of my
manuscript has been thrown out because I had transgressed the
limits set for the volume.

A word more concerning the Introduction seems to be neces-
sary. It appeared to me that a brief summary of pre-prophetism
was required as the basis on which to place the work of Amos
and Hosea. This would have been unnecessary if it were cer-
tain that all Hebrew thought really began with Amos. But this
view I cannot accept, and so I have enlarged the Introduction
to include a r^sum^ of the pre-prophetic activity. In the pres-
entation of this I have found myself greatly embarrassed for
lack of space.

PREFACE XI

The list of literature will be found fairly exhaustive as far as
half a century back. Lists of the literature before that time
are accessible in Gunning's De Godsprakoi van Amos, Driver's
article on Amos in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible (2d ed.),
Wiinsche's Hosea, and in Lange's Comme7itary, Vol. XVI. The
reader is requested to note the Addenda and Corrigenda on
pp. XV, xvi, as well as the abbreviations on pp. xvii fT.

In conclusion, I wish particularly to acknowledge the help
which has been given me in the preparation of the volume
by my former pupil, now my colleague, Dr. John M. P. Smith.
The assistance which he has rendered in gathering material,
in verifying references, and in revising the manuscript and the
printer's sheets, and the suggestions which he has made from
time to time upon the subject-matter itself, have been of the
greatest value. Without this help I doubt whether I should
have been able to bring the work to a completion. My thanks
are due also to my former pupil, Professor George R. Berry
of Colgate University, for aid furnished, and to my colleague,
Professor George S. Goodspeed, for important suggestions in
connection with the historical material in Amos.

The publishers have cooperated most generously in securing
a typographical excellence which, I am confident, will be greatly
appreciated.

I think that I realize most keenly some of the defects of
this commentary. Doubtless many that I do not perceive will
be pointed out to me. I shall hope to make good use of all
such criticisms and suggestions in connection with the two
remaining volumes.

Chicago, November Twenty-four,
Thanksgiving Day, 1904.

CONTENTS.

Preface ....
Addenda and Corrigenda
Principal Abbreviations .

PAGB

vii-xi

XV

xvii

INTRODUCTION

xxxi-clxxxi

A. Factors in the Pre-prophetic Movement.

§ I. The Pre-prophetic Movement in General .

§ 2. Pre-prophetic Participation in the Revolt of Jeroboam I.

§ 3. Pre-prophetic Manifestation under Elijah's Leadership

§ 4. Pre-prophetic Influences in the Time of Elisha

§ 5. The Pre-prophetic Societies

§ 6. The Older and Younger Decalogues .

§ 7. The Book of the Covenant ( = CC) .

§ 8. The Judaean (Pre-prophetic) Narrative (= J)

§ 9. The Ephraimite (Pre-prophetic) Narrative ( = E)

B. The Basis and Character of the Pre-prophetic
Movement.

§ 10. The Relation of Pre-prophetism to Mosaism
§11. The Essential Thought of Pre-prophetism .

XXXI

XXX ii

XXX iv

xli

xlix

Iviii

Ixiv

Ixix

Ixxix

. Ixxxiv
Ixxxviii

C Amos.

§ 12. The Personal Life of Amos c

§ 13. The Message of Amos ex

§ 14. The Ministry of Amos . cxxiv

§ 15. The Literary Form of Amos cxxx

D. Hosea.

§ 16. The Personal Life of Hosea cxl

§ 17. The Message of Hosea cxlvi

§ 18. The Ministry of Hosea civ

§ 19. The Literary Form of Hosea clviii

xiv CONTENTS

E. Amos and Hosea.

• PAGE

§ 20. The Poetical Form of Amos and Hosea ..... clxiv

§ 21. The Language and Style of Amos and Hosea .... clxx

§ 22. The Text and Versions of Amos and Hosea .... clxxiii

§ 23. The Literature on Amos and Hosea ..... clxxviii

COMMENTARY. On Amos 1-200

On Hosea 201-417

Index

I. Subject . . . • 419

II. Geographical . . . . . . . . . 423

HI. Hebrew 423

Chronological Table Facing 1

Map At end of volume

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA.

p. Iv, line I. The first mention of Phoenician prophets is found in the report
of Wenamon, an Egyptian envoy to Byblos, in the reign of Ramses XII.,
probably about i lOO B.C. See J. H. Breasted, " The Report of Wena-
mon," AJSL. XXI. (Jan. 1905), pp. loi f., 105.

p. Ixxxix, line 14. For " Ju. 5*V' read "Ju. 5^*^^."

p. ex. On the teachings of Amos, Hosea, and preceding prophets of the
eighth century, see Koberle, Silnde und Gnade im religiosen Lebeii des
Volkes Israel bis auf Christum (1905), pp. 96-153.

p. 4, line 12. For ^<\Uil, read ^vLs-l.

pp. 15 ff. On the nations dealt with in Am. 1^-2*, see the article "Semites,"

in DB. v., by J. F. McCurdy. ^ ^ , ^ , ,

p. 42, line 6 (from bottom). For ■ ^ n m iV?, read ^.t-am:^).
p. 257, line 4. Omit against me, with S, as a gloss; see p. 256.
p. 277, note J. For GVL, read GI.
p. 280, lines 27-29. The text of strophe I, lines 7 and 8, is better arranged

as in the translation on p. 283, viz. :

: vjoS n^mi ijC|i>

p. 281, lines I, 2. Transpose "6"" is, of course, a gloss," to follow "In
strophe 4 (6^^-72)." Dele "(i) v."* is suspected, but v.i" For
«v,"S" read "v."*."

p. 287, line 2 (from bottom). For >cu^1, read >a^^|.

p. 291, line 15. For "also rejects," read "rejects all of."

p, 313, line 20. Orelli reads NJnS; see p. 320.

p. 329, line I. Insert it after eat.

PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS

I. General.

abs.

absolute.

lit

literal, or literally.

ace.
adv.

accusative.

adverb, or adverbial.

m., or masc.

masculine.

apod.

apodosis.

Ni.

Niph'al.

art.

article.

om.

omits, omit, etc.

Ass., or Assyr

., Assyrian.

P-

person.

ca., or cir.

circa, about.

pass.

passive.

of.

confer, compare.

pf.

perfect.

circ.

circumstantial.

Pi.

Pi' el.

cl.

clause.

pi.

plural.

cod., codd.

codex, codices.

prec.

preceding.

cog., or cogn.

cognate.

pred.

predicate.

com.

commentators, or com-

prep.

preposition.

mentaries.

pron.

pronoun, or pronominal.

cons.

consecutive.

ptcp.

participle.

cont.
cstr.

continue, continuing, etc.
construct.

rel.
rm.

relative,
remark.

dat.

d.f., or dag. f.

dative,
dagesh forte.

sg.
Stat.

singular,
stative.

f. or fem.

feminine.

str.

strophe.

fol.

following, follows, etc.

subj.

subject.

freq.

frequentative.

suf.

suffix.

gen.

genitive.

sugg.
s.v.

suggest, suggestion, etc

sub voce.

Hiph.

Hiph'H.

trans.

transitive.

impf.

imperfect.

V.

verse.

imv.

imperative.

V,

vide, see.

indef.

indefinite.

vb.

verb, verbal.

inf.

infinitive.

v.i.

vide infra, see below.

intrans.

intransitive.

X)

in

vide supra, see above.

XVIU

PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS

2. Text and Versions.

A.V. Authorized Version ( 1 6i I ).

'A. Aquila's translation, cited

from Field's Hexapla.

Bab. Cod, Propheiarum posteriorum
codex Babylonicus Pe-
tropolitanus auspiciis
augustissimi Imperatoris
Alexandri II. Edidit
H. Strack (1876).

Gimplut. The Complutensian Poly-
glot.

(5 The Septuagint, cited from

The Old Testament in
Greek acco7-ding to the
Septuagint; edited by
H. B. Swete; Vol. Ill

(1894).
(5*< Codex Sinaiticus.

<@^ Codex Alexandrinus.

(S^ Codex Vaticanus.

(gQ Codex Marchalianus.

©^ Lucian's Recension,

Kt. K<=thtbh.

3L The Old Latin Version,

cited from Oesterley's

O. T.

Qr.

RV,
RV.m,

Studies in the Greek and
Latin Versions of the
Book of Amos (1902) and
"The Old Latin Texts of
the Minor Prophets,"
Journal of Theological
Studies, V. 76-88.

The Massoretic Text.

Old Testament,

Q«ri.

Revised Version (1885).
Revised Version, margin.

The Syriac translation, cited
from the Paris Polyglot,

S, Symmachus's translation,

cited from Field's Hex-
apla,

Syr.-Hex. Syro-Hexaplar.

ST The Targum, cited from tha

Paris Polyglot.

9. Theodotion's translation,

cited from Field's Hex-
apla.

U The Vulgate, cited from tho

Paris Polyglot.

3. Authors and Books.

Abar. or Abarb. Abarbanel (f 1508).

ABL. Assyrian and Babylonian Literature. Selected Transla-

tions. Edited by Robert Francis Harper (1901).

AE, Aben Ezra(t 1167).

AJSL. American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures,

edited by William R. Harper.

AJTih). American Journal of Theology, edited by the Divinity

Faculty of the University of Chicago.

AUTHORS AND BOOKS

XIX

Ba.
Bach,
Bach. Pr.
Bad.

Baethgen,

Sem. Re I.
Earth, NB.

Barth, ES.
BAS.

Baud. Einl.

Baud. Rel.

Bauer,

Baumann,
BDB.

Benz.

Benz. Arch.
BL.

Bl. Einl.

Bockel,
Bottcher,

Briggs, Hex.
Brugsch, Hist.

Briill,
BSZ.

Baur, Der Prophet Amos erkldrt (1847).
Bachmann, Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen (1894)
Praeparationeti zu den kleinen Propheien (1890).
Badecker's Handbuch 2. Palastina und Syrien (5th ed.

I9CXD; English, 1894).
Baethgen, Beitrdge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte

(1888).
J. Barth, Die Nominalbildung in den semitischen Sprachen

(1889-91).
Etymologische Studien (1893).
Beitrdge zur Assyriologie und semitischen Sprachwissen-

schaft, herausgegeben von Friedrich Delitzsch und Paul

Haupt (i89off.).
Baudissin, Einleitung in die BUcher des Alten Testamentes

(1901).
Studien zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte, I. (1876), II.

(1878).
G. L. Bauer, Die kleinen Propheten iibersetzt und mit Com-

mentarien erldutert, I., Iloseas bis Micha (1786).
Der Auf bail der Amosreden (Beihefte zur ZA W. VII. 1903)..
A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, with.

an Appendix containing the Biblical Aramaic, based on

the Lexicon of William Gesenius as translated by Edward

Robinson, edited by Francis Brown, with the cooperation

of S. R. Driver and Charles A. Briggs (1891 ff.). Eleven

parts have appeared thus far, extending as far as i3r.
I. Benzinger.

Hebrdische Archdologie (1894).
Schenkel's Bibel-Lexikon. Realw'drterbtich zum Handge-

brauch fur geistliche und Gemeindeglieder, 5 vols.

(1869-75)-
F. Bleek, Einleitung in das Alte Testament (5th ed, by

Julius Wellhausen, 1886).
Hoseas (1807).
Ausfiihrliches Lehrbuch der Hebrdische n Sprache, I. (1866),

II, (1868).
Chas. A. Briggs, Higher Criticism of the Hexateuch (1897).
Heinrich Brugsch-Bey, A History of Egypt under the

Pharaohs (1881),
" Beitrage zur Erklarung des Buches Hosea," fahrb. f.

judischen Geschichte und Litter atur, 1883, pp. 1-62.
"Wilhelm Gesenius' Hebrdisches una Aramdisches Hand-

worterbuch iiber das Alte Testament in verbindung mit

Prof. Albert Socin und Prof. H. Zimmern bearbeitet von

Dr, Frants Buhl. 13th ed. (1899).

XX

PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS

Bu.

Bu. Rel.
Buhl, Pal.
Burkius,
Burney,
BW.

Cal.

Cap(pellus),

Che.

Co.

Co. Einl.

Karl Budde.

Religion of Israel to the Exile (1899).

Geographie des alien Palaestina (1896).

Gnovion in 12 Propketas Minores (1753).

Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Kings (1903),

The Biblical World, edited by William R. Harper.

Calvin, Commentaries on the Twelve Minor Prophets;

transl. by J. Owen. Vols. I., II. (1846).
Critica sacra, sive de variis quae in sacris Veteris Testa-

menti libris occur runt lectionibus libri sex. Recensuit

multisque anitnadversionibus auxit Geo. lo. Lud.Vogel.

Tomus I. (1775), II. (1778).
T. K. Cheyne, Hosea with Azotes and Introduction (The

Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges, 1884). In

the commentary on Hosea, "Che." always means this

work, unless otherwise indicated.
C. H. Cornill.
Einleitung in das Alte Testament (1891; 4th ed., 1897).

Cornelius a Lapide (f 1637), Commeniarii (1664).

COT. The Cuneiform hiscriptions and the Old Testa/nent (1885;

English transl. oi KA T.^).
Crit. Bib. or CB. Critica Biblica or Critical Azotes on the Text of the Old

Testament Writings, by T. K. Cheyne. Part II., Ezekiel

and the Minor Prophets (1903).
Crocius, Johannis Crocii . . . hypotyposes concionum in Propketas

Minores, etc. (1673).
Cyril, Cyril of Alexandria (t444 A.D.).

Da.

Da. §,

Da. Theol.

Dahl,

Dathe or Dat.

DB.

DB?

De.
de R.

A. B. Davidson.

Hebrew Syntax (2d ed., 1896).

The Theology of the Old Testament {i<)Oj^,

J. C. Dahl, Amos neu iibersetzt und erldutert (1795).

Prophetae minores ex recensione textus Hebraei et versiotium

antiquarum latine versi notisque philologicis et criticis

illustrati a J. A. Dathio (1773).
A Dictionary of the Bible, edited by James Hastings. 4 vols.

(1898-1902) and an "Extra Volume" (1904), cited here

as Vol. V.
A Dictionary of the Bible, edited by Sir William Smith and

J. M. Fuller. 3 vols. (2d ed., 1893).
Franz Delitzsch.
de Rossi, Variae Lectiones Veteris Testamenti, etc.. Vol. III.

(1786), and Scholia Critica in Veteris Testamenti libros

(1798).

,

AUTHORS AND BOOKS

XXI

DHM. Proph. D. H. Miiller, Die Propheten in ihrer ursprtinglichen Form,

2 vols. (1896).
Di. August DilliTiann.

Di. Theol. Handbuch der Alttestatnentlichen Theologie (1895; edited

by Kittel).
DI. Friedrich Delitzsch.

DI. Pr. or Prol. Prolegomena eines neuen Hebr'disch-Aramdischen Worter-

buchs zum Alten Testament (1886).
Y}\. HWB. Assyrisches Handworterbuch (1896).

DI. Pa. or Par. Wo lag das Paradies (1881).
DI. Hebr. Lang. The Hebrew Language (1883).
Dr. S. R. Driver, Joel and Amos (The Cambridge Bible for

Schools and Colleges; 1897).
Dr. §, A Treatise on the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew (1874; 3d

ed., 1892).
Ht. LOT. An Introduction to the Literature of the O. T. (6th ed.,

1897).
Dr. Dt. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Deuteronomy

(International Critical Commentary, 1895).
Dr. Sam. Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel (1890).

Dru. or Drus. Drusius, Commentary on Minor Prophets, in Critici Sacri:

s. doctissimorum virorum ad Sacra Biblia annott. et

tractatus (London, 1660).
Duhm, Theol. Bernhard Duhm, Die Theologie der Propheten (1875).
Dusterdieck, " Beitrage zur Erklarung des Propheten Amos, mit beson-

derer Riicksicht auf G. Baur, Der Prophet Amos"

Theologische Studien und Kritiken, 1849, pp. 869-914.

EB. Encyclopaedia Biblica, edited by T. K. Cheyne and J. Suther-

land Black. 4 vols. (1899-1903).

Ed. Meyer, GA. Geschichte d. Alterthums, Vol. I. (1884).

Eich. Eichhorn, Die Hebrdischen Propheten (1816 ff.).

Elh. H. J. Elhorst, De Profetie van Amos (1901).

Enc. Br. Encyclopaedia Britanuica.

Eph. Syr. Ephraem Syrus (t373)-

Ew. Heinrich Ewald, Die Propheten des Alten Bundes (1840;

2d ed., 1867; transl. as Commentary on the Prophets of
the Old Testament, 5 vols., 1875-81).

Ew,^ Ausfiihrliches Lehrbuch der Hebrdischen Sprache des Alten

Bundes (Sth ed., 1870).

Ew. Hist. Geschichte des Volkes Israel (3d ed., 1866), Engl, transl.

History of Israel (1871).

Exp. The Expositor, edited by W. Robertson Nicoll. (Superior

figures indicate the series cited.)

Exp. T, The Expository Times, edited by James Hastings.

xxu

PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS

Fiirst, Lex. Hebr'disches und Chaldaisches Handworterbuch iiber das

Alte Testament (3d ed., 1876).

GAS.

GAS. HG.
Geb.

Geiger,

Ges.
Ges. Thes.

GFM.
GFM. Ju.
Giesebrecht

GK.

Or.

Gr. Gesch.
Grimm, Lit.

Grot(ius),
GSG, Hist.

Gu.

Gu. Gesch. or
Gun.

H.

Hal.

Har.

George Adam Smith, The Book of the Twelve Prophets

(The Expositor's Bible, Vol. I., 1896).
Lfistorical Geography of the Holy Land (1895).
Gebhard, Gricndliche Einleitung in die zw'dlf kleinen Pro-

pheten (1737).
Abraham Geiger, Urschrift und Uebersetzungen der Bibel

in ihrer Abhaiigigkeit von der innern Entwickelung des

Judenthums (1857).
Wilhelm Gesenius.
Wilhelm Gesenius, Thesaurus philologicus criticus linguae

Hebraeae et Chaldaeae Veteris Testamenti (1829).
George Foote Moore.

Judges (International Critical Commentary, 1895).
, Beitrdge zur Jesaiakritik, nebst einer Studie iiber prophe-

tische Schriftstellerei (1890).
Wilhelm Gesenius, Hebrdische Gratnmatik v'dllig umgearbei-

tet, von E. Kautzsch (27th ed., 1902).
H. Gratz, Emendationes in plerosque Sacrae Scripturae

Veteris Testaftienti libros, secundum veterum versioties

nee non auxiliis criticis caeteris adhibitis. Fasciculus

secundus Ezechielis et Duodecim Prophetarum libros, etc.,

continens (1893).
Geschichte der Juden (1853-76).
App. Euphemistic Liturgical Appendixes in the Old Testa?nent

(1901).
Annotata ad Vetus Testamentum, Vol. II. (1644).
George S. Goodspeed, History of the Babylonians and

Assyrians (1902).
H. Guthe; when no specific reference is added, the trans-
lation of the Minor Prophets in Kautzsch's Die Heilige

Schrift (1896) is to be understood.
GVL., Geschichte des Volkes Israel (1899).

J. H. Gunning, De Godspraken van Amos (1885).

W. R. Harper, Eletnents of Hebrew Syntax (1888; 5th ed.,

1899).
J. Halevy: (i) "Le livre d'Osee," Rrjtie Semitique, X.

(1902), 1-12, 97-133. 193-212, 289-304.

(2) " Le livre d'Anros," ibid. XI. (1903), I-31, 97-121,

193-209, 289-300; XII. (1904), 1-18.
J. C. Harenberg, Amos Propheta expositus interpretatione

nova latina, etc, (1763).

AirrHORS AND BOOKS

XXlll

Hav. Havernick, Handbuch der historisch-kritiscken Einleitung

in das Alte Testament (1837; transl. 1852).

Hd. Henderson, The Book of the Twelve Minor Prophets trans-

lated fro7ii the original Hebrew, with a Commentary, criti-
cal, philological, and exegetical (1868).

Hebr. /^(?<5ra2Va, Vols. I.-XI. (1884-95); continued as ^wijrzVa;/

Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures.

Hes. Heinrich Hesselberg, Die zw'dlf kleinen Propheten ausgelegt

(1838).

Hi. Hitzig, Die zw'dlf kleinen Propheten (1838; 4th ed. by

Steiner, 1881).

Hirscht, " Textkritische Untersuchungen iiber das Buch Amos,"

Zeitschrift fur wissenschaftliche 1 heologie, Vol. XLIV.
(1903), pp. 11-73.

Ping. Hengstenberg, Die Christologie des Alien Testaments (2d

ed., 1854-8; transl. 1863).

Hoffm. Hoffmann, " Versuche zu Amos," Zeitschrift filr die Allies-

tamentliche IVissenschaft, HI. 87-126.

Holzinger, Einl. Einleitung in den Nexateuch (1893),

Horn. F. Hommel, The Ancient Hebrew Tradition as Illustrated

by the Monuments (1897).

Horn. GBA. Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens (1885).

Houtsma, " Bijdrage tot de kritiek en verklaring van Hozea," Theo-

logisch Tijdschrift, IX. (1875), 55~75'

Hux(table), Commentary on Hosea (Bible Commentary, VI., 1892).

Jarchi =

Jastrow, Rel.

JBL.

Jer.

Jew. Enc.

Jos. Ant.
JPTh.
JQR.
Jus.

Rashi = Rabbi Solomon ben Isaak (f 1 105).
The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (1898).
Journal of Biblical Literature.
Jerome (t420).

The Jewish Encyclopaedia (of which 8 vols, are now pub-
lished).
Flavius Josephus, The Antiquities of the Jews.
Jahrbiicher fiir Prot. Theologie.
The Jewish Quarterly Revieiu.
C. W. Justi, Amos neu iibersetzt und erldutert (1799).

K. E. Kautzsch.

K. DB. V. Art. " Religion of Israel," by Kautzsch, in Hastings's

Dictionary of the Bible, extra volume (1904).
KAT? Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, von Eb.

Schrader (2d ed. 1883).
KAT? Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, von E.

Schrader. Dritte Auflage . . . neu bearbeitet von Dr.

H. Zimmern und Dr. H. Winckler (1902).

XXIV

PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS

KB.

Ke.

Kenn.

Kent, Hist.
KGF.

Ki.

Kirk. Doct. or

Proph.
Kit.
Kit. Hist.

Klo.
Kno.
Ko.

Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, herausgegeben von Eb.

Schrader (1889 ff.).
C. F. Keil, Commentary on the Twelve Minor Prophets in
Keil and Delitzsch's Biblische Commentar, Vol. IV.
(1866 ; transl. 1880).
B. Kennicott, Vetus Testamentum Hebr. cum variis lecti-

onibus (1776-80).
A History of the Hebrew People, I. (1896); II. (1897).
Keilinschriften und Geschichtsforschung, von Eb. Schrader

(1878).
David Kimchi (f 1230).
A. F. Kirkpatrick, Doctrine of the Prophets (1892; 3d ed.

1901).
Rudolph Kittel.
History of the Hebrews, 2 vols. (1888-92; English transl.

by John Taylor, 1895-96).
Klostermann.

Knobel, Prophetismus der Hebraer (1837).
Konig, Historisch-kritische Lehrgebiiude der Hebr'dischen
Sprache, Vols. I.-III. (1881-97). Where there is no
indication of the volume, the reference is to Part III.,
Historisch-comparative Syntax der Hebr. Sprache {iZ^"}^.
K6. Einl. Einleitung in das Alte Testament (1893).

K6. Hauptprobleme, Die Hauptprobleme der altisr. Religionsgeschichte (1884).
K6. Stil. Stilistik, Rhetor ik, Poetik (1900).

Kue. Abraham Kuenen.

Kue. Ei7il. Historisch-kritische Einleitung in die Biicker des Alten

Testatnents (2d ed. of Dutch, 1885 f.; German, 1887-93).

Kue. Hibb, Led, National Religions and Universal Religiotis (Hibbert

Lectures, 1882).
Kue. Proph, De profeten en de profetie onder Israel. Historisch-dogma-

tische Studie (2d ed., 1875 ; English, The Prophets and
Prophecy in Israel: an Historical and Critical Enquiry,
1877).
Kue. Rel. The Religion of Israel (Dutch, 1869 f.; English, 1874 f.).

Kurtz, Die Ehe des Propheten Hosea, chaps. 1-3 (1859).

Kusznitzki, Joel, Amos, Obadja qua aetate quibus de rebus sint locuti

(Inaugural dissertation, 1872).

Lag. Paul de Lagarde.

Lag. BN. Uebersicht Uber die im Aram'dischen, Arabischen und

Hebr'dischen iibliche Bildung der Nomina (1889).
Lag. Mit. Mittheilungen, Vols. I.-IV. (1884-91).

Levy, NHWB. Neuhebr'disches und Chalddisches W'orterbuch Uber die Tal-

mudim und Midraschitn, von Jacob Levy (1876-89).

AUTHORS AND BOOKS

XXV

Linder, " Bemerkungen uber einige Stellen im Propheten Hosea,"

Theol. Studien U7id Kritiken, i860, pp. 739 ff.

Loftm. or Loft. Loftman, Kritisk undersdkning af den Alasoretiska texten
till prof. Hoseas bok (1894).

Lohr, Untersuchutigen zum Buck Amos (Beiheft zur Zeitschrift

ftir die Alttestament. Wissenschaft, IV., 1 901).

Lu. or Luth. Martin Luther.

Ma. Manger, Conim. in Hoseam (1782).

Marck, Commentarius in Duodecim Prophetas Minores (1784).

Marti, Dodekapropheton (1903).

Marti, Rel. or Geschichte der israelitischen Religion (3d ed., 1897 5 \^

Gesch. ed., 1903).

Mau. Maurer, Commentarius grammaticiis historicus criticus in

Prophetas minores (1840).
Maybaum, Pr^/A. Die Entwickelung des israelitischen Prophetenthums (1883).
McC. HPM. J. F. McCurdy, History, Prophecy, and the Monuments.

3 vols. (1895-1901).
Meinhold, Studien zur israelitischen Religionsgeschichte. I., Derheilige

Rest. Teii I., " Elias, Amos, Hosea, Jesaja " (1903).
Merc(erus), Commentarii locupletissimi in vates quinque priores, inter

eos qui minores vocantur (2d ed., 1695).
Mich. J. D. Michaelis, Deutsche Uebersetsung des Alien Testament

viit Anmerkungen fur Ungelehrte. Der erste Theil

welcher die zxvolf kleinen Propheten etithdlt {x^-jz).
Mit. H. G. Mitchell, ^OTOj, an Essay in Exegesis (1893; 2d ed.,

1900).
Miiller, SK. "Textkritische Studien zum Buche Hosea," Theologische

Studien und Kritiken, 1904, pp. 1 24-6.
Munster, Gimmentary on Minor Prophets, in Critici Sacri (1660).

Muss-Arnolt, Wm. Muss-Arnolt, A Concise Dictionary' of the Assyrian

Diet. Language (of which 16 parts, extending to iatru, are

now published).
MV. Gesenius's Hebr. u. Aram. Handworterbuch, nth ed.

(1890) by Miihlau and Volck,

New. or Newc. Newcome, An Attempt towards an Improved Version, Met-
rical Arrangement, and an Explanation of the Twelve
Minor Prophets (1836).

No. Theodor Noldeke.

Now. W. Nowack, Die kleinen Propheten ubersetzt und erklart

(Handkommentar zum Alten Testament, 1897; ^d ed.,
1903 = N0W.8).

Now. Arch, Lehrbuch d. hebr. Arch'dologie (1894).

Now.-ff- Der Prophet Hosea (1880).

XXVI

PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS

Oet. Oettli, A>7ios und Hosea. Zwei Zeugen gegen die Anwen-

du9tg der Evolutiotistheorie auf die Religion Israeli

(Beitrage zur Forderung christlicher Theologie, Fiinfter

Jahrgang, Heft 4, 1901).
01s. J. Olshausen, Lehrbtich der Hebr. Sprache (1861).

OLZ. Orientalistische Litter atur-Zeitung, herausgegeben von

F. E. Peiser.
Oort, H. Oort, (i) " De profeet Amos," Theologisch Tijdschrift,

XIV. (1880), 114-58.

(2) "Hozea," ibid. XXIV. (1890) 345-64; 480-505.
Oort {Em.), Textus Hebraici Emendationes quibus in Vetere Testamento

Neerlandice vertendo usi sunt A. Kuenen, I. Hooykaas,

W. H. Kosters, H. Oort. Edidit H. Oort (1900),
Or. Orelli, The Tivelve Minor Prophets (1888; transl. by J. S.

Banks, 1893).
Os. Osiander, Ezechiel, Daniel, Osee, Joel, Avios, Abdias, Jottas,

eic.juxta veterem seuvulgatam translationein ad Hebraeam

veritatein emendati, etc. (1579).

PA OS.

Pareus,

Paton, Hist.

PEF.

Perles,

Po.

PRE?

Preiswerk,

PSBA.
Pu.

Proceedings of the American Oriental Society.

Hoseas proph. comfn. illustr. cum transl. trip, ex Hebr. et
Chald. (1605-09).

L. B. Paton, The Early History of Syria and Palestine
(1901).

Quarterly Statements of the Palestine Exploration Fund.

Analekten zur Textkritik des Alten Testaments (1895).

Edward Pococke, A Commentary on the Prophecy of Hosea
(1685).

Realencyklop'ddie Jur protestantische Theologie und Kirche,
begriindet von J. J. Herzog;- in dritter verbesserter und
vermehrter Auflage . . . von A. Hauck (1896 ff.; 14 vols,
are now issued).

Explication des douze derniers livres prophetiques de VAn-
cien Testamefit (1841).

Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology.

E. B. Pusey, The Minor Prophets with a Commentary, ex-
planatory and practical, and Introductions to the several
Books. Vol. I. (1865).

I R., II R., Ill Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia,

R., IV R., V R. 5 vols.
Ra. or Ras. Rashi, i.e. Rabbi Solomon ben Izaak (f 1105).

Redslob, Die Integritat der Stelle Ho. y'''^^ itn Frage gestellt {\%\2),

Reu, Ed. Reuss, Das Alte Testament iibersetzt eingeleitet und

erlautert. Band II, Die Propheten (1892).

AUTHORS AND BOOKS

XXVll

RFH. Robert J"rancis Harper (see ABL.\

Riedel, Alttestanientliche Untersuchtingen, Part I. (1902), 1-36.

Ri(ehm), HBA. Riehm's Handworterbuch d. Biblischen Alterthums.
Riehm, Einl. Einleitung in das A lie Teslamenl, Vol. II. ( 1 890) .

Rob. BR? or Pal. Robinson, Biblical Researches in Falestijte, 3 vols. (2d ed.,
1874).
Rosenmiilleri, Scholia in Veins Testamentum in compen-
dium redacta ; post auctoris obilum edidit J. C. S. Lechner.
Vol. VI. scholia in prophetas tninores continens (1886).
Records of the Past (new series), Vols. I-IV. (1889-92).
Paul Ruben, Critical Remarks upon Some Passages of the
Old Testament (1896).
Riickert, Hebr'dische Propheten, ubersetzt und erl'dutert. Vol. I. ( 1 83 1 ) .

Ros.

RP?
Ru.

Sanctius, Comm. in Proph. Min. (1621).

Sayce, Bab. Rel. A. H. Sayce, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Reli-
gion as Illustrated by the Religion of the Ancient Baby-
lonians (Hibbert Lectures, 1887).

Sayce, HCM. Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments (3d
ed., 1894).

Sayce, /'a/. Pal. Patriarchal Palestine (1895).

SBONT. The Sacred Books of the Old and Neiv Testaments. A Ne^o

English Translation with Explanatory Notes and Pic-
torial Illustrations, prepared by . . . and edited, with the
assistance of H. H. Furness, by Paul Haupt.

SBOT. The Sacred Books of the Old Testament. A Critical edi-

tion of the Hebrew Text, printed in Colors 7oith Notes,
prepared by . . ., under the editorial direction of Paul
Haupt.

Schegg, Die kleinen Propheten Ubersetzt und erklart, Theil I. (1854).

Schleus. J. F. Schleusneri, Opuscula critica ad versiones Graecas

Veteris Testamenti pertinentia (1812).

Schlier, J. Die zw'olf kleinen Propheten. Ein Wegiveiser zttm Verst'dnd-

niss des Prophetenwortes fiir die Gemeinde (2d ed., 1876).

Schmo. Schmoller, Exposition of the Books of Hosea and Amos in

Lange's Bibelwerk (1872; transl. by J. F. McCurdy
[Hosea] and T. W. Chambers [Amos], 1874).

Schmidt, Sebastian Schmidt, In Prophetam Hoseam commentarius

(1687).

Scholz, Commentar zum Buche des Propheten Hosea ( 1 882) .

Schra. Eberhard Schrader (see KAT. and KB. and KGF.').

Schro. J. F. Schroder, Die kleineren Propheten Ubersetzt und

erldutert (1829).

Schultz, Theol. Old Testament Theology (1869 ; 5th ed., 1896 ; English,
1892).

XXVIU

PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS

Seb. Mark Sebok, Die syrische Uebcrsetzung d. zwolf kleinen

Propheten und ihr Verhaltniss zu dem massoretischen

Text und zu den alteren Uebersetzungen, namentlich

den LXX. und dem Targum (1887).
Seesemann, Israel und Juda bei Amos und Hosea nebst einem Exkurs

iiber Ho. 1-3 (1898).
Sellin, Beitr'dge zur israelitischen undjiidischen Religionsgeschichte

(1896 f.).
Sharpe, Notes and Dissertations upon the Prophecy of Hosea

(1884).
Sim. August Simson, Der Prophet Hosea erklart und iibersetzt

(1851).
SK. Theologische Studien und Kritiken, herausgegeben von

E. Kautzsch und E. Haupt.
Skinner, Kittgs (New-Century Bible, 1904).

Sm. R. Smend.

Sm. Pel. Lehrbuch der alttestamentlichen Religionsgeschichte (1893 ;

2d ed., 1899).
HPS. O. T. Hist., H. P. Smith, Old Testament History (1903).
SS. Siegfried und Stade, Hebrdisches Worterbuck zum Alien

Testamente (1903).
St. H. Steiner (see under Hi.).

Sta. Bernhard Stade.

Sta. GVI. Geschichte des Volkes Israel (1887-89).

Sta. §. Lehrbuch der Hebrdischen Grammatik (1879).

Sta. SBOT. The Books of Kings — Critical Edition of the Hebrew Text

printed in Colors (1904).
Sta. Akad. Reden, Ausgeivdhlte Akademische Reden und Abhandlungen (1899).
Staudlin, Neiie Beitrdge zur Erldtderung der biblischen Propheten

(1791)-
Stek. Schuurmans Stekhoven, De Alexandrijtische Vertaling van

het Dodekapropheton (1887).
Stru. Struensee, Neue Uebersetzung der Weissagungen fesaias,

Joels, A?nos, Obadja und Micha tiach dem Ebrd-

ischen Text 7nit Zuziehung der griechischen Version

(1773)-
Stuck, Hoseas Propheta. Introductionem praemisit, vertit, com-

mentatus est (182S).
S V. Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, von J. Wellhausen, Vols. I.-VI.

(1884-89).

Tay. J. Taylor, art. " Amos," Hastings's Dictionary of the Bible.

Theiner, Die zxvdlf kleinen Propheten (1828).

Theod. Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrus (t457).

T{Ji)LZ. Theologische Liter aturzeitung.

AUTHORS AND BOOKS

XXIX

Thomson, LB.

ThSt.

ThT.
Torrey,

Tott.

Tristram, NHB.
TSBA.

Umb.

Va.

Val.

Vatablus,

Volz,
Vol.

The Land and the Book ; or Biblical Illustrations drawn
from the Manners and Customs, the Scenes and Scenery,
of the Holy Land, by W. M. Thomson, 2 vols. (1859),

Theologische Studi'en. Tijdschrift onder redactie van F, E.
Daubanton en C. H. Van Rhijn.

Theologisch Tijdschrift.

(1) « On the Text of Am. 526 G--"^ 72," fournal of Biblical
Literature, XIII. (1894), 61-3.

(2) "Notes on Am. zi 6^ gis 98-10,'' j^^^'. XV. (1896),

Tottermann, Die Weissagungen Hosea^s bis zur ersten

assyrischen Deportation (/-6^) erldutert (1879).
Natural History of the Bible (1889).
Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology.

Umbreit, Praktischer Commentar iiber die kleinen Propheten,
I. (1844).

Vater, Amos iibersetzt und erl'dutert mit BeifUgung des
Hebr'dischen Textes und des Griechischen der Septua-
ginta nebst Anmerkungen zu letzterem (1810).

Valeton, Amos en Hosea (1894; German, 1898).

Commentary on Minor Prophets, contained in Critici Sacri
(1660).

Die vorexilische fahweprophetie und der Messias (1897).

K. Vollers, "Das Dodekapropheton der Alexandriner,"
Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, III.
(1883), 219-72; IV. (1884), 1-20.

We. J. Wellhausen, Die kleinen Propheten iibersetzt und erkldrt

(1892; 3ded. i898 = \Ve.8).
We. Prol. Prolegomena to the History of Israel.

We. SV. Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, Vols. I.-VI. (1884-89).

We. Hex. Die Composition des Hexateuchs und der historischen Bucher

des Alten Testaments (1889).
Wkl. H. Winckler.

Wkl. Untersuch. Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen (1892).
^V\.. AOF. Altorientalische Forschungen (1893 ff.).

Wkl. GI. Geschichte Israels in Einzeldarstellungen, 2 vols. (1895-

I9cx>).
W. Max Miiller, AE., Asien u. Europa nach Altdgyptischen Denkmdlern (1893).
WRS. Proph. W. R. Smith, Prophets of Israel (1882 ; new ed., 1895).
WRS. Sem. Lectures on the Religion of the Semites {iS8^ ; 2d ed., 1894).

WRS. OTfC? The Old Testament in the fewish Church (1881 ; 2d ed.,

1892).

XXX

Wu.

PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS

Wiinsche, Der Prophet Hosea ubersetzt und erklart, mil
Benutzung der Targumin der jiidischen Ausleger Raschi,
Aben Ezra und David Kimchi (iJ

ZA. Zeitschrift Jzir Assyriologie, herausgegeben von C. Bezold.

ZA W. Zeitschrift fiir die alttestantentliche Wissenschaft, heraus-

gegeben von Dr. Bernhard Stade.

ZDMG. Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft.

ZDPV. Zeitschrift d. deutsch. Palaestina-Vereins.

ZKW. Zeitschrift fiir kirchliche Wissenschaft und kirchliches

Leben.

ZL Th. Zeitschrift fiir Lutherische Theologie.

Z WTh. Zeitschrift fur wissenschaftliche Theologie,

Biblical passages are cited according to the Enghsh enumeration of chap-
ters and verses, except in the textual, strophical, and grammatical portions
where the Hebrew enumeration is followed.

INTRODUCTION.

A. FACTORS IN THE PRE-PROPHETIC MOVEMENT.

§ I. The Pre-prophetic Movement in General.

For a proper understanding of the place of Amos and Hosea in
connection with Hebrew prophecy it is necessary to consider
briefly the principal manifestations, during the two preceding cen-
turies, of what may be called " pre-prophetisin " ; * the basis of
this movement and its chief characteristics ; likewise its funda-
mental thought (concerning God, man, worship, life, and the
future),! as wrought out in this period. In the same connec-
tion some attention must be given to Assyria, which in these
times touches Israel so closely and exercises so marked an in-
fluence upon the development of IsraeHtish thought. J With some
of the data relating to these subjects in our possession, we shall
be better prepared to take up the subjects connected with Amos
and Hosea, viz. in each case the personal life, the message, the
public ministry ; likewise the literary form of the prophetic work,

* The distinction between prophetism proper (i.e. written prophecy) and that
out of which it sprang is important, and may be maintained by using for the latter
the word " pre-prophetism." For the same reason, we may use rtabhi' (pi. nebhi'ini)
in speaking of those (not seers) who preceded Amos. Cf. the use of the terms
Nebi'ismus and Prophetismus by R. Kraetzschmar in Prophet and Seher im Alten
Israel (1901),

t In other words, the theology of these times, as it has been preserved in con-
temporaneous writings and in tradition.

X A striking characteristic of Israel, in comparison with its sister nations, was
a readiness to receive, from the outside, contributions in the form of new institutions
and new thought. Much of this was bad and in time was lost; but much of it,
being good, was retained. The gradual accumulation and assimilation of this
outside material, under the guidance of an all-wise Providence, ultimately lifted
Israel to a position of influence in world-history.

xxxi

XXxii INTRODUCTION

the versions in which it has come down to us, and the more
important Uterature.*

The spirit of pre-prophetism was always alert and aggressive. Its manifes-
tations were frequent, strong, and of a unique character. These manifesta-
tions were factors in preparing the way for that "point in the history of
prophecy at which this great religious phenomenon rises — apparently, but
surely not really — on a sudden to a higher level" (Che. EB. 3855); in
other words, the point at which Amos and Hosea appear upon the scene of
I action. Unless a better explanation of the forward step taken at this time by
I the so-called zvriting prophets can be furnished than that which Budde (AW.
131) proposes (viz. their utter failure to impress the people by oral speech),
the question is to be regarded as a problem still unsolved.

§ 2. Pre-prophetic Participation in the Revolt of
Jeroboam I.

The participation of the nebhiHm in the revolt which resulted
in the disruption of the united kingdom may be assumed,! "o*^"
withstanding the late date of those portions of the narrative J in
which this participation is especially described.

* Much is gained in thinking of Amos and Hosea as together presenting a single
unit of thought; for, while each is in sharp contrast with the other in tempera-
ment and in message, neither, by himself, is complete. They must both be taken
to secure the whole idea.

t Kue. {^Rel. I. 198 f.) says, "The revolt of the ten tribes from the royal house
of David was undoubtedly countenanced by the prophets, especially by those of
Ephraim " ; We. {Prol. 458), declares that they " actually suggested and promoted
it"; Kit. (//m^ II. 188) says, "Jeroboam was supported in his enterprise by a
prophet, Ahijah of Shiloh "; Kent {Hist. II. 20) maintains that it was supported by
prophets who selected the leader. So also Gu. {GVI. 130-132), Wade {O.T. Hist.
313), Paton {Hist. 191). Cf. Che. {EB. 2406), who, though treating the narratives
as unhistorical, regards it as possible that Jeroboam had friendly relations with
Ahijah who lived at Shiloh, and certain that the northern prophets were on Jero-
boam's side; and contra Winckler {GI. I. 159 f, II. 273) and H. P. Smith {O. T.
Hist. 1903, pp. 177-80), who make no reference to prophetic influence; Sta. {GVI.
I. 306 f.), who declares the narratives concerning the prophets to be without
historical basis.

X There are four stories : (i) Ahijah, i K. ii29-40_ of which vs. 29-31 may be early
(so Kit. and Skinner) ; but all is considered late by Wkl. {Untersuch. 8f.), Kamp-
hausen, Benz., and Sta. {SBOT.) ; (2) Shemaiah, i K. 1222-24 dearly late ; (3) " the
man of God out of Judah " and " the old prophet at Bethel," i K. 1^^-^-, all of which
is late ; (4) the visit of Jeroboam's wife to Ahijah, i K. i^^-^^, which, if early, has
been thoroughly worked over by a later editor, the Hebrew text seeming to be a
late recension of ®,

PRE-PROPHETISM AND THE REVOLT OF JEROBOAM I. xxxiii

This assumption is based upon ( i ) the fact that the early prophets in their
intense conservatism stand opposed to every advance of civilization; cf. the
general policy of Elijah (p. xxxvi), the attitude of the Judean narrative toward
the beginnings of civilization in Gn. 4^^-^ and the opposition of Isaiah (28*'-
216-26-) jq everything that seemed to favor luxury in life ; not to speak of the
representation of this same idea by the Xazirites and Rechabites who were
closely associated with nebhVism and prophetism (p. xxxi); (2) the probabil-
ity that the spirit which later actuated Elijah (as well as Amos and especially
Hosea) in reference to the acknowledgment of other gods existed, at least
in germ, in the minds of these earlier nebhVim (so e.g. WRS. Proph. 48 ff.;
Bu. Rel. 102); (3) the consistency of this pre-prophetic action with that
of Elijah and Elisha in the conspiracy against the dynasty of Omri, as well as
with the alleged conspiracy of Amos himself (Am. 7IO-13) against Jeroboam II.,
at which time the prophetic temper was at all events regarded as revolu-
tionary ; and (4) the extreme likelihood that the prophetic stories, while late,
represent in the main a true tradition, since they, at least, indicate one school
of later opinion, the other school, led by Hosea (cf. Ho. 8* 13") regarding
the revolt or schism as a great blunder.

The effect of the disruption, in so far as the pre-prophetic
movement is concerned, appears (i) in the fact that this move-
ment takes place in the North, rather than under the Davidic
dynasty in the South,* for until the last twenty years or so before
the end of the Northern kingdom (721 B.C.) Judah produced
little or nothing except the Judean narrative (p. Ixix). This was
true in part, because (2) a much greater liberty existed in the
North, as a consequence of the failure of the Solomonic regime to
maintain in Israel the obligations which it succeeded in imposing
upon Judah ; and with this liberty, there was possible also (3) a
far greater simplicity of life than in the South ; there existed, in
fact, a more democratic atmosphere, the extreme class distinctions
being less emphasized;! while (4) there was less interference
from outside influence than would have been felt under a con-
tinuation of the Solomonic policy; likewise, (5) the disruption,

*Che. {EB. 3863), after making the words "Gilgal," " Carmel," " Ephraim,"
"Jordan," " Ramoth-gilead," etc. (as they occur in the narrative), corruptions of
the all-pervading Jerahmeel of North Arabia, and after assigning the homes of
Elijah and Elisha, as well as of Amos, to this region, says, " We cannot therefore
be certain that there were any settlements of prophets in Northern Israel."

t Meinhold (p. 25) suggests that Yahweh was the champion of every Israelite
against the despotism of Solomon, and that the nabhi', therefore, as in later times
the prophet, took the side of the deity against the despot

XXxiv INTRODUCTION

in spite of the calves of Jeroboam, contributed very largely toward
preparing the way for that ultimate separation of Yahweh from a
place among the gods of the nations, and his elevation into the
god of the heavens.* The revolt, in a word, was in some slight
sense an anticipation of the later and more radical steps taken by
Elijah and Elisha.

§ 3. The Pre-prophetic Manifestation under Elijah's
Leadership.

1. Prophetic interference in the affairs of state took place
under Elijah's leadership in the days of Ahab {ca. 875-850 B.C.).
In estimating the importance of this very notable and unique
manifestation of the pre-prophetic spirit, account must first be
taken of the different strata of material preserved. On this point
students are practically agreed.

Certain stories come from about 800 B.C., i.e. from within fifty years or
so of Elijah's own times, viz. {a) the early trouble with Ahab and the
drought ; the contest on Carmel ; and the visit to Horeb (i K. lyi-iS^^-^-S"
1 832 6_i 99 a. 116-21). (•^) the story of Naboth's vineyard (i K. 2ii-20«-27);
{/) Elijah's encounter with Ahaziah's messengers (2 K. i'-^-^. From a
period twenty-five to fifty years later comes the account of Elijah's last days
with Elisha and his translation (2 K. 2i"25). To a much later time belong
the story of Elijah's treatment of the companies sent out by Ahaziah (2 K.
i9-i8) and certain additions to the early stories (^e.g. I K. \%^h.i..z\.z'ia ig96-Ua
2i9 6. 26. 28f.. Benzinger makes 2 K. i*"* also late, and Kamphausen the entire
account, 2 K. 1^"^^). So substantially Kit., Benz., Kamphausen, Burney, and
Skinner ; but Sta. (^SBOT.) calls all the Elijah and Elisha material late except

I K. l831-32a ig96.10.11a.c. 2l206.21f.24 2 K. 2^<'-^'-^ (cf. G VL I 522, HOte) ;

Meinhold (pp. 17-21) places the stories about 750 B.C. on the ground that
such legends could not have developed in fifty years ; and Todd {Politics and
Religion in Ancient Isr. (1904), 195 ff.) minimizes Elijah's significance and
makes the entire Baal-story an allegory coming from Manasseh's times.

2. In the interpretation of these stories, the earlier, as well as the
later, must be acknowledged to show two tendencies of a decided
character. The narrator's point of view is one strongly biassed by
the attitude toward Baalism which prevailed in the times succeeding

* Cf. K. DB. V. 646 f.

PRE-PROPHETISM UNDER ELIJAH'S LEADERSHIP XXXV

Jehu. The picture of Ahab and his relation to Baalism is greatly
overdrawn, a very large legendary element having entered into it.*
Besides this, Elijah, called nabhi\ or prophet, only once in the
entire narrative (viz. i K. 18" where no other designation could
have been employed), is everywhere (especially in i K. 1 7^^* 2 K.
j9-i2 28^ represented as possessed of magical powers. f

3. But after making full allowance for these elements, we may
feel confident that Elijah represents a true historical character of
a remarkable type, and that a proof of his greatness is this very
" stupendous and superhuman " image of him here sketched. \
We are not compelled to choose between the two extreme views,
according to one of which, the prophet Elijah, while above the
level of the nebhrini of his time, is presented in greatly magnified
form, the prophets of this period having had no such prominence
as the narratives assign to them ; § while the other treats him as a
Titanic character creating a new epoch in Israel's history, to be
placed side by side with Moses himself. || His proper place may
be determined by observing certain secondary points in connec-
tion with his contest with Ahab regarding Baalism, and with
Ahab's relations to Naboth, and all of this must be studied
in the light of the issue of the whole matter as it appears in the
case of Jehu under Elisha's ministry.

Among other points, outside of the two main stories, the following should
not be overlooked: (i) Elijah {%'.$.') is not called nabhV, because even at
this time he is recognized as something different. He may not, however, be
placed in the class of the writing prophets, because, unlike them, he has left

* This is the unanimous voice of critical opinion ; cf. e.g. Kue. Elnl. § 25 ;
Kit. Hiit. II. 267; Addis, art. "Elijah," ED.; We. Prol. 292 f . ; Co. Proph. 29;
Che. EB. 3859 f.; Meinhold ; Sm. Rel.'^ 175 ff. ; H. P. Smith, O. T. Hist. 188;
K. DB. V. 655.

t This is in accordance with the earlier conceptions of nebhVism which Israel
held in common with other nations; cf. the power of Moses with his magician's
staff (Ex. 42 ff- 720 g23_ etc.), that of Joshua and his spear (Jos. 18- 20)^ and the use
of the arrow in divining referred to in 2 K. i3i5ff- See K. DB. V. 650 f. ; Sm.
Rel?- 154; Kit. Hist. II. 266 f.; Che. EB. 3856 f.

X Cf. Co. Proph. 29.

\ We. Prol. 291; Sta. GVI. I. 526 f ; Todd, op. cit. 195 ff. ; H. P. Smith, O.
T. Hist. 191 ff.; Meinhold, 1-32.

II Co. Proph. 29; Kit. Hist. II. 266 f. ; Addis, art. " Elijah," EB. ; Strachan, art.
" Elijah," DB,

XXXVi INTRODUCTION

nothing in written form ; and unlike them, he is closely associated with man-
ticism and magic. On the other hand, the facts seem to make him both seer
and nabhV. Witness the point already suggested in reference to manticism and
magic, and, in addition, the fact of his close relationship with the societies of
nebhVim, and his apparent leadership among them, his farewell visit to the vari-
ous headquarters of these societies, their strong interest in the occasion and the
manner of his final departure ; and, still further, those great characteristics
of sturdiness, strength, and courage which bespeak for him a place side by
side with the seers of the past, viz. Moses, Joshua, Samuel. (2) The sud-
denness of his appearances and disappearances, so frequently a subject of
comment (i K. 17^ 18' ff- 2 K. 2^6)^ is to be attributed to the lacunae of the
narrative, rather than to any effort upon the part of the writer to cultivate an
atmosphere of mystery.

(3) The impression of a magical personality (cf. the story of Samuel and
the witch of Endor) is conveyed, not only in the miraculous power ascribed
to him in general, but also in his special power over dew and rain (i K.
172 i8i-^i-*5), the deference paid to himbyObadiah (i K. 18^*), the use of an
extra quantity of water to prevent suspicion (18^^ *•), the physical performance
in connection with his premonition of rain (18*-"^^), the ecstatic condition
in which he ran five hours from Carmel to Jezreel (18**^), the magical power
ascribed to his mantle (19^^ cf. 2 K. 2*'i3ff), which Elisha may not resist,
and with which the waters are divided ; and especially in the account of
his marvellous translation by means of a chariot and horses of fire (2 K. 2'1^-),
a later expression of the feeling that his activity was enduring, and that his
fellowship with God was "so close that its interruption seemed inconceiv-
able " (K. DB. V. 655). In close connection with all this is (4) the strongly
pronounced nomadic spirit, which, naturally, stands opposed to everything
that indicates progress in civilization. This spirit appears in the simplicity
of his food and dress (i K. 19^- ^^ 2 K. i^), in his isolation from his fellows,
and in his opposition to the religious policy of Ahab (v.i.). Perhaps this
furnishes the explanation, also, of the sudden character of his appearances
and disappearances (^v.s.) : it is surely in accord with this that he is repre-
sented as living by the brook Cherith, which flows into the Jordan (i K.
172-''); sojourning outside of his own country at Zarephath in Phoenicia
(i K. 17^ ff); paying a visit to Horeb, after a journey of forty days and forty
nights (i K. 19^-^); and moving about from place to place (2 K. i, 2);
cf. the nomadic character of the Rechabites (p. Hi), who arose about this
time (v.i.). (5) Not a little light is thrown upon the story of pre-prophetism
by the two incidents in Elijah's life, in connection with which he left his
native land and visited foreign countries. The earlier sojourn in Phoenicia,
at Zarephath, together with the nature of the work performed, indicates, on his
part, not only the nomadic tendency (in this case encouraged, doubtless, by
fear of Ahab), but also an attitude toward non-Israelites which is broad and
liberal, in spite of the narrow and intense zeal ordinarily attributed to him ;
and besides, a leniency which meant that the hatred shown in connection

PRE-PROPHETISM UNDER ELIJAH'S LEADERSHIP XXXVU

with Baalism was not against that religion in itself, but only against its
encroachment upon the realm of Yahweh (Sm. RelP- 178; Co. Proph, 31),
who had now become recognized as, indeed, the god of the land of Israel,
although not god also of Phoenicia. The visit to Horeb (i K. 19*^), while
illustrative of many elements in the prophet's character {e.g. the longing for
solitude characteristic of the nomad, and a deep spiritual nature, as well as a
tendency to deep despondency), also calls attention to the prophet's idea of
Yahweh's original home and dwelling-place, i.e. the place in which one can
most easily secure his oracle ; and is better understood in the light of Ju. 5^
(cf. also Dt. 33^ Hb. 3^ Ps. 68*). This journey, although undertaken in a fit
of discouragement, and because of Jezebel's inimical attitude, cannot be easily
explained on any other supposition than that the nabhi', in accordance with
the general conviction, makes this pilgrimage, in the fashion of all ages, to a
place regarded as sacred from the oldest times, because there Yahweh had
dwelt in the beginning (Bu. Rel. 18 ; K. DB. V. 626 f. ; Barton, Semitic
Origins, 277 ; Sta. GVI. I. 130 ff,).

(6) The chief elements in certain situations described in the Elijah-stories
had already been anticipated in earlier history, eg. Solomon had erected
sanctuaries for his foreign wives (i K. ii^*') just as Ahab does for Jezebel
{y.i.^, and probably this constituted one of the charges in the prophetic
indictment of that monarch. Even earlier, Nathan had taken precisely the
same stand against the abuse of royal power (2 S. I2i"^^) as that taken by
Elijah in the case of Ahab. Still further, the thought of Yahweh's using
Syria (i K. igi^-i") in order to punish Israel for wrong-doing, does not, of
itself, imply that Yahweh is other than a national god, as is clear from the
presence of this same conception not only in earlier Israelitish times (Nu.
1^40 flf. Q^ Ej Jqs y [J]), but also among other nations (cf. the part played
by the gods in the fall of Babylon in the Cyrus Cylinder,* and the representa-
tions concerning Yahweh's power at the time of the Exodus [J, E], and in the
confusion of tongues at Babel [in J]; cf. Meinhold, 30 f.). On the further
bearing of this, v.i. (7) Much turns upon the exact meaning assigned
to the utterances concerning Yahweh and the Baalim in i K. iS^^- 27- 37. 31
i^xa.Rel? 178), z'.z.

4. The uncertainty of the facts in the story of Elijah's struggle
with Ahab and the priests of Baal explains, if it does not justify,
the varying interpretations which have been founded upon them.
We may consider here those points which relate to the form of

* The words of Sennacherib's general (2 K. i825 = Is. 361") might also be cited,
were it not probable that they represent a later Israelitish view rather than the
thought of the Assyrian (cf. Sta., Benz., Marti, Duhm, in loc). It is hardly likely
that the haughty Assyrian would represent himself as acting in obedience to the
command of the god of a small, despised people.

XXXVlii INTRODUCTION

the story, the actual facts as nearly as they can be determined,
and the problems raised by these facts. But since Elijah's contest
is only part (or perhaps the beginning) of the great struggle which
was closed, under the direction of Elisha, by Jehu, we shall state
the problems and reserve a decision upon them until the additional
help has been gained which is furnished by the events of Elisha's
career and a consideration of the actual denouement (pp. xlviii f.).

(i) Reference has been made to the date of the material (v.s.), as well as
to its prejudiced character. We cannot fail to note also its fragmentary form,
e.^. its failure to furnish any introduction to the story of the challenge, from
which an adequate knowledge of the events leading up to it may be obtained;
the lack, also, of the end of the story, in which one might have expected to
find out how Elijah executed the commission given him at Horeb, for surely

1 K. 1919-20 cannot be accepted as a fitting conclusion; and, still further, the
absence of anything that will throw light on the fulfilment of the prediction,
in I K. 19". Perhaps the story of Naboth was intended, as Wellhausen sug-
gests, to be the beginning of the judgment which overtook the worshippers
of Baal. (2) The facts in the story itself are not always mutually consistent,
and the statement throughout bears evidence of being too strongly colored
against Ahab. The formal charge in i K. iS^'^'^s represents him as being
actually the greatest sinner that has yet occupied Israel's throne. But every
accusation made, except that of building an altar in the house of Baal (v.^^)^
comes from the Deuteronomic period, nearly two and a half centuries later,
when the official spirit had altogether changed. Was the extension of this
courtesy to his wife worse than the similar act of Solomon ? And then, we
may not think that Ahab had altogether forsaken Yahweh, or that Yahvvism
was in so bad a state, when we learn that of Ahab's children, three (i K. 22*"

2 K. 3I 81^- 26) were given names containing the word Yahweh as one element;
that Ahab is able to find four hundred Yahweh prophets in one place, when
there is occasion for their service (i K. 22^); and that the number of those
who had not bowed the knee to Baal was seven thousand, while, on the
other hand, all of the Baal adherents are able a little later to be accommo-
dated in one house (2 K. lo-i-^s). if^ now, we add to this the statement of
Jehu that Ahab served Baal only a little (2 K. lo'^), and the evidence
that Jezebel was, indeed, a malicious and vindictive woman, we may well
suppose not only that the situation was less serious than it is represented,
but also that Jezebel, rather than Ahab, was the chief sinner. Ahab, follow-
ing the policy of David and Solomon, sought to strengthen his throne and
benefit the nation by alliance with outside powers, and did not appreciate the
full meaning of the struggle as it presented itself to Elijah. He regarded the
question as one in which the royal authority was involved, and, encouraged
doubtless by the Tyrian influence, acted accordingly (WRS. Proph. 76 ff.).
But, on the other hand, Jezebel was zealous and persistent in her efforts to

PRE-PROPHETISM UNDER ELIJAH'S LEADERSHIP xxxix

build up the Baal-party, for political as well as for religious purposes. The
Tyrian Baal-worship threatened to a greater or less degree the Israelitish
Yahweh-worship. (3) But these facts, even in this simpler and less sensational
form, represent a contest. What was the point at issue ?

The question, in general, is this : Does Elijah here draw the line
between the spiritual Israel {i.e. the seven thousand), and Israel of
the flesh, who, though of the nation, are not members of the elect,
known later as " the remnant " ? * Are the spiritual and the worldly
here for the first time brought into conflict ?t Does Elijah, then,
give evidence of a conception of God higher than any that has yet
been held ? Or, on the other hand, shall we throw out this entire
narrative of the Baal-struggle as absolutely unhistorical ; J and
understanding that it had its origin a century or a century and a
half later than was indicated above, regard it as consequently the
expression of a time not earlier than that of Amos and Hosea ?
In either case may we suppose that, after all, Elijah's position is
nothing more than Ahijah might have taken against Solomon, the
fact being that the struggle is on behalf of the old idea, viz. an
undefiled cultus, through a correct performance of which Yahweh's
demands are satisfied, § and not in behalf of the new idea, empha-
sized by the writing prophets, that Yahweh's religion was something
other than a cult ? Does Elijah represent Yahweh as about to
bring great punishment on Israel, through Syria, because of failure
to observe a pure cult, or because of ethical shortcomings ? This
is the question at issue. The answer to it is of great con-
cern in determining the value of the contribution of Amos and
Hosea.

5. The Naboth story is perhaps more significant than anything
else connected with the life of Elijah, for here there is spoken the
condemnation of governmental unrighteousness which receives so
large a notice from later prophets.

Some difficulties exist, likewise, in the form, as it is given us, of this
story (l K. 21). It is easy to see that it interrupts the connection of chaps. 20
and 22. If to this we add that in <§ it immediately follows chap. 19, and that
it has many points of affinity with the narrative in chaps. 17, 19 {e.g. the

* We. Isr. u. j'ud. Gesch.^ 54, note. t Sm. Rel."^ 177 ff.

X Sta. GVI.l. 526 ff. ; Todd, op. cit. 195 ff. § Meinhold, 24 ff.

xl INTRODUCTION

representation of Ahab as a weak man controlled by Jezebel; also the appar-
ent dependence of 2i20« upon i8"), sustaining no relation to chaps. 20, 22,
we have a fairly strong case for the order given in IS (v.s.). But now, if
we put together the fact that Elijah is being introduced again by the same
writer after his successor has been appointed (i K. ig^^^i) j the fact that the
murder of Naboth contributed more largely to the ruin of Ahab's house than
did his religious policy (Ew. HisL IV. 71, 107; Co. Frop/i. 31 ff.; Skinner, 255);
and the better understanding gained of the Carmel episode if we suppose the
murder of Naboth to have preceded it, and to have excited the feeling of the
people against Ahab (Skinner, 255 ; WRS. £B. 2670), — we are compelled to
assume either that chap. 21 originally stood between vs.i8andi9 of chap. 19,
or that it is an independent document (cf. its resemblance to 14^-^^ and the
view of Burney that it belongs to the same source as 2 K. g^-id^^).*

Keeping in mind the difficulties which the form of the story
presents, we may note in reference to its content : (a) that the
main point, rebuke of the king for an outrageous act, is the
same as that found in the Nathan-David story (v.s.), and forms
one of the principal topics in the discourses of Amos and Hosea ;
(l>) that, after all, Ahab's act was not an unusual thing for an oriental
monarch (v.s.) ; but, in this case, the ancient spirit of freedom is
again aroused (as in the days of the disruption) against a personal
despotism; (<r) that it was this crime {v.s.), rather than Ahab's
defence of Baalism, that cost him his throne, a significant fact in
the history of national ethics and of a true conception of religion.
In this same connection we may observe further : (a) the thing
which Yahweh is here represented as doing is something quite
unusual; the threat that Ahab's house is to be destroyed by a
foreign power, viz. Syria, plainly makes Yahweh something other
than a merely national god (v.i.) ; (^) the Naboth-story is to
receive practically the same interpretation, whether we suppose it

* To this may still be added the lack of harmony between chap. 21 and 2 K. 9 ;
cf. the position of Naboth's "field" in 2 K. gi^ff-, a little way from Jezreel, and
Naboth's "vineyard" close to Ahab's palace (in Samaria?), i K. 21I8, and the
variants of <B in v.i ; the visit of Ahab to his ill-gotten prize on the day after the
murder in 2 K. 926, but apparently on the same day in i K. 21 ; also, the words of
Jehu in 2 K. 9^6 tell us a fact not in i K. 21II-I6, viz. that Naboth's sons were killed.
On the basis of these and other facts chap. 21 is assigned to an independent source,
as an appendix to chaps. 17-1921, by Kue. Ein/. IH- 78; Meinhold, 12 ff.; Gunkel,
Preussische Jahrb. XXVI I. ( 1897) , 18 ff. ; Skinner ; but cf. We. Hex. 283 ff. ; WRS.,
art. " Kings," EB. 2670; Kit. 159-162; Benz. in loc.

PRE-PROPHETIG INFLUENCES IN TIME OF ELISHA xli

to have preceded the Carmel event, and to be closely connected
therewith (furnishing, in fact, the basis of that popular uprising),
or to have followed it and been entirely independent of it. In
either case it is a cry for justice to those oppressed. Upon the
whole, something tangible is gained if the two stories are joined
together ; (c) with both stories there may be connected logically
the opening message of Elijah to Ahab (i K. 17^) containing the
threat of drought ; for, after all, this is the question at issue ; Who
grants rain? Who is God? Yahweh or Baal? The chief purpose
of this threat was " to demonstrate that the God, whose servant is
Elijah, is the sole ruler of nature, against whose will no power
in heaven or earth can prevail " (Skinner) . This, in brief, was
Elijah's great message {v.s.).

§ 4. Pre-prophetic Influences in the Time of Elisha.

I. Close cooperation of the prophet with the government, a
conspiracy against the government and its overthrow by the insti-
gation of the prophet, — all this took place in the days of Elisha
{ca. 850-800 B.C.). In this we have the completion of the work
initiated by Elijah.

The portions of 2 K. concerned with the life of Elisha may be classified :

(1) 2^"25 4^-6''^^ 8^'^^ I3^'''^^j a series of early prophetic narratives of a personal
or biographical character, loosely strung together and laying special emphasis
on Elisha's activity as a wonder-worker (to be designated by the symbol E*) ;

(2) 3*"^ 62*-7^ 91-6- 11-28. 30_io27^ ^ different collection of early prophetic narra-
tives giving special attention to Elisha's influence in affairs of state and in the
campaigns against Syria and other nations (E?) ; (3) 31-^ jia-so 8I6-24. 25-29 ^7-10
iq28-31. 32-36^ ^ series of later additions chiefly from the pen of the Deuteronomic
compiler of Kings. Cf. the comm. of Kit., Benz., Burney, Skinner; and Kue.
£in/. I"- 80 ff.; We. //ex. 286-90; Addis, art. "Elisha," £B.; Dr. LOT.
196 f.; WRS. and K., art. " Kings," £B.

This material presents some of the characteristics named above, notably,
e.g^. (a) the magical element (strikingly similar, and even stronger), but there
is little or no basis for the opinion (H. P. Smith, O. T. //ist., p. 194, and
others; cf. contra, Addis, EB. 1276; Strachan, art. " Elijah," DB.; and the
comm. of Kit., Benz,, and Skinner) that the Elisha-memoirs are in large part
a duplication of those of Elijah, and consequently unhistorical. (^b) The lack
of chronological order, as well as of chronological indication; and the result
of this is to create a wrong impression of Elisha's career (cf. Addis, £^. 1276;

xlii INTRODUCTION

Strachan, DB. I. 694; Benz. 129; Kit. 185); for who really gathers from the
narrative that Elisha lived forty-five years after the revolt of Jehu? A true
conception of the case is prevented by the placing of this story at the end,
with all the anecdotes but one preceding.

2. The following points, although of secondary interest, may
not be ignored : —

(i) The first meeting, at which the call was extended (by Elijah, it would
seem, rather than by Yahweh himself),* took place at the home of Elisha's
family (which must have possessed substance ; and consequently Elisha, like
Amos, was not an ordinary nabhi'), some time after Elijah's visit to Horeb.f
perhaps six or seven years before Elijah's final disappearance, J in all a dozen
years or so before the great revolution which unseated the dynasty of Omri.
Elisha differed greatly from Elijah in appearance (cf. the phrase hairy man,
2 K. 18 [unless with Kittel, Benzinger, and Skinner, we refer this to the hairy
mantle], with the epithet bald-head, 2 K. 2^3) and in dress (cf. the mantle,

1 K. 191^, which Elisha does not seem to have worn in later life; note onja,

2 K. 4-9). He used a staff, which, with the mantle, served him in his work as
a magician. In a true sense he was a successor, since he it was who gave
political effect to Elijah's teaching, § or, in other words, faithfully and
resolutely carried out the policy of annihilating Baal and all that belonged
to Baal, which was Elijah's great legacy to the nation. || In this case there is
no exegetical nor historical sense in calling Elisha a " demagogue, conspirator,
revolutionist, and agitator " (Co, Proph. -^-^ ; the phrase " father and guide of
the Northern kingdom " (Addis, EB. 1276) seems more appropriate (p. xliv).
(2) The story of the separation is late, and exhibits some peculiarities, two or
three of which deserve mention ; e.g. how comes it that Elijah, who has
always lived a solitary life, now sustains close personal relations with the pro-
phetic societies? Perhaps he sees fit to change his habits now that the end
is coming (Ew. Hist. IV. 80) ; or does this document present a different
conception of Elijah (Skinner) ? It is, rather, EHjah's emphatic way of intro-
ducing his successor, to whom he intrusts a task so terrible in its seriousness.
The passage, therefore, has closer connection with the " Elisha-stories " than
with the " Elijah-stories." The " double portion " (2^) is not the portion
of the first-born, Dt. 21I'' (Thenius, Benz., Kit., Skinner, in loc. ; and Addis,
EB. 1277); nor may we follow the literalizing view of Sirach (that Elisha
performed twice as many miracles as did Elijah) ; ^ but rather it expresses
Elisha's desire that, having an even larger enduement of the divine spirit
than his master, he may be able to carry the struggle of Yahweh begun by

* Cf. cases of second-hand inspiration noted by Sm. Rel? 80, note,
t Addis, EB. 1276 ; cf. Skinner, 242 ; Benz. 113 ; Kit. 153 f.
+ Strachan, DB. I. 693. § WRS. Proph. 85. || Kit. Hist. II. 279.

II Ecclus. 4812, inifl NX1D So D^nflim njin mnN di:!^ ifl.

PRE-PROPHETIC INFLUENCES IN TIME OF ELISHA xliii

Elijah to a successful issue (Maybaum, Proph. 76). On the purpose of the
picture, as a whole, v.s,, p. xxxvi. (3) The fact that Elisha's habits were those
of an agriculturalist at first, and later of a city dweller (in Jericho, 2 K. 2^*,
Samaria, 6^^, Dothan, 6^^, Shunem, 41", Damascus, 8''), plays an important
part in contrast with Elijah's nomadic manner of life (p. xxxvi). It is not
enough to observe simply that here, as frequently, those are associated who
differ greatly from each other {e.g. Amos and Hosea, Isaiah and Micah) ; or
that one kind of mind is needed for initiation, another for final execution.
The case is incomplete, unless we realize the full significance, in this long
ministry of, perhaps, fifty years, of Elisha's "easy familiarity" and gentle
manners, not only when he is sought out by kings (2 K. 6"-^^ I3^*)> but also when
he is visited on new moon or Sabbath (2 K. ^^-^ by the people who trust him
implicitly. Was this demagoguery ? Then Jesus also must have been a
demagogue. Elijah's whole career was a protest against civilization. Not so
Elisha's ; but rather an example of wise and effective adjustment, in spite of
his strict religious views, to the new environment created by Ahab. This
suggests (4) other points of character which come out in connection with
some of the smaller events, such as the remarkable spirit of toleration (cf.
Elijah during his residence in Zarephath) in the advice given Naaman the
Syrian (Strachan, DB. I. 694) ; of humaneness, in his attitude toward the
Syrian captives (6^2); of intense love for Israel, in his reply to Hazael's
question. Why does my lord weep ? (8^^"^^) ; * of widely recognized sympathy,
as shown by the coming to him of widows and orphans (4^) ; of the tremendous
energy and fruitfulness of his work, if we may accept the estimate placed in
the mouth of king Joash (13^*), for had he not been more to Israel than its
chariots and horsemen ?t It will be noted that the data suggestive of these
elements in Elisha's character lie, for the most part, outside of the field of his
political activity, and the circumstances connected with the revolution, on
which v.i,

3. Nothing in prophecy, or indeed in the entire Old Testament
scripture, is more suggestive of wonderland than the stories which
recount Elisha's miracles. This idealization finds explanation in
more than a single way ; e.g. the writer thus makes expression
of the profound feeling of love and esteem entertained by the
people for Elisha, as well as of an equally profound belief in the
love of Yahweh for his people, a love exhibited in the beneficent
activity of the great representative, Elisha. Whether emphasis
is to be placed upon the first or the second of these ideas will be
determined by one's final estimate of Elisha's work as a whole.

* With the reading, Ct:''\ his face took on a fixed look of unutterable horror
(Skinner, X. ; cf. Klo., Kit.). f Addis, EB. 1278 ; Skinner in loc.

xliv INTRODUCTION

We cannot fail to make three comparisons: (i) Of these miracles with
those of Elijah (v.s. p. xxxvi) ; but here we should regard EHsha's miracles
neither, on the one hand, as grotesque and vulgar in so far as they are not
pure imitation, and as altogether lacking in sanctification and grandeur,* nor,
on the other, as something altogether ideal and above criticism of any sort.f

(2) Of Elisha's relation to Samaria during the Syrian wars, with Isaiah's
relation to Jerusalem in 701 B.C. during Sennacherib's invasion; but in making
this comparison, we must remember that a century and a half full of good
teaching for Israel has elapsed, and that while Elisha, as a matter of course,
appears to less advantage than does Isaiah, it may well be questioned whether,
upon the whole, the latter event was more critical than the former, and
whether, likewise, the doctrine of Zion's inviolability established in connec-
tion with Isaiah's preaching in 701 B.C. was not far more injurious to the
Israel of the future, both ethically and politically, than the severe and, indeed,
terrible measures apparently sanctioned by Elisha in the uprooting of Baalism.

(3) Of Elisha's miracles with those of Jesus Christ; were they not of the
same general character ? Omitting the treatment of the children slain by
bears, do they not represent the single idea of beneficence, that is, love ?
From no other source does prophecy receive a contribution which so defi-
nitely represents or anticipates the Christlike element (Addis, £B. 1277).
Surely this thought of love is a new idea in Israel's religion. But is it just to
attribute it to Elisha ? His life and work furnished the conception. Even if
the stories are very late, and even if little historical fact may be found in them,
they, at all events, reproduced Elisha's character as it appeared to the people
of his own times and of those that followed.

Much in these miracles relates to the pre-prophetic societies (§ 5). Elisha
was strengthening and developing these societies for purposes of propaganda
(Che. £B. 3863). These societies were capable of exercising great influence
on Israel. This method of warfare was more diplomatic than that of Elijah.
It does not mean, however, that Elisha lacked courage (2 K. 3'^*')' ^^ ^^
probable that in view of his feeling toward Joram, he did not use his house in
Samaria to any great extent until after Jehu's accession, but lived much of
the time with the societies. This work was to have great significance in the
further development of prophecy.

4. The political activity of Elisha is full of interesting problems,
(i) Pre-prophetisrn, acting through him, now controlled the state.
He was not merely an adviser like Isaiah. He was himself an
active participant in the affairs of administration, " a decisive
power in court and camp " (Addis, EB. 1277). In this he followed
the example of a// his predecessors. The time had not yet quite

* So Co. PropA. 33 ; of. Addis, EB. 1277.
t So most of the older commentators.

PRE-PROPHETIC INFLtJENCES IN TIME OF ELISHA xlv

come for the introduction of a new policy, viz. that of non-inter-
ference except in so far as moral suasion might exert an influence.
(2) His relations with foreign kings and potentates are of a re-
markable nature. They seek him out. His reputation must have
been widespread. Meinhold is right in pointing out that Well-
hausen underestimates the influence of the prophets in these
times. It is quite inconceivable how certain writers * count Elisha
as of so small a value to Israelitish thought. Greater justice is
shown him by others.f

(3) The account of the Moabite campaign of the king of Israel (2 K. 3*"^)
with his vassal kings of Judah and Edom possesses for us a larger interest
even than that vifhich its relation to the well-known Mesha inscription (a
voucher for the historicity of this story) occasions, J because, being evidently
from the series of political stories (p. xli), it assigns to Elisha an important role
as political adviser, and, besides, refers to certain facts in connection with the
prophet which aid us in formulating our estimate of him. We observe (a) the
custom of making inquiry of the nebhi'im concerning war (cf. I K. 22^*^), and
when we recall the times of Saul and the beginning of the work of the
nebhi'im, we find ground for the supposition that the primary aim of these
dervishes was to awaken the spirit of the nation for purposes of war (Schwally,
Semiiische Kriegsaltertumer,\.{\()0\),\Ol^.\ K. Z*^. V. 653) ; but (<^) Eli-
sha being discovered in the camp, the mere mention of his relation to Elijah
(as the pourer of water on the hands = servitor) gives him standing in the
eyes of the king of Judah, who in I K. 22 seems not to have known the
Northern prophets. There is to be noted next (c) the statement of the king
of Israel (v.^^) which implies that the kings, in this case as in I K. 22,
have undertaken this expedition by prophetic advice for which Yahweh
was responsible; but {d') Elisha, following Elijah's policy, will have no
dealings with the king of Israel (whichever king it was) § ; for the sake,
however, of Judah's king he will speak. But he cannot speak except in trance,
and so {e) as was his custom (htii, and it used to be, is frequentative), he asks
for a musician (v.^^) in order by the influence of music to excite himself into
the ecstatic condition. This act, attested by I S. 10^, alluded to frequently
in Arabian Hterature (WRS. Proph. 392), and recognized to-day as a powerful
incentive to religious emotion (cf. the influence of music on Saul's evil spirit,
I S. 1 61^), seems to bear witness to three things : that Elisha {contra Elijah)

* Co., Sta., H. P. Smith, Marti.

t E\v., WRS., Addis, Gu., Meinhold, Sm., Kit.; K. DB. V. 655 f.

X Mesha's inscription relates to the revolt in which he secured independence
from Israel. The campaigfn of Jehoram seems to have been an unsuccessful
attempt to reduce Moab to submission again.

§ Cf. comm. on 2 K. 3^ and ©L's substitution of Ahaziah for Jehoshaphat.

xlvi INTRODUCTION

is in close companionship with the nebhVim; that, while the spirit of Yahweh
takes hold of Elijah spontaneously, artificial means are resorted to in Elisha's
case ; and that consequently he belongs rather with those that preceded him in
the prophetic work {i.e. a lower order) than with those who followed {i.e. Amos
and Hosea). The first of these all will accept; but are the other inferences
strictly legitimate ? May not this act in his case have been merely the con-
ventional way of announcing the oracle ? Is it really any more derogatory to
his standing as a prophet than the ecstatic visions of Amos or Isaiah or Jere-
miah or Ezekiel {v.i.') ? (/) The method adopted to secure water (vs.i^^^)
was adapted to the possibilities of the locality (known for its sand-pits) ; cf.
the plagues of Egypt, {g) The evident recognition (3^^-27) of the efficacy
of the sacrifice of the king's own son to Chemosh is of interest in fixing the
theological point of view of the writer.

(4) Evidence of Elisha's political activity is seen, still further, in the stories
of the healing of Naaman (5^"^^), of the entrapping of the Syrians in Samaria
(58-23^^ of the siege of Samaria by Ben-hadad (6-*-72''), with each of which
important difficulties are connected ; * but, in general, they show the high
esteem in which Elisha was held by all classes of men, his international as well
as national reputation, his almost unlimited influence at home and abroad,
and, at the same time, the great breadth of his mind, and his entire devotion
to the nation's God, Yahweh. We may not go so far as to infer that Elisha's
international greatness and his international relations furnished the basis for
the idea of an international god, which, in turn, prepared the way for Ames's
position taken in chaps. I and 2; yet the high character of his work must be
recognized.

5. The great revolution instigated by Elisha and executed by
Jehu, described in 2 K. 9, 10, is one of the most important events
in Israel's history; this importance relates to the political situation,
but also, and especially, to the history of the pre-prophetic move-
ment, the relation, in that movement, of both Elijah and Elisha to
the history of Israel's religion. This revolution placed on the throne
the dynasty under which Amos and Hosea (in part) did their work.
That Omri's dynasty had greatly strengthened Israel at home ^.nd
abroad is universally acknowledged. t That seed was sown in this
revolution, which in the end proved Israel's ruin, has not been
denied since Hosea (i'*) first announced it. We may call Jehu
ambitious and bloodthirsty, and, since he undoubtedly believed

* E.g. the latter event is assigned to the reigns of Ahab (Benz.), Jehoram (We.;
H. P. Smith, O. T. Hist. 196), Jehoahaz (Kue. Einl. I"- 81 f.).
t Kit. Hisi. II. 262; We. Prol. 458 f.; Sta. GVI. I. 518, 522.

PRE-PROPHETIC INFLUENCES IN TIME OF ELISHA xlvii

himself to be acting for and in the name of Yahweh, a fanatic*
Sacred history fails to furnish a more ghastly series of official mur-
ders, beginning with the shooting of Jehoram in his chariot, and
closing with the horrible blood-bath of the Baal-worshippers in the
temple. But there was prophetic precedent for the revolution,
and the total destruction of the royal house, when dethroned,
has been the regular routine in all Oriental revolutions.! Al-
though by the revolution there was gained a destruction of the
Baal cult, and although it was strictly in accord with Oriental
policy, from the political point of view it was a blunder. J

It is more difficult to reach a decision as to the meaning of this
event in connection with the pre-prophetic movement, and of the
role played by the individual prophets. Apparently no great fault
has ever been found with Elijah because of his share in it, and
yet it was he who conceived and initiated the movement, indi-
cated the exact lines of its execution, and selected specifically
the agents who were to complete its execution. On whom, then,
rests the responsibility ? If one may judge Elijah's character by
the impression which it produced upon his contemporaries and
upon those immediately following him, he himself would have
done, in detail, just what Jehu did; for did he not (i K. 18*")
actually slay the prophets of Baal (four hundred and fifty)? Did
he not foretell the awful events which were to rid Israel of Baalism

On the other hand, severe criticism has been meted out to

* Comill's characterization is too strong, viz. " one of the most contemptible
characters known in the history of Israel" {Proph. 33).

t Cf. Ju. 95 I K. is^'* 16II ; the Panammu Inscription from Zinjirli, line 3, men-
tions a slaughter of seventy kinsmen of the king in a conspiracy against the throne.
Che. ED. 2355.

+ Sta. GVI.\. 545; Gu. GVI. 178; Co. Proph. 33.

§ Bu. (^Rel. 122), concerning the reason for the prophets' support of Jehu, says :
" There can be no doubt that the reason why Jehu was made the candidate of the
prophets for succession to the throne was that he was known as a zealot for the
pure worship of Yahweh. For this reason alone we might be sure that he and his
successors were unremitting in their zealous endeavor to maintain the worship of
Yahweh in Israel pure and uncontaminated. This inference is fully confirmed —
if we may trust the popular tales of the Second Book of Kings — by the fact that
for full two generations the prophet is found firmly established alongside the king,
as the bulwark of the throne." Cf. also K. DB, V. 653.

xlviii INTRODUCTION

Elisha, who, it is maintained, is scarcely to be justified for his
participation in the deeds of Jehu, even from the point of view of
his own times.* It is suggested that he was entirely deceived as
to Jehu's character ; f or, in any event, though meaning well, lived
on that lower plane of religious Hfe which, as in the case of the
patriarchs, did not forbid intrigue and bloodshed. J Now, in
making our estimate of Elisha, let us recall (a) the lack of any
word of disapproval from the pen of the narrators ; {^) the won-
derfully beautiful character portrayed by these writers, in which
the features especially emphasized are humaneness, tenderness,
compassion, and love, — the very opposite of those ascribed to
Elijah (who can imagine Elisha as suggesting or favoring the
policy of Jehu, except under the constraint of a controlling reli-
gious conviction?); (c) the strangely solemn circumstances of his
appointment to office, and of his reception of Elijah's legacy; (d) the
opinion of Joash, when Elisha's life is just closing, a strong testi-
mony in favor of its magnificent value, while the estimate of Hosea
is to be treated as we treat the anachronistic utterances of other
prophets whose judgments concerning earlier events are deter-
mined by the sympathies and antipathies of a later age.

With these points in mind, the question briefly stated is this :
Was the rehgious crisis one of sufficient magnitude to justify the
revolution? We do not wish, in any sense, to justify the intrigue
and bloodshed connected with the revolution.

6. It remains to present, in the form of propositions, the answers
to the questions that have thus far been raised (cf. pp. xxxviii ff.
and xliv f.), all of which pertain to the significance of the revolution
in connection with the progress of Israel's rehgion.

(i) The contest, initiated by Elijah and completed by Jehu
under Elisha's direction, was one for which the higher prophetism
of the period (860 to 800 B.C.) was responsible. It signified for
pre-prophetism a great victory, and lifted it higher than it had
before reached.

(2) The contest was a struggle, not so much with the old
Canaanitish BaaUsm, which had largely disappeared, but with

* Co. Prof A. 33 ; Addis, £B. 1278.

t Cf. Kent, Hisi. 11. 68. J Kent, /oc. cit.

THE PRE-PROPHETIC SOCIETIES xHx

Phoenician Baalism, a new form of syncretism which, in view of
all the circumstances, involved far greater danger to the interests
of the Yahweh-religion (v.s.)*

(3) The point at issue was nothing more nor less than that of
Yahweh's existence ; it was not simply that of giving him a lower
place, but rather of his complete rejection ; f for if Baalism had
conquered, Yahwism would sooner or later have disappeared, just
as BaaHsm disappeared after the victory of Yahwism.

(4) The conception of Yahweh which the prophets represent is
higher than that of the past. For them he is, to be sure, a
national God, but he sustains relations also to other nations, and
exercises over them a large controlling influence. This is moving
in the direction of an international God, although it has not
reached that point.

(5) The religion for which they contend is something other
than a cult such as had existed in the past, but with its corruption
eliminated. J It may be elected or rejected. It is one which
makes ethical demands. Its ideal life for men is that of sympathy
and love.

(6) The distinction is now for the first time drawn (though very
vaguely) between the spiritual and the worldly, in other words
between a true spiritual religion and nature-worship. §

The content of these propositions prepares the way for an
examination of other pre-prophetic influences which antedated the
work of Amos and Hosea ; but before it receives a final formu-
lation it requires a consideration of the other influences.

§ 5. The Pre-prophetic Societies.

I. The pre-prophetic societies constitute a phase in the devel-
opment of pre-prophetism which bears closely on later prophecy.
Omitting many points which do not stand in close relationship
with the later development, the following may be regarded as
the essential features for our immediate purpose, viz. (i) the
numbers of the ned/it'i'm, including the closely related sects of the
Nazirites and Rechabites ; (2) the general purpose, character, and

* K. DB. V. 647. fConfra Sm. i?^/.2 155 ; but cf. Meinhold, 28.

'I Contra Meinhold. § Contra Meinhold; but cf. Sm. Rel."^ 177 ff. ; We.

1 INTRODUCTION

habits of these associations ; and (3) the question of their origin,
their external and internal relations, and their place in history and
prophecy*

2. That these societies represented a large movement (whether
patriotic, or religious, or both) is clear from the great numbers of
nebhVim referred to (viz. the one hundred hidden by Obadiah,
I K. 18^; the four hundred in conference with Ahab, i K. 22^;
the fifty or more residing at Jericho, 2 K. 2'-^^), as well as the
citation of some by name,t among whom we must select Micaiah
ben Imlah for special mention, since a true estimate will place
him side by side with Elijah and EUsha, and, in some respects,
above both. These numbers signify not only deep interest in
Yahweh-worship, but also an intense excitement because this
worship was in danger from the Baalism of Tyre.

The failure of E^, which describes the public activity of the
nebhVim, to make any definite reference to the societies (but
cf. 2 K. 9^ = EP, and i K. 20^, probably late), as well as the
silence of E'' concerning any public activity on their part, is not
to be interpreted either as destroying the value of the represen-
tations made in each (for the narratives need not be taken as
mutually exclusive J), nor as giving special weight to the opinion
that the life of the societies was exclusively retired and devoted to
worship and meditation, or, on the other hand, that it was largely
public. As a matter of fact, it was both, the two narratives pre-
senting different phases of the life of the nebhVim.

From the lack of any mention of the societies between the days
of Samuel and those of Elijah and Elisha, a period of more than
one hundred and fifty years, we may not assume that with the pass-
ing of the PhiHstine struggle they had died out and were later
revived by Elijah. Against this may be urged, not only the num-
bers just mentioned, but also the standing which they had in
Ahab's time as an order that must be consulted (i K. 22^''),

* The most satisfactory treatments of this subject will be found in Kue. Proph-
ets and Prophecy, 46 ff., and Rel. I. 193-202, 316 ff. ; WRS. Proph. 85 f., 389-392;
GAS. I. 20-30; Maybaum, Die Entwickelung d. isr. Propkeientkums (1883), 30-
59 ; Da., art. " Prophecy," DB. IV. 109 f. ; Bti. Rel., 93-103; K. DB. V. 652 ff.

t Viz. Micaiah and Zedekiah, i K. 22iiff- ; Jehu, i K. 16I.

X Cf. K. DB. V. 656 f. ; note also the failure of the Elijah stories to mention the
societies.

THE PRE-PROPHETIC SOCIETIES li

This, silence may be accidental, or it may be due to the frag-
mentary and incomplete character of the narratives as they have
come down. So few are the names of preexilic writing prophets
preserved in the historical narratives (Isaiah alone, and in Je.
26^^^-, Micah) * that, but for the preservation of their utterances,
one might deny their very existence.

In addition to the many nebhVim, named and unnamed, and
the societies which are so marked a feature of the times, cognizance
must be taken of two sects, perhaps orders, viz. the Nazirites
and Rechabites, the members of which, while not reckoned as
nebhVim, share to some extent their ideas and their work as ser-
vants of Yahweh.

The Nazirites (pp. 56 f.), rarely mentioned, were individuals especially
consecrated to Yahweh, the consecration taking the form of a vow or dedi-
cation in which some restriction was assumed (^e.g. in the case of Samson,
his unshorn hair, the possession of which secured to him Yahweh's spirit ;
note also the obligation placed upon his mother, during pregnancy, in refer-
ence to wine and unclean food). We are not here interested in the later
codification (Nu. 62-8- 13. 21^^ but two things seem very suggestive : {a) the
fact that Samson's Nazirate involved exhibitions of great strength against
Israel's enemies, and was, in fact, a vow of abstinence solely for warlike
purposes.! Was this perhaps the motive that led also to the organization
of the bands of 7tebhiHm (v.i.)7 (<5) The reference of Amos (2^'*') to Nazi-
rites, in parallelism with prophets, who had been caused to drink wine, a sin
as great as that which was committed in forbidding the prophets to prophesy.
From this we must infer that the prohibition of wine (which was regarded
by all nomadic tribes as a luxury belonging to agricultural life, J and was, like
sensuality, a part of the routine of Baal-worship §), as well as that of cutting
the hair was, at one time or another, the restriction assumed in the con-
secration; but further, that this service was one which, like the prophetic
service, received Yahweh's approbation and was worthy of being cited along
with it. Whether, now, this abstinence represented merely a service in war,
uninterrupted by periods in which one yields himself to pleasure, that is, an
absolutely unbroken service, || or rather (as with the Rechabites, v.i.) a
sworn protest against Baalism (wine being a special product of Baal's land),

* Bu. Rel. 103.

t Now. ArcA. II. 134 ; Schwally, Setnit. Kriegsaltertiimer , I. loi ff. ; K. DB. V.

657 f.

t WRS., Proph. 84, 389; Schultz, Theol. I. 163; Kue. Rel. I. 316 f.

§ Cf. also the attitude of the ancient Greeks, and of Mohammedans to-day.

II Schwally, loc. cit. ; K. loc. cit.

lii INTRODUCTION

the general meaning is the same ; for in both cases the purpose is protest,
that is, consecration to war.

Another society or sect which seems to have been prominent in these
times was that of the Rechabites, who appear and disappear in Israelitish
history almost mysteriously. Assuming * that the Jehonadab whom Jehu
took up into his chariot and thus joined with himself in his bloody work for
Yahweh (2 K. loi^^) was the Jonadab cited in Jeremiah, chap. 35, as the
ancestor of the Rechabites, who prohibited to his descendants the drinking
of wine, we may make three assertions : (a) in Elisha's times a sect or family
or perhaps order existed, pledged not to drink wine (the symbol of a cor-
rupted civilization), not to engage in agriculture or in the building of homes
(that is, pledged to the primitive nomadic life) ; ((5) this pledge was made in
the service of Yahweh (cf. the names of those whom Jeremiah brought into a
chamber of the temple, all of which end with Yah, and also Jeremiah's closing
words, viz. that for Yahweh's service there shall always be sons of Jonadab) ;
(c) the life of this society was a protest against luxury, intemperance, and
idolatry, and against the Canaanitish civilization of the times; and was a
reaction toward the primitive simplicity of Israel. We may leave unsettled
the question whether this order was founded on the model of the Kenites f
(cf. I Ch. 2^, Ju. i^^, I S. 15^), or was really a family descended from them.
" They represented in either case a type of anchoritism " (Kautzsch) which
was closely related in form, and especially in spirit, to that of the nebhi'im
and the Nazirites, the three together constituting a comparatively new and
extraordinary propaganda for the old-fashioned idea of Yahweh as the god
of the desert, and of storm and battle, — an idea which carried with it sim-
plicity both of life and of cult.

3. A few points relating to the general character and the habits
of these prophetic associations deserve consideration.

(i) While in Samuel's time these societies were bands of men
roving from place to place (probably in order to draw others into
their association by the contagion of their enthusiasm), in Elisha's
time, they had adopted, more or less fully, a settled mode of life,
their residences being at great sanctuaries like Gilgal (2 K. 4^*),
Bethel (2 K. 2^), or at pohtical centres like Samaria, bands of fifty
or more living together (2 K. 2^), and sometimes at a common table
(2 K. 4^), while some among them were married (2 K. 4^).

(2) Samuel, although a prominent adviser, was probably never
really a head (notwithstanding i S. 19^), and surely never lived

* So Bu. Rel. 120; Sm. Rel.'^ 152 f. ; K. DB. V. 659.

t Bu. Rel. 20, 30, and New World, 1895, p. 729; cf. Ew. Hist. IV. 79; Schra.
BL. V. 46; Sm. Rel."^ 93 f. ; K. DB. V. 659.

THE PRE-PROPHETIC SOCIETIES liii

with them (i S. 19^*), unless Naioth means "dwellings" ; * while it
was a common custom for them to sit before (2 K. 4^, cf. 6^) Elisha,
as disciples before a master.

(3) These associations have been improperly termed " schools "f
since the members are already engaged in public work, and some
of them are married, while no phrase occurs which would justify
the use of the word. Moreover, the idiom of the title, sons of the
nebhVwi, together with Semitic usage, requires the conception of
guilds or corporations. Nevertheless, we are warranted in sup-
posing that instruction was imparted (cf. 2 K. 4^ 6^) ; and proba-
bly the prophetic technique and nomenclature which Amos found
in existence had its origin among them. \

(4) The members of the association did not prophesy as indi-
viduals, but jointly in a body, and in their processions (i S. 10^)
they were, in fact, conducting a kind of public worship at the
various high places or sanctuaries (cf. Is. 30^).

(5) The ecstasy (i S. ig^^^*) was the physical and psychological
condition § in which they performed their service, "the hand of
Yahweh" (i K. 18'"' 2 K. 3^^) being upon them; and this "holy
frenzy," which was frequently induced by music (cf. especially the
case of Elisha), passed, according to E (Nu. ii'^-^^), in part,
from Moses to the seventy elders, and lifted them into the condi-
tion of ecstasy. Still further, it may be inferred from i K. 20*^
that the nebhVim bore a peculiar mark, which distinguished their
service. ||

(6) In Samuel's time this uprising had its occasion in the PhiUs-
tine crisis, when Israel's existence was threatened, and the result

* So Schultz, Theol. I. 241; WRS. Proph. 392; and most of the older com-
mentators ; but nij denotes a pastoral abode, and is hardly appropriate as a desig-
nation for a prophetic residence. Moreover, the absence of the article here counts
against any appellative signification. It is now generally taken as the name of some
locality in Ramah, the precise meaning being unknown. See especially, Dr. Sam.
I24f.,andart." Naioth," Z?i5; H. P. Smith and Bu. on i S. 19I8; Che., art. " Naioth,"
EB; BSZ.,and BDB.

t By Ew. Hist. III. 49 f. ; Da. DB. IV. 109; Kue. Rel. I. 19s; but v. WRS.
Proph. 85.

X So Da. DB. IV. 109 ; cf. K. DB. V. 656.

\ Bu. Rel. 100 f. ; Che. EB. 3872 f. ; Giesebrecht, Die Berufsbegahung d. alttest.
Propketen, 38-72.

II Kraetzschmar, Prophet u. Seher im alt. Israel, 9 ; K. DB. V. 656.

liv INTRODUCTION

was "a national religious enthusiasm," which again came forward,
perhaps more strongly, in the crisis of the Tyrian Baalism in the
times of Elijah and Elisha. These national disasters are the
expression of Yahweh's anger; hence the reaction in the form
of patriotic spirit, in other words, the spirit of battle.

(7) That Saul is thought to be insane, Elisha's messenger "mad"
(2 K. 9") ; that the word STtsn, to prophesy, means literally to drop
{sc. foaffi), i.e. to foam at the mouth; and that the insane were
looked upon in all Semitic antiquity with respect and awe as being
controlled by demons (cf., e.g., David at the court of Achish,
I S. 21^-*^), — all point to the presence of a large element of
superstition upon the subject of prophecy, and also show its emo-
tional and ecstatic character. With these facts before us, we may
conclude in general that the spirit of these associations, while
intense and upon the whole correct, was nevertheless as narrow
as it was intense, as crude as it was correct ; and that it partook
largely of the spirit of the four hundred and fifty Baal-prophets,
an association of very similar nature (z'./.).

4. The questions of their origin, their external and internal relations, are
of great interest. (l) Concerning the origin we actually know little, but
certain points may be grouped for consideration : The character of ancient
Semitic life {v. e.g. WRS. Sem. ; We. SV. III.; Barton, Sketch of Semitic
Origins ; Lagrange, Etudes sur les religions semitiijues), especially as seen in
its purest form in Arabia,* was but slightly changed in these early days of
Israel ; and Palestine, like Arabia, with its desert life, its compulsory fasts
(" in which the soul easily detaches itself and hunger lends the mind a curious
passion, mixed of resignation and hot anger " [GAS. HG. 29 ; cf. Schultz,
Theol. I. 102 ff.]), its habit of continuous war, its uniformity of religious life
(growing out of the exclusive attention to a tribal god), was well fitted to
produce and develop fanaticism, as is shown by every century of past history,
and by the presence to-day in the Mohammedan world of the dancing and
howling dervishes, who, by a peculiar life and in strange ecstatic cries, seek
to secure and to express their religious exaltation. Amid such surroundings
the religious feeling, if at all awakened, becomes intense, and tends to an
" entire self-surrender," which finds concrete expression in a frenzied state,
that sometimes involves self-mutilation, human sacrifice, and the tribute of
maidens (Schultz, Theol. I. 104).

* Every year since the work of WRS. brings Israel into closer relationship with
Arabia; cf. the recent opinions of Barton, op. cit. 287 ff. ; S. I. CnrWss, Pritnitive
Semitic Religion To-day ; and Che.'s Jerahmeelite hypothesis in EB., CB., and
elsewhere.

THE PRE-PROPHETIC SOCIETIES Iv

(2) The presence of Baal-prophets among the Tyrians, together with the
facts that most of the growth in Israel's ritual (and especially that of mantic
and sorcery) came from the Canaanites, and that the idea of prophets or
nebhVim first appeared at this time, leads us to suppose that the pre-prophetic
societies also were originally Canaanitish.* The occurrence of the word nabhi'
in Phoenician, as well as in the Assyrian Nebo (= Hermes), points in the
same direction. The Israelites, observing the prophesying (that is, the trans-
port and frenzy) of the Canaanitish worshippers, adopted it, as they adopted
many other rites (cf. the view that Yahweh himself was a Canaanitish god
adopted by Israel; so Land, T/iT. II. 160 ff.; Wkl. Babel- Bibel und Bibel-
Babel; but v. Kue. Rel. I. 398 ff.; Ko. Neue kirchl. Zeitschrift, XIII. 828-
883). This, of course, implies merely that the external form, as in the case of
circumcision, was taken by the Israelites, for within a short time it was spirit-
ualized. The connection of all this with the spirit of war developed by the
Philistine oppression has already been noted. Cf. I S. 10^, in which Saul is
represented as entering into the state of frenzy at the very place in which the
garrison (so AV., RV.), or pillar (so @, Thenius, Dr., Kit.; K. DB. V. 653),
or administration (so H. P. Smith, BDB.) of the Philistines was placed.

(3) While in the earliest times, priest, seer, and nabhi' were one, they now
begin to differentiate. But, until later, the relation of priest and prophet was
very close, as, in these early days, was that of priest and seer (cf. Samuel, and
the Arabic kahin, denoting seer, or soothsayer, probably, in early times, one in
charge of a shrine). In later days, when there seems to have been antagonism
between priest and prophet, this difference existed, not so much between the
two orders, as between the priestly order and individual prophets who had
risen above their fellows, and represented the prophetic order in general as
being on the same low level with the priests (cf. WRS. Proph. 85, 105 ff.). In
Isaiah's time a priest (8^) was selected to witness concerning a prophecy, while
Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and other prophets of later times were themselves priests.
It is probable, therefore, that in the early times the nebhi'im were closely
associated with the priests (McCurdy, HPM. § 488, note), as was true of the
priests and prophets of Baal, and in Judah ; cf. Je. 20'- 2 with 29^ Lam. 2^'
(z/.t.). The bearing of this upon the attitude of Amos and Hosea is significant ;
cf. Am. 710-1" Ho. 4*-9 5I 69.

(4) The unity, or joint action, of the nebhVim has been mentioned (z/.j.).
This was an essential element in their strength. Elijah and especially Elisha
seem to have worked harmoniously with the various societies, although they
stood far above them. In Elisha's own days, however, there lived a man who
stood above and against his {t\\ov}-7iebhPim, and to whom the word prophet
in its later and higher usage might well be given. This was Micaiah ben
Imlah, whose story is told in i K. 22^ *f^- (EP).t The essential point for us in

* K. DB. V. 653 ; Co. Propk. 13 f. ; Kue. Rel. \. 216 f., 317 ; Toy, New World,
V. 139; contra Schultz, Theol. L 240 f. ; K6. Offenbarungsbegriff d. A. T.\. 63 ff.
t This is not firom the narrative which furnishes the Elijah-stories, but from the

Ivi INTRODUCTION

this story is neither (a) the large number of prophets living at the time,* nor
(F) the fact that the word of Yahweh is called for through the body of
prophets as if it were a matter of regular routine; nor (c) the fact that their
advice is asked in reference to a matter of war, and that they return a unani-
mous answer. These things are interesting, but they do not constitute the
essential element, which is (a^) that Micaiah (who not infrequently prophesied
in opposition to the king's wishes, and was for that reason obnoxious to him),
when sent for, delivers a message which is remarkable in the history of pre-
prophetism. The position taken by Micaiah in opposition to the others
deserves notice, since he is the first to break the unity which had thus far
existed, — "a cleavage in the ranks of the prophetic body, which runs through
the whole subsequent history of the movement" (Skinner, in loc). The
significance of this cleavage is enhanced by certain features in the narrative,
viz. the attitude of the king (already mentioned) (v.^); the earnest effort
made by the messenger to bring Micaiah into harmony with those who have
already spoken (v.i^); the symbolical action of Zedekiah to corroborate and
support the prediction of the four hundred (v.^^) ; the statement of Micaiah
that he will speak what Yahweh has sent to him (v.^*) ; and his first utterance,
which, after all, is identical with that already given, and promises success (v.^^).
This was probably a piece of irony, and was so recognized by Ahab. When
adjured to speak the whole truth, and with the background thus indicated, he
announces two visions, the first, a prediction of Ahab's death, and without
special interest ; the second, a vision in which (a) he distinguishes between
Yahweh on the one hand, and on the other a spirit, evidently recognized as a
superhuman power, which produces the prophetic ecstasy; (/3) he clearly
recognizes the independence of this agent, but this spirit, we are told, be-
comes a lying spirit in the mouths of the nebhVim, and thus deceives them ;
(7) he thus makes two strange representations, viz. that he, Micaiah, rather
than the spirit, knows the will of Yahweh ; and further, that the falsehood
which the four hundred have just spoken is to be charged, not "to the imper-
fection of its human medium," but to the superhuman agent acting with
Yahweh's approval (K. DB. V. 656 ; Che. EB. 3859). In all this, however,
it is to be understood that (5) he takes a position far above the ordinary
nebhVim, that knowledge comes to him which they do not share; in other
words, that there are grades, or ranks, in the order, some higher and others
lower. These " lower " or " narrow " or " false " prophets are thus pointed out
even at this early time, although they are still understood to be made use of by
Yahweh (Volz, EB. 3874 f.). They have been called "prophets of a narrow
range of vision" (Volz), "the belated representatives of an earlier stage of

Ephraimite national narrative ; it contains no reference to Elijah, and, in view of
the four hundred prophets of v. 6 contradicts the rmpression (i822) that Elijah
was the only Yahweh-prophet left (cf. also i8l3 igl*).

* Che.'s assumption that four hundred here and in the case of the Baal-prophets
is a corruption of Arab-Jerahrneel is altogether groundless.

THE PRE-PROPHETIC SOCIETIES Ivii

prophetic development," who " had closed their minds against the deepening
of the idea of God to an unconditionally ethical conception, and were thus no
longer able to penetrate into the depths of his counsel " (Bu. Rel. 131). We
are immediately concerned with the bearing of this on the actual condition of
the nebhiHrn in the days of Elisha, and on Elisha himself (for if he occupies a
high place, one, for example, side by side with Micaiah, how can he, neverthe-
less, work harmoniously with the rest ?), and on the nedhVitfi of Amos's day.
It is not quite fair to say that " under the protection of Jehu's dynasty proph-
ecy so-called sank to depths of hypocrisy and formalism " (WRS.). A better
statement would be that at this time pre-prophetism continued to occupy the
low place which it had always occupied, save when some great personality
like Elijah, or Elisha, or Micaiah was raised up ; or, better still, let us dis-
tinguish between prophecy, for which these great souls stood, and manticism
(z.f. the nebhV istnus), which is all that the others yet knew or cared for
(Davidson, O. T. Proph. iii ff.; Kue. Rel. I. 196-7). Amos plainly shows
his estimate of this crowd of nebhiun, when he maintains very forcibly that
he is not one of them, and his words perhaps imply that it is no great honor
to be regarded as one of their number (but vA.).

5. It remains only to note the stages of this development and
to indicate its place in the history of the pre-Amos time. Starting
on the Israelitish side with seers (who are closely akin to priests),
and on the Canaanitish side with nebhVim (or dervishes), we see the
two classes gradually growing together. From among them, or in
close association with them, there arise from time to time certain
great characters who share their peculiarities and adopt their
methods, but at the same time reach far above them in their
knowledge of the divine will. These men, not yet prophets in the
technical sense, are the forerunners of the prophets, the connecting
link between the old and the new, which begins with the writing
prophets. This is their place in the development. What did
these societies of nebhVim do for the people among whom they
lived? What influence did they exercise upon them?

It is certainly unjust to characterize them as " hotbeds of sedition " and to
limit their activity almost entirely to the sphere of politics (HPS. O. T. Hist.
193), or to consider them "a species of begging friars," with but little influence
among the people (Co. Proph. 13). It is with a truer appreciation of their
services that Cheyne (^EB. 3857 f.) declares them to have been " a recognized
sacred element in society, the tendency of which was to bind classes together
by a regard for the highest moral and religious traditions." Compare also
the view of Kittel (^Hist. II. 266), that their chief interest was the " fostering

Iviii INTRODUCTION

of religious thought," and that, as compared with the priests, they were " the
soul, the latter the hand and arm, of religion"; the opinion of Marti (^Rel.
8i f.), that in times of peace they had little influence, but in national crises
were invaluable in kindling a spirit of patriotism and devotion to Yahweh ;
the estimate of Wellhausen {^Prol. 461 ; similarly, WRS. Proph. 85 ff.), that
they were not of " first-rate importance," historical influence having been
exercised only by exceptional individuals among them, who rose above their
level and sometimes opposed them, though always using them as a base of
operations.

They constituted one of Israel's greatest institutions, which, like
many others, came by adoption from the outside. But in its com-
ing it was purified and spiritualized, and itself gave rise directly to
an influence perhaps the most distinctive and the most elevating
ever exerted on Israelitish life and thought.

§ 6. The Older and Younger Decalogues.

Two important documents known as decalogues were formu-
lated, and probably promulgated, in the pre-prophetic period.
These decalogues now form a part of the Judaean and Ephraim-
itic narratives, and might be considered in connection with those
documents ; but they were originally independent of them, and
their especial importance warrants a separate treatment. It is
essential to ask : What was their origin ? What was their message
to the times in which they were pubHshed? What prophetic
element do they contain? What is their relation to prophecy in
general? We may not suppose that these, with the Book of the
Covenant (§ 7), are the only laws of this early period that have
been handed down ; others are probably to be found in Deuteron-
omy and in the Holiness Code ; but these will be sufficient for the
purpose we have in mind.

I. The older decalogue* found in Ex. 34^''"'', consists, as recon-
structed,! of ten regulations. These deal with the worship of

* Cf. We. Hex. 331 ff.; Bu. ZAW. XI. 216 ff. ; Bacon, Triple Tradition of the
Exodus, \2,g-is?)\ Sta. GF/. I.510; Holzinger, Exodus, 119 f.; Stark, Deutero-
nomium, 30 f. ; GFM. EB. 1446 f. ; G. B. Gray, EB. 2733 f. ; Bantsch, Exod.-Lev.-
Num. xlvi. f.

t We. {Hex. 331); cf. Holzinger, Bantsch, Briggs {Hex. 189-210); contra
K. DB. V. 633, who characterizes the so-called decalogue as " only an appearance,"
being " ceremonial prescriptions [inserted by the Redactor] which can be recognized
at the first glance as parallels to the laws of the Book of the Covenant."

THE OLDER AND YOUNGER DECALOGUES lix

other gods, the making of molten images, the observance of three
feasts and the sabbath, the offering of firsthngs and first-fruits, and
the avoidance of certain rites commonly practised in non-Israelitish
religions.

This code, as well as the chapter of which it is a part, belongs to the Judaean
narrative, but fits in badly with what precedes and follows it. It would seem
to follow logically J's introduction to the Sinaitic Covenant (Ex. 1920-22- 25^, for
one would scarcely expect new legislation to be given after orders had been
received (cf. Ex. 32^* 33^'^) to leave Horeb. In Ex. 34^* it is called the ien
words, and so naturally constitutes J's decalogue, corresponding to that of E in
Ex. 20 and Dt. 5. (The discovery of this decalogue was made by Goethe in
Zwet wichtige bisher tmerorterte Fragen, 1773 A.D.) While there may be some
doubt whether this decalogue was a part of J from the beginning or found its
present place in J at the hand of the editor who much later joined J and E, no one
disputes its very primitive character, and, consequently, its early age. Arising
in connection with some Judaean sanctuary (GEM. EB. 1446), it represents
a ritual of worship which is not only of an early age, but also indicative of a
national religion. The very fact that it is so strongly ritualistic shows the pre-
prophetic age ; and this is further attested by the pains taken to forbid cer-
tain rites {^e.g. seething of a kid in its mother's milk) which were common in
non-Israelitish religions. It is, as Moore (^EB. 1446) says, " the earliest
attempt with which we are acquainted to embody in a series of brief injunc-
tions, formulated as divine commands, the essential observances of the religion
of Yahweh." But, on the other hand, it had its origin after the conquest of
Palestine, because the background is agricultural throughout.

The message of the Judaean decalogue might thus be expressed :
"Worship Yahweh, and Yahweh alone, without images (such as
Northern Israel uses) ; let the worship be simple and in accord
with the old usage ; forbear to introduce the practices of your
Canaanitish neighbors."

This message, notwithstanding its extremely ritualistic content,
shows a perfect consistency with the pre-prophetic thought of
775-50 B.C.; for in three of the ten injunctions (viz. "Thou
shalt worship no other gods," " Thou shalt make thee no molten
gods," "Thou shalt not seethe a kid," etc.) we have representations
exactly in accord with the prevailing thought of the pre-prophetic
reformers, while the other injunctions emphasize the simplicity
of Yahweh's requirements in contrast with the elaborate and sen-
suous ritual of Baalism.

The earlier decalogue thus connects itself with the pre-prophetic

Ix INTRODUCTION

movement as it has thus far found expression, and prepares the
way for a higher expression later on. At the same time it was not
instituted as a measure of reform, but rather as the codification
of existing practice. The pubHcation, however, was not simply
for the sake of providing a law-book ; it was rather an expression
of the general prophetic (sometimes called historical) spirit illus-
trated by J (cf. Gray, EB. 2732).

2. The younger decalogue, found in two forms, viz., Ex. 20 (E^)
and Dt. 5 (D), presents a much larger field for conjecture and
consideration.* This code consisted originally of ten injunctions,
positive and negative, covering the relation of man to God and to
his fellow-men.

In Ex. igSa. 9-19 we find, in a passage ascribed to E, the preparations lead-
ing up to the giving of the laws, and in 24^-8 occurs the ratification of the
same. The intervening chapters contain two important pieces of legislation,
the decalogue (chap. 20) and the Book of the Covenant (chaps. 21-23). f ^^
spite of the appropriateness of the present order {i.e. a body of general and
fundamental principles, followed by a series of detailed laws dealing with the
life of Israel in all its aspects), we are compelled to believe that the two codes
have no direct relationship to each other, because (i) no such relationship is
recognized in the historical part of the material ; (2) chap. 201^-"^ contains no
reference to CC; (3) chap. 24 shows no evidence for connecting the two;
(4) chaps. 32-34 make no mention of CC; (5) Dt., while it adopts the deca-
logue as the basis of its code, shows no acquaintance with any other law given
at Horeb ; (6) Jos. 24 makes no reference to any other law. In view of
these facts, it may be concluded that E's original Horeb legislation was not
CC, but the (later) decalogue.

But we are confronted with two or three important questions :
(i) Is there other E material which could possibly have been
connected with the Horeb legislation? (2) Is the decalogue in
its present form (either Ex. 20 or Dt. 5) the original? (3) How

* That this decalogue was not an original constituent of the E narrative is held
by Sta., Co., Caipenter and Battersby, who assign it to a Judaean recension of E;
by Stark {Deuteronomium) ,^\iO finds the original decalogue of E scattered through
the Book of the Covenant; by Kue., We. {SV.\. 68), Meissner (Der Dekalog),
Bantsch, Sm. {RelP- 273), Marti {Rel. 174), Addis {EB. 1050), and Matthes {ZA W.
XXIV. 17-41), who assign it to the seventh century. Holzinger {Exod., in loc.)
places it in the latter half of the eighth century.

t This may be called the Covenant Code, and represented by the symbol CC.

THE OLDER AND YOUNGER DECALOGUES Ixi

early in the history of E did the original decalogue occupy its
present position?

(i) It is probably true * that there was an earlier legislation (E^) of which
only fragments now exist, viz. the account of the tent of meeting ^3^'''^^),
with, perhaps, an account of the construction of the tent (for which P's elab-
orate description was substituted), and of the ark for which the tent was
made, together with the ritual found in 2o2*-2G. It will be noted that this
earlier legislation of E, according to this hypothesis, was supplanted, partly by
P's material concerning the ark and the tent, partly by the decalogue (and the
story of the golden calf, Ex. 32, which may be called E'^), leaving certain
fragments only (^v.s.).

(2) The present form of the decalogue gives evidence of considerable
expansion from the original ten words, e.^. the very striking differences in the
two versions as given in Ex. and Dt., the great difference in the length of
the injunctions, and the internal character of the material itself. The original
ten words, stripped of all these later additions, were probably as follows : —

1. Thou shalt have no other gods beside me.

2. Thou shalt not make for thyself any graven image.

3. Thou shalt not utter the name of thy God for an evil purpose.

4. Remember the sabbath day to sanctify it.

5. Honor thy father and thy mother.

6. Thou shalt do no murder.

7. Thou shalt not commit adultery.

8. Thou shalt not steal.

9. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor.
10. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house.

(3) How early, then, is the younger decalogue ? (a) It cannot f come
from the times of Moses, for tradition regards Ex. 34 as "the ten words";
it is unknown to CC ; it is in a measure inconsistent with the ritualistic religion
of the pre-prophetic time. (^) Is it then as late as the days of Manasseh (cf.
Mi. 6^-*), J and if so, is it the product of the ripest prophetic thought? The
answer turns upon the fulness of interpretation given to the several command-
ments, the turning-point in the whole matter being the specific prohibition of
the use of images in the second commandment, and the alleged highly devel-
oped ethical system underlying the whole. The former, it is claimed, cannot be
earlier than the eighth century, for until this time there seems to have been no
knowledge of such a prohibition. The latter must, it is thought, represent the

* GFM. EB. 1445; Stark, D enter onomium, 40 ff. ; Meissner, Dekalog, 33.
t So We. Hex. 331 ff . ; Bantsch, Bundesbuch, gaff.; Sm. Rel, 273 f. ; Marti,
Rel. 68 ; Addis, EB. 1050.

X So Kue., Meissner {^Der Dekalog^, Bantsch, Addis (EB. 1050).

Ixii INTRODUCTION

result of the prophetic teaching at least down to and including Isaiah. The
question, therefore, of the prophetic character of the decalogue and of its
relation to prophecy depends wholly on the date, and this on the degree of
ethical development which it is found to contain.

(f) We may not accept Eerdmans's suggestion (^ThT. XXXVII. i8 ff.,
made with a view to placing the original as early as Moses) that some other
commandment originally stood in the place of what is now the second (the
present second belonging to the seventh century), or that in the original foim
there were seven instead often; but the principle underlying this suggestion,
which has been accepted by Kautzsch {DB. V. 633^), is sound and is to be
allowed a controlling place in our decision ; viz. that the commands and
prohibitions of the decalogue " have not an absolute, but a relative scope "
(K.). This means that the ethical conceptions which are connected with the
decalogue in our modern times have been read into it, and were not originally
so understood. The earlier thought was one not of morals but of rights.
Eerdmans goes still further and limits the application of the commandments,
eg. the killing to one's countrymen, and the coveting to the appropriation of
property that was ownerless. Nor is Wildeboer's criticism ( ThSt., 1903, 109-
118) of this valid when he says that thus the deeper moral sense of the
decalogue is degraded.

(a') Concerning the second commandment in particular, it may be said in
passing : Its close association with the chapter on the Northern calves
(Ex. 32) has some signilicance. The fact that the central sanctuary in the
times of Eli, David, and Solomon seems to have had no image indicates the
presence of a strong sentiment opposed to image-worship, if not an actual
prohibition. The non-observance of such a prohibition in Northern Israel is
no evidence of the non-existence of the law. Account must also be taken of
the sentiment in the South (as represented by Isaiah in his early ministry),
which must have existed some time before Isaiah. The presence of a similar
law in the older decalogue of J supports the early origin of the prohibition.

Upon the whole we shall be justified in assigning the formulation
of the younger decalogue in its original form, even with the second
commandment, to a period not much- later than 750 B.C., the
arguments for a still later date * not being convincing.!

The message of this younger decalogue to its times was three-
fold : (i) Acknowledge (cf. in the older, worship^ no other
god, and follow not other religions in making images, or in using

* Addis, art. "Decalogue," EB.; GFM. ED. 1447; Marti, Rel. 174; We.;
Kue. ; Sm. Rel. 273 ; et al.

t So Gray, EB. 2733 f . ; Paterson, art. "Decalogue," DB.; K. DB. V. 634;
Wildeboer, loc. cit.; Kit, Hist. I, 248 f. ; Montefiore, Rel. of Anc. Hebrews, 553-7;
etal.

THE OLDER AND YOUNGER DECALOGUES Ixiii

the divine name for purposes of sorcery ; but observe the sabbath
(as representing Yahweh's ordinances), and pay respect to Yah-
weh's representatives. These are Yahweh's rights; do not do
violence to them. (2) Do not do violence to the rights of your
neighbor, as they relate to his person, his wife, his property, or
his reputation. Still further, (3) do not even think of doing
violence to any of your neighbor's rights.

The younger decalogue thus harmonizes completely with the
growth of the prophetic thought as thus far (760 B.C.) developed.
With the higher conception of God {v.i^ a more rigid adherence
to him is demanded, and a more concrete separation from the
ritual customs which had been in vogue. Still further, sorcery
must be banished. While as a corollary it follows that the insti-
tutions of Yahweh in their simphcity must be observed ; and re-
spect will be shown Yahweh by honoring those who, in his place,
have power of life and death.* The prophetic element, in the
first table, is clearly seen in the first, second, and third command-
ments ; but did the prophets really advocate the observance of insti-
tutions ? Yes ; for (i) they could not do away with ^//institutions,
and in the very act of rooting out the Baal ritual, they must fall
back on soviething; and besides (2) their connection with ritual
is seen in J's including the earlier decalogue, in E's including
another decalogue, in D's including an enlarged code of ritual.
As to the fifth commandment, while we are unable to distinguish
the extent to which the spirit of ancestor-worship still influences
opinion, it can hardly be supposed that all trace of it has yet
disappeared.

The original obligation in the fourth commandment was (not
that which P or D later inserted) to treat the Sabbath as Yahweh's
property, and therefore not put it to the profane uses which had
formerly been customary in connection with the heathen cult f (cf.
Am. 8^ Ho. 2").

* V. references on ancestor-worship, pp. 40 f., note.

t The need of such a law and the prophetic character of it at once become ap-
parent, if the supposition be correct that the sabbath was taken over from the
Canaanites, who had themselves gotten it from Babylonia (so Reu. Gesch.d.Alt. Test.
^ 71, Anm. ; Sm. -/?«■/. 2 160 ; ^o\\. Arch. I. 144; '^Viz. Arch. 202,465; Holzinger,
Exodus, 73). The task of prophecy was to purify it from its Canaanitish associa-

Ixiv INTRODUCTION

In the commandments of the second table the case is even
clearer. With the examples of David and Solomon and Ahab, in
connection with whom the prophets have actually said the same
things that are found in the sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth com-
mandments, it is easy to see that a prophetic redaction after Elijah
must contain just these points (v.s. as to meaning of each). The
important step forward which the tenth commandment contains,
viz. not to think of violating one's neighbor's rights, is noticeable,
but, after all, in harmony with the active intellectual effort of the
times which produced the philosophical work of J and E {v.i.).

(6) With this understanding of the message, and of the pro-
phetic element in it, we can discover its close connection with
the pre-prophetic movement. Its formulation can be ascribed
to the intense religious feeling which is just beginning to recog-
nize the rights of Yahweh and of men ; it is in a sense the product
of prophetic thought, but, more strictly, that of pre-prophetic
thought.

§ 7. The Book of the Covenant.

The Book of the Covenant (= CC), to which reference has
already been made, was promulgated, substantially in its present
form, with prophetic sanction, as early as 800 B.C., or half a century
before Amos and Hosea. We may ask, as before, as to its origin
and marks of date, its message, the prophetic element in the
message, and its relation to the pre-prophetic movement.

I. This book (Ex. 21-23) contains two kinds of material. The
first part (2i--2 2^^) is a series of " hypothetical instructions, based
presumably on precedent" (Gray, EB. 2734) ; in a single word,
judgments (cf. Ex. 21^, 24^, Nu. 35^'*), or judicial decisions ; regu-
lations, seemingly intended for the use of judges, and deahng with
questions of civil and criminal law.* The second part (2 2'*-23'^)
is a series (with some interruptions,^.^. 22--'-^ 23*''-8*-i3. 156.17.19 a^

tions and to transform it into an institution thoroughly consonant with the spirit of
Yahwism.

* The following subjects are treated in this portion : (i) Regulations regarding
slaves, 2i2-ii ; (2) personal injuries, 21I2-27 ; (3) injuries and damages in connection
with cattle, 2i28-36; (^^) theft, 22I-*; (5) damages to crops, 225-6; ^6^ breaches of
trust, 22^-15 ; (7) seduction, 2216 f.

THE BOOK OF THE COVENANT Ixv

of precepts relating to life and worship,* evidently other than
legal in character ; regulations of a moral and religious character,
having especially to do with the deity and worship. t

2. An examination of the material soon discloses that (a) the original form
of this material has suffered both in the way of mutilation and in actual loss, J
for all of which full allowance must be made; while (^) a considerable
amount of new material, joined with the original text, must be set aside (v.s.)
if we are to reconstruct the original document or documents; still further,
(^) the laws on ritual (231*"!^) are practically identical, even verbally, with
^^18-26 (^the earlier decalogue), and belonged originally in chap. 34, w^hence
they have been transferred by an editor; § (</) the second part (221^-231^) is
more diverse in character than the first, and is itself plainly a compilation of
different elements, || some of which betoken a Deuteronomic origin; (<•) the
narrative {2y^'*-^^), which in its present form is late, contains old material that
originally stood in close connection with CC, viz. vs.^^---- ^5. 26^ ^u^j especially
yg 28-si. ^ ^y^ the regulations in 2d^--^ have no connection w-ith the preceding
decalogue (vs.^-^''), and should be taken** with the "words" (cf. 22-*-3i).

3. CC, with such modifications as are involved in the preceding (cf. 2),
now suggests two series of questions : (i) Did the author of the judgmetits
also collect the precepts ? or is CC, as we have it, a growth ? Various
schemes of reconstruction have been proposed, ft of which G. F. Moore's is,

* The chief subjects of this portion are : (i) three precepts on sorcery, bestiality,
and worship of foreign gods, 22'8--'0; (2) humanitarian laws, 22^1 ; (3) reverence
and offerings, 22^*^1; (4) testimony, 23I-3; (5) impartial administration of justice,
236-9; (6) Sabbath and sabbatical year, 23IO-13; (7) feasts and offerings, 2-^^^^.

t Kent, Student's O. T., in loc, describes 2o23-26 22-3- 3i z^^v^-vi as duties to Yahweh
in connection with the ritual which constitute E's terms of the covenant with
Yahweh.

I E.g. 22-- 3" seems to be a fragment now misplaced ; so also 23*'' 13.

§ GFM. EB. 1448; cf. Jiilicher, JPTh. VIII. 300 f. ; Briggs, Hex. 190 ff., 229 f.
According to Bu. i^Z.A IV. XI. 217 ff.), the presence of these laws in Ex. 34 after this
transfer is due to another still later editor; cf. also GFM.

II GFM. EB. 1448 ; Gray, EB. 2734.
H GFM. 'EB. 1448.

** Contra GFM. EB. 1444; cf. Kent, Student's O. T. 184.

ft Sta. (GVI. I. 636) recognizes two divisions, viz. "words" and "judgments,"
questions whether they originally had any connection with each other, and suggests
that the words originally all stood together under their own superscription ; and
that when the latter was dropped the present confusion arose. Rothstein {Bundes-
buch, 1888) regards CC as an expansion of the decalogue and attempts by a series
of violent transpositions, resulting in worse confusion than that which now exists, to
rearrange its contents in an order corresponding to that of the subject-matter in the
decalogue. Stark {Deuteronomium, 1894, 32 ff.) finds three strata of laws : (i) six
laws, somewhat later than the J decalogue, viz. 2\^- 15-19; ^2) the "judgments " of

Ixvi INTRODUCTION

perhaps, the simplest, viz. there existed originally (a) a book of judgments;
to this was added {b) the " main stock " of 22i8_23i3^ (g_ ^^g Horeb legis-
lation of E; then (c) the ritual 23'*-i9 (taken from J, 34"'*'-) was attached,
probably by the editor who (i/) wrote the closing story (23^*"33^. In this
case the substance of CC is as early as E {v.s.').

(2) Some suppose that CC formed a part of the original E; * in this case
CC would be : (a) the law given at Horeb as the basis of the Sinaitic Cove-
nant (but we have both what may fairly be regarded as the original basis (Ei),
as well as the decalogue substituted {v.s.) for the original) ; or (^) a con-
tinuation of the decalogue (Ex. 20^^) and so apart of the Sinaitic Covenant
{v.s.'); or (c) the document which led up to the renewal of the covenant
and so was connected with Moses' parting words in the plains of Moab f ; or
(a') the " statute and ordinance " of Jos. 24-^27^ thus representing the law
given as the basis of the covenant made at that time, whence it was removed
by VJ* to its present position. J But no one of these suggestions is free from
difficulties, although the consideration in favor of the proposition is impor-
tant, viz. the general similarity of CC to E.

It seems upon the whole easier to believe that CC was a separate book
from E, § inserted in E by the editor who was himself the compiler of CC.

2i--22^6^ from a later date than the preceding; and (3) a group of ethical and reli-
gious laws, a sort of programme of the prophetic activity, viz. 20--* ff- 22^"- 20. 24f. 27f.
23I-3. 6f. 10-12. 14. Bertheau {Sieben Gruppeii Alosaischer Gesetze, 1840) first arranged
CC in decades, viz. (i) 2o3-i7; (2) 212-11, (3) 2112-27^ (^^) 212S-22I6, (5) 22i"-30,
(6) 23I-8, (7) 23i'l-i9; this involved the treatment of 2022-2G 33 four introductory com-
mands, 238-13 as an interpolation, and 2326-'^ as a closing decalogue of promises.
Briggs {Hex. 211-232) includes in the original CC only four pentades and one
decalogue of " words," viz. 2o23-26 2227-29 23I-3 236-8 23i'>-l'J. This was enlarged
by the addition of two pentades, three decalogues, and a triplet of "judgments,"
viz. 2i2-ll 21I8-25 2x26-36 2i3''-223 22'tf- 226-I6. The remaining laws are later inser-
tions showing traces of Deuteronomic redaction. Paton (JBL. XII. 79-93), by
supposing Ex. 34 to contain another recension of CC, from which he supplements
defective decalogues in CC, by considering 2i22-25 22I f- H 23* f- 9- 13. 14. 15c as later
additions, and by restoring two pentades from Dt. 22, obtains an original CC
consisting often decalogues, each being symmetrically divided into two pentades.

* So Di. Exod. 219 f. ; Jiilicher, JPTh. VIII. 305 ; Kue. Hex. 152 f. ; Co. Einl.
73 ff. ; Carpenter and Battersby, The Hexateuch, II 113, et al. ; contra Bantsch,
Bundesbuch, chap. II.

t So Kue., Co., Carpenter and Battersby, et al.; in this case either (i) RD (tlie
editor who joined J and E with D) put D in the place formerly occupied by
CC, at the same time removing CC to the earlier place which it now occupies; or
(2) RJE (the editor who joined J and E) took Ex. ^4 (which was the basis of the
Sinaitic covenant according to J) and used it as th.; basis of the renewal, at the
same time pushing back CC to the decalogue and making the two (i.e. the deca-
logue and CC) the basis of the covenant.

;J; Holzinger, Einl. 179.

^ So Rothstein, Das Bundesbuch ; Bantsch, Bundesbuch, 77 ff. ; We. Prol. zur
Gesch. Isr? ^lo; GFM. EB. 1449.

THE BOOK OF THE COVENANT Ixvii.

The material in this case may have had its origin as follows (v.s.) * : (a) Ex.
23^'"'" = 34 (J); (1^) the judgments may have been a part of E standing
after chap. 18, which itself originally stood later in the narrative; {c) the pre-
cepts, now somewhat obscured in 2218*^- 23, were probably that part of the
Horeb legislation (E^) for which the decalogue {v.s.) was substituted.

It is to be observed that all of these various hypotheses agree in
assigning to the substance of CC and in large measure to the form
which we now have, an age contemporaneous with or preceding
that of E (?'./.). CC embodies "the consuetudinary law of the
early monarchy." f

4. The presence of CC in E (or JE) is due to a religious purpose
on the part of the author or editor ; this purpose, however, par-
takes of the historical spirit rather than of the legal or reformatory
spirit. In other words, no effort was being made, as later in the
case of the Deuteronomic code or the Levitical code, to gain rec-
ognition from the people for a new legislation. J This appears,
not only from the small proportion of the whole of E which CC
constitutes, but also from the fact that its laws are based on long-
established usage, or codify moral precepts which had already
been taught ; the presence of CC indicates also, from the point
of<view of E (or the editor), a complete harmony of thought
between the content of CC and the material of E ; the message
of CC, therefore, becomes a part of the larger message of E, and
receives interpretation from the latter.

The regulations ("judgments" and "precepts") are entirely
consistent (i) in treating the deity as the direct and exclusive
source of judgment and authority ; (2) in recognizing that a time
has now come in the affairs of the nation when the rights of the
community are "to be considered, with a view to restricting the
action of individuals in so far as they are injurious to the com-
munity (cf. the decalogue); (3) in continuing to accept certain
principles which have long prevailed in Semitic life, e.g. (a) that
of retaliation, which included the /ex talionis, (b) that of blood
revenge, and money compensation for injuries committed, there

* As suggested by GFM. EB. 1449; cf. Bu. ZA W. XI. 218 f.
t Co. £/nL 75 ; cf. Dr. DB. III. 68 ; WRS. OT/C:^ 340 ff.
X Cf. G. B. Gray, £B. 2731 f.

Ixviii INTRODUCTION

being no punishment by way of degradation ; (4) in having as a
basis on which everything rests the agricultural form of life.

The regulations, as already indicated, (a) when studied from
the point of view of worship, represent the customs of the past * in
their comparative purity and simplicity, but at the same time
emphasize the restriction of such worship to Yahweh (monolatry) ;
nothing new is here presented ; (J?) when considered from the
point of view of ethics, emphasize two or three important points,
viz. the setting apart of the sabbath as a day of rest, the giving to
the poor of the produce of the land during one year in seven,!
the distinction between murder and manslaughter, the securing
of justice to the foreigner, the restoration of ox or ass to one's
enemy, the urgency against oppression and maladministration of
office.

In general, then, the message was one of an elevating character
in its moral attitude, advocating, as it does, absolute "rectitude
and impartiality " in methods of administration ; mildness, pro-
tection and relief from severe life for the poor, the foreigner,
and the slave ; a generous attitude even toward one's enemy

(23")- X

5, The prophetic element is manifest ; so manifest, indeed, that
many have regarded CC as the result of the later prophetic work.
It is more correct, however, after making proper allowances for
the Deuteronomic additions, to regard this as the expression of
that religious and ethical development which had its source and
strength in the movement of the times of Elijah and Elisha, and of
J and E, and, therefore, as preparatory to the period of prophecy
beginning with Amos and Hosea. § This view is to be accepted
because of ( i ) the marked linguistic and phraseological affinity of
CC to E ; (2) the large proportion of the code given to the
treatment of secular matters (cf. the similar nature of the Code

* Viz. rude and simple altars, firstlings and first-fruits, three pilgrimages, no
leaven, destruction of fat, burnt-offerings and peace-offerings, etc.

t V. my Cofistructive Studies in the Priestly Element in the O.T. (1902), 108-118.

+ K. DB.V. 6646, 66s.

§ So K. DB. V. 664 f. ; Carpenter and Battersby, Tke Hexateuch, I. 119; Dr.
DB. III. 68 ; Co. Einl. 75 ; WRS. O TJCP- 340 ff. ; Bacon, Triple Tradition, no ff. ;
Gray, EB. 2733 ; We. Hex. 89 f. ; Addis, Doc. of Hex. 1. 142 f. ; contra Sta. G VI. I.
634; SteuerriRge], Deuteronomium u./osua, 278; Bantsch, Bundesbuch, 122; et al-

THE JUDAEAN NARRATIVE Ixix

of Hammurabi), a sign of a comparatively early date ; * (3) the
primitive character of many of the regulations and ideas, e.g. " the
conception of God as the immediate source of judgment "
(Driver) ; the principle of retaliation and the law of blood
revenge, ideas still dominant among the Bedouin ; the more
primitive tone of 22-^ as compared with 34^; and the conception
of woman which appears in the provision for the estimate of a
daughter's dishonor, as so much damage to property, to be made
good in cash (cf the higher ideal of Hosea).

§ 8. The Judaean Narrative (J).

This narrative of world- and nation-history had its origin within
the century 850-750 B.C., and, with the closely related Ephraimitic
narrative, is at once an expression of the pre-prophetic thought
and the basis for a still higher development of that thought. What
may be gathered from this most wonderful narrative, throughout
prophetic in its character, for a better understanding of the pre-
Amos period ?

I. Four propositions relating to the Hexateuch are now all but
universally acknowledged and may be stated without discussion : —

(i) The Hexateuch is made up in general of three distinct
elements, viz. the prophetic (JE), the prophetico-priestly, found
mostly iit Deuteronomy (D), and the priestly (P), these elements
being joined together, first JE with D, and later JED with P.-)-

* It is still a question whether the relationship of CC to the Code of Hammurabi
is (a) one of direct dependence (as close, indeed, as the relation of the early stories
in Genesis to the Babylonian legends), since, in a number of cases, the laws are
practically identical (so Johnston, Johns Hopkins University Circular, June, 1903) ;
or (2) one of racial affinity, i.e. of common tradition, without any direct influence,
much less, borrowing (so Cook, D. H. Miiller, Kohler) ; or, perhaps, (3) one of
entire independence, with CC, however, greatly influenced by a Babylonian envi-
ronment (so Johns, DB. V. 610 if.) . While the existence of such a code as that of
Hammurabi, at the early date of 2250 B.C., strengthens the arguments for an early
date of CC, it does not furnish any proof that CC could have existed in its present
form earlier than the stage of civilization (viz. the agricultural) in which it is plainly
imbedded.

t The details do not concern us in this connection ; for the most recent dis-
cussion of these details, v. Carpenter and Battersby, The Hexateuch, Vol. I.; Hol-
zinger, Einleitung in den Hexateuch ; Dr. LOT.; and the introductions to the
various commentaries on the Hexateuch by Gunkel, Steuemagel, Bantsch, G. F.
Moore, Gray, Bertholet, Holzinger, and Driver.

Ixx INTRODUCTION

(2) The prophetic element, with which alone we are now con-
cerned, is itself the result of a union of two distinct documents ;
and while these two documents may not be clearly distinguished
from each other in certain phases, they nevertheless stand apart,
in the greater portion of the material, to an extent which is no
longer seriously questioned.*

(3) J is a Judaean narrative, having its origin in the king-
dom of Judah, while E {v.t.) arose in Northern Israel. The
evidence of J's Southern origin is not so clear as is that of E's-
Northern origin, but with the practical certainty of the latter, the
probability of the former follows. This, moreover, is strengthened
when we observe {a) the prominence attached to certain distinc-
tively Southern sanctuaries in the patriarchal narratives ; {d) the
conspicuous place assigned to Judah among Jacob's sons (Gn.
37-'^ 43* 44^"- 1^ 49^") » cf. the corresponding place assigned to
Reuben and Joseph in E, and the absence in J of any very sure
allusion to Joshua ; {c) the improbabihty that two such similar
narratives as J and E circulated side by side in the Northern
kingdom, and {d) the presence in Gn. 38 of traditions con-
cerning families of Judah, which would have little interest for a
non-Judahite.f

(4) J, although for the sake of convenience spoken of as a
narrative, or indeed as a narrator, represents a school q^ writers
covering a period of perhaps a century or more. It is necessary,
therefore, in the use of J to distinguish with care the different
strata. For practical purposes, however, we may speak of J^ as
the original J, and of the material assigned to J- or J^ as ad-
ditions. X

* Cf. the practical agreement existing among recent analysts, e.^. Carpenter
and Battersby, Addis, Bacon, Driver, Kautzsch.

tCf. Holzinger, Ehil. 160-5; Kit. ffisi. I. 83-5; E. Meyer, ZAW. I. 138;
Sta. GV/. 1.547; Co. Einl. 51; Carpenter and Battersby, T/ie Hexateuch, 1. 104 ff.

% Cf. Carpenter and Battersby, op. cit. I. io8 f . ; Holzinger, Einl. 138-60. This
material is of more than a single kind, including, as it does, (i) additions to the
Urgeschichte, having a different point of view or background, e.g. the narrative of
the Deluge, which is unknown to Jl ; (2) parallels in the patriarchal narratives, e.g.
the story of Abraham and Sarah at the court of Pharaoh is a later form of the tra-
dition as it appears in connection with Isaac and Rebekah at the Philistine court;
(3) insertions pervaded by a loftier ethical and spiritual tone than the context, e.g.
Gn. iSii'ff- "6-23a Ex. 34G-9 Nu. 14I7; (4) editorial additions made in connection

THE JUDAEAN NARRATIVE Ixxi

The time relations of Ji seem to be those of 850 to 750 B.C., or possibly a
little later. Only a few would assign a later date.* This unanimity of
opinion rests upon (a) the fact that the prophetic character of J is less
definite than that of Amos and Hosea, seeming, therefore, to belong to a more
primitive stage in the development of the spirit of prophecy ; (d) the proba-
bility that Am. 2^ Ho. g^'^ la^f-isf. are based upon the written narrative of
J ; (c) the literary style and the religious development found in Amos and
his immediate successors imply the existence of religious writings with which
they and their listeners were familiar ; (d) the fact that the narrative of J
continues into the days of Joshua implies its post-Mosaic origin ; {e) the
national spirit everywhere characteristic of it did not exist until the age
of the monarchy, when Israel for the first time realized its unity ; (/) the
probability that the same school of writers has contributed to the Books
of Samuel and Kings; (g) the friendly attitude toward the Philistines
appearing in the narratives concerning the dealings of Abraham and Isaac
with them could not have arisen until a long time after the hostilities
of the reign of David ; (/<) the reign of Solomon is evidently looked back
upon as a sort of golden age (cf. Gn. 15'* and i K. 4-^; Gn. 9^5 and 1 K. g-"^) ;
(i) such names as Zaphenath-paneah and Puti-phera are unknown in Egyptian
writings until the post-Solomonic period ; (J) Jos. 6'^ points back to the
reign of Ahab; cf. i K. i6^'*.

2. The scope of J includes the history of the world from the
creation of Adam down to Abraham, the history of Israel's
patriarchal ancestors from the selection of Abraham down to
the residence in Egypt, the history of the nation under the
leadership of Moses and Joshua(?) down to the conquest of
Canaan. It is altogether probable that the same school (z'.s.)
of writers continued the work down through the times of the
monarchy, giving us the earlier portions of Samuel and Kings.f

The general framework of the narrative from the story of Eden

with the union of J and E, e.^. Gn. 22'^'8 Ex. 329-1-* ; (2) Deuteronomic additions
to the legislation of J, 1?.^. Ex. ig^^-s.

* Schra. (in De Wette's Einlfi) places J between 825 and 800 ; Kit. {Hist. I. 86),
between 830 and 800 ; Kue. puts Ji in the latter part of the ninth or the first years
of the eighth century, and J- in the latter half of the seventh century ; Bu. {Urgesch.)
assigns Ji to the ninth century or the latter years of the tenth, and J2 to the reign of
Ahaz ; Di. dates J somewhat after 750 B.C., but prior to Hezekiah's reform ; Car-
penter and Battersby say, "J may, perhaps, be the issue of two centuries of literary
growth, 850-650 B.C." ; Steuernagel, Deuferonomitim u. Josua, 280, names 900-700
B.C. as the period within which J arose (so Holzinger, Genesis).

t So Schra. in De Wette's Einl.^ 327-32 ; Bu. Richter u. Samuel ; GFM,
Judges; Now. Richter-Rutk ; Sta. ZA W. I. 339 ; Co. ZA W. X. 96 ft ; et al.

Ixxii INTRODUCTION

to the settlement in Canaan discloses a definite purpose in the
mind of the author of this literary creation.* The purpose is
twofold, relating on the one hand to the origin of Israel as a
nation and Israel's relation to the neighboring nations, and, on
the other, to the close connection of Yahweh with this origin and
development. Nearly every story in the long series finds its true
interpretation from this point of view.f This is in perfect har-
mony with the national motive which underlies the work of Elijah,
Elisha, and other nebhVim (§§ 3-5), with the higher place which
Israel is just at this period taking among the nations, and, like-
wise, with the new ideas of Yahweh which were appealing with
such force to those who breathed the prophetic inspiration
(p. xlix). This religio-political motive includes also the desire
to give expression to new and larger conceptions of God and man
and life (vJ.). This historical interest does not concern itself
with matters of an institutional character (this was P's great
responsibihty). It is the heroes of ancient history and the scenes
of the olden times that the Judaean narrative delights in. For this
reason practically no care is given to providing chronological
indications, and hardly more to the chronological arrangement
of the material. J It is the spirit that controls throughout, nowhere
the letter. It is not difficult to connect this expression of a true
religious spirit with the reformation in Judah, almost contempo-
raneous (six years later) with that of Elisha and Jehu in Israel,
which was, after all, only the conclusion of the former, resulting,
as it did, in the overthrow of Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab and
Jezebel.

3. One of the principal problems of the Judaean narrative
requires at least a passing glance, viz. that of the world-stories
with which the narrative of J opens. § What was their origin?
What was their place in the narrative as a whole? We cannot

* Reuss (GescA. d. hell. Schrift d. A. T. \ 214) not inappropriately characterizes
J as a " national epic." Dr. ( The Book of Genesis, p. xiv ) declares J to be " the
most gifted and the most brilliant" of all the Hebrew historians.

t This is true {contra Dr.) even of stories like that of the mission of Abraham's
steward (Gn. 24).

X V. the author's articles in Hebr. V.-VI.

\ Viz. the stories of the Garden of Eden, Cain and Abel, the Deluge, and the
Tower of Babel.

THE JUDAEAN NARRATIVE Ixxiii

longer deny the close formal connection of these traditions with
the similar traditions of other peoples.* Nor can we suppose
that the various forms which these same stories take on among
other nations are derived from an original Israelitish form. Israel
received this material from the same sources as those from which
other nations received their stories. It is a heritage common to
many nations. At the same time it is quite certain that Israel
came into peculiar relations with the older Babylonian tradition,
not so much in a direct way through the earliest ancestor Abraham,|
as in a more indirect manner, viz. through the Canaanitish ele-
ment, which itself contained much that was Babylonian. J The
transformation which these stories have undergone is strictly in
accordance with the spirit of the narrative as a whole, and might
well be taken to represent the whole, since it shows the prophetic
motive, not only in general, but in detail, and illustrates practi-
cally every phase of that spirit. Moreover, these stories (found in
Gn. 2-1 1) furnish not only the starting-point, but the basis, for the
Judaean narrative, establishing at the very beginning the essential
view-point of the narrative. This is seen especially (i) in the
place assigned Yahvveh in reference to the outside nations ; (2) in
the importance attached to the conception of sin, and likewise
that of deliverance ; (3) in the attitude shown toward the progress
of civilization ; (4) in the preparation already made for giving
Israel her place among the nations; and (5) in the details of
prophetic method and procedure.

4. This prophetic factor appears in several of the most important
characteristics of the narrative. § Only a few of these may be
mentioned : —

(i) The purpose and spirit (vJ.) are distinctly prophetic, since
the writer assumes to be acquainted with the plans of the deity,
and in fact to speak for that deity under all circumstances ; e.g. he
declares the divine purpose in the creation of woman (Gn. 2^^-*) ;

* V. Lenormant, Beginnings of History ; Davis, Genesis and Setniiic Tradition ;
Gunkel, TAe Legends 0/ Genesis ; and the enormous Babel u. BibelYiXsxzXwx^ result-
ant upon Friedrich Delitzsch's famous lectures.

t Jastrow, JQR., 1901, p. 653.

X So Gunkel, Genesis, p. xli ; Dr. Genesis, 31 ; Sayce, Wkl., Zimmern, et al.

\ Dr. Genesis^ pp. xxi ff. ; Holzinger, Einl. 129 ff. ; Carpenter and Battersby,
Hex. I. 99.

Ixxiv INTRODUCTION

he assigns the cause and motive of Yahweh's act in sending the
Deluge (Gn. 6^"') ; he knows the exact effect of Noah's sacrifice
upon the divine mind (Gn. 8-^*^) ; he sees the divine purpose
in the confusion of tongues (Gn. ii"'') and in the selection .of
Abram (Gn. 12^'^) ; he also describes the scene between Moses
and Yahweh on the top of Pisgah (Dt. 34^ '*•*).

(2) The national element, so prophetic in its character, dis-
plays itself (a) in the great prominence given to stories in which
the principal heroes are reputed national ancestors, such as those
concerning Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Judah, Joseph, Moses ; (^) in
the recital of events which had to do with the national progress,
such as the journey into Egypt, the Exodus, the covenant at Sinai,
the conquest, the settlement, — these being the very foundations
of the national history; (c) in the evident desire to represent
Israel as unique among the nations, since she, a direct descendant
(through Noah, Abraham, and others) of the first man Adam, had
been definitely chosen by Yahweh as his own peculiar people ; and
to represent the affairs of the world as arranged in such a way as to
secure the best interest of a single people, Israel ; * (//) in the naive
and primitive method adopted to show Israel's superiority to their
more closely related neighbors, viz. by connecting some form of
reproach with the origin of the nation concerned, e.g. Canaan in
the story of Noah (Gn. 9-^^) as a slave to other peoples; Moab
and Ammon (Gn. 19^°"'^*) as the offspring of Lot by incest ; f
Ishmael (Gn. 16"*^) as the son of a handmaid ; Edom as inferior
in ability and character from the beginning ; various Arabian tribes
as being descended from Keturah, Abraham's second wife, and as
not receiving a share in Abraham's property (Gn. 25^"^).

(3) The predictive element is, of course, prophetic ; " the patri-
archal history is, in his (J's) hands, instinct with the consciousness
of a great future" (Driver), (a) The history of sin is pictured
(Gn. 3") with unerring accuracy, as a long and painful struggle

* This conception is clearly found in J (cf. 13" 22I8 26''), although the word
" choose " is used first of Israel in Dt. 4^^.

t Cf., however, Gunkel's conjecture that this story is of Moab-Ammonite origin,
and in early times bore no tinge of reproach; but on the contrary was a eulogy of
the daughters of Lot, who took such heroic measures to secure children, and also
preserved thereby the purity of the tribal blood.

THE JUDAEAN NARRATIVE kxv

between humanity and the influences which tempt man to evil,
a struggle which in the very nature of the case must mean victory
for humanity ; * (b) Israel's relations to other peoples are pro-
phetically interpreted in Gn. 9-^'^ ; f (/) ghmpses of Israel's
future numbers and power are given to the patriarchs, Isaac
(Gn. 27''^), Jacob (Gn. ^^''^^^ 49^-^7) . ^^jie (^^ ^ forecast of
Israel's future relations to the world at large is placed in the
mouth of a foreign prophet (Nu. 24"'^^).

These predictions represent the very thought of the prophet
concerning the Israel of his own day, the position already gained,
or that which, with the encouragement thus given (i.e. by the rhe-
torical and homiletical use of prediction), may be expected. They
are, in other words, " prophetical interpretations of history "
(Driver),

(4) The prophetic element is seen also in the idealism which
permeates the narrative throughout. The writer makes word-
pictures of events and characters in life, in order that his contem-
poraries, observing the ideal life thus represented (whether it is an
ideal of good or an ideal of bad), may lift their life from the lower
plane to a higher.

The story of Abraham is a pen-portrait presenting the ideal of intimate
acquaintance and communion with Yahweh, and consequent faithfulness and
obedience (cf. Che. EB. 24). In the story of Joseph, he pictures the final
victory of purity and integrity in spite of evil machinations on the part of
those who are rich and powerful (cf. Dr. DB. II. 770). In the picture given
us of Israel's oppression in Egypt, and deliverance from the same by the out-
stretched hand of Yahweh, we see Israel as a nation brought face to face with the
mightiest power on earth, and triumphing over that power with all its gods. J

* This passage implies, if it does not promise, victory ; cf. Dr. Genesis, 48, 57,
and contra Holzinger, in ioc.who denies to it ethical content and limits its meaning
to an explanation of the well-known antipathy of man to the serpent family; also
Gunkel, who interprets it as explaining the perpetual hostility of man and the
serpent family, as a punishment for their league against Yahweh.

t Whether we understand (i) as formerly (also recently by Dr. op. cit. p. iii)
the three great powers of civilization, the Semitic, the Japhetic, and the Hamitic,
or (2) with We., Sta., Bu., Meyer, Holzinger, merely Israel, Canaan, and Philistia
or Phoenicia; or (3) with Gunkel (Shem =) the Aramaean-Hebrew peoples,
and (Japhet=) the northern peoples (^i.e. the Hittites).

X On the Musri hypothesis of the Exodus this exalted conception of Yahweh's
power disappears from the story in its original form, but, even if the hypothesis be
accepted, the transformation into an Egyptian Exodus must have taken place prior
to the times of J.

Ixxvi INTRODUCTION >

Stories of this kind, and there were many such, were intended to lead men
into a higher life, and to give the nation a confidence in its destiny,*

(5) A true prophetic conception expresses itself in the attitude
of the Judaean narrative toward the progress of civiHzation. Here
J follows in the footsteps of those who preceded him, and joins
hands with the Nazirite and the Rechabite {v.s.).

This antagonism, a corollary of the views entertained concerning sin (v.i.'),
shows itself in connection with (a) the story of the murder which accompanied
the building of the first city (Gn. 4^^^) ; {b) the beginnings of the arts, all of
which led to the further spread of sin (Gn. 420-2^ n^"®); (0 the evident
reproach joined to the beginning of the culture of the vine (Gn. gSOff.^j and
{d) the beautiful representation everywhere made of the charm and simplicity
of the pastoral life.

(6) The Judaean narrative clearly presents the prophetic idea
of the covenant relation entered into between Yahweh and the
people of Israel, with the circumstances leading up to the making
of the covenant, the basis on which it was to rest, and its formal
ratification (Ex. 19^^ 24^"^ 34^''*)- ^Ve do not see the proof of
the non-existence of this idea at this time in the assertion that
the narratives (including that of E, cf. Ex. 20 and Dt. 5, and
Ex. 24*"^*) are legendary and self-contradictory, that the early
writing prophets make no use of the conception, and that, conse-
quently, we are to understand the entire covenant idea to be the
result of prophetic teaching,! rather than one of its fundamental
positions from the very beginning.

This question will come up again, but it is well at this point to observe
with Giesebrecht (^Die Geschichtlichkeit d. Sinaibundes) : («) that while
references to the fact of a Sinaitic covenant outside of JE are few and
doubtful {e.g. I K. igi"!'*, in which nna is probably a later insertion, cf, @;
on Ho. 6'' and 8^ v. commentary in loc.') until Jeremiah's time, this is not con-
clusive that such a covenant was unknown ; since (o) Hosea in chap. 1-3

* This work of transforming appears all the more clearly, if we understand with
Paton {AJT. VIII., Oct. 1904) that the real basis of these patriarchal stories is
found in traditions concerning the relation and movements of the early tribes.

t We. Isr. u. jiid. Gesch. 12 f. ; Sm. Rel."^ 117; Schwally, Semitische Kriegsal-
tertiimer, I. 2; Schmidt, art. "Covenant," EB.; contra Giesebrecht, Geschichtlich-
keit d. Sinaibundes (1900) ; and K. DB. V. 630 ff.

THE JUDAEAN NARRATIVE Ixxvii

plainly presents the fact of a covenant, although no name is used; (/3) the pri-
mar)- meaning of n''-»3 (cf. Val. ZA W. XII. i ff., 224 ff., XIII. 245 ff.; Kratz-
schmar, Die Bundesvorstellung im A. T.; K. DB. V. 630; contra Schmidt,
EB. 928 ff.) is covenant, agreement, the only way of putting a law into force
being that of mutual agreement ; (7) the lack of more frequent reference to
the existence of the covenant is explained in part on the ground that no writ-
ings from the older prophets have come down to us ; in part, because few
particular occasions called for such mention, and, besides, after the expiration
of so long a period it was unnecessary to make allusion to the initial act,
especially when, as history shows, every great change in the national situation
was accompanied by a new pledge of Yahweh's loyalty and love. Further-
more, {b) the leaders, in their continuous effort to use the cultus as an example
of the demands growing out of the covenant-relation, and at the same time to
adapt the instruction to the changing needs of the people, emphasized the
new relations, rather than the old covenant made by Moses. And if it is
asked why should such emphasis have been placed on it in the days of Jere-
miah, the answer is close at hand : Israel's religion is preeminently an
historical religion ; the time had come when the covenant was to be broken;
this fact necessarily brings the old covenant into great prominence. Concern-
ing the relation of Amos and Hosea to this covenant-idea v.i,

(7) The prophetic element is seen still more strongly in the
controlling place occupied in the narrative by the characteristic
prophetic conception of sin and deliverance.* This factor seems
to underHe everything else, beginning, as it does, with the story
of the origin of sin in Eden and the forecast of its struggle with
humanity (p. Ixxv), and continuing with each for\vard step in the
progress of civiUzation, until because of its terrible growth the race
itself (except a single family) must perish. Starting again in the
new world, it reappears in the account of Noah's vine-culture and
in the scattering of the nations ; while the stories of the patriarchs,
one after another, illustrate, for the most part, their deliverance
by God's grace from evil situations consequent upon sin ; and the
national stories seem to be chronicles only of sin and deliverance
from sin, — in other words, of disgraceful acts of rebellion and
backsliding, and rescue from enemies who, because of such sin
on Israel's part, had temporarily become Israel's masters.

5. The message of the Judaean narrative was a rich and varied
one, lifting the minds of the Israelites (of pre-Amos times) to the
contemplation of : —

* Contra, Tennant in The Fall and Original Sin (1903) .

Ixxviii INTRODUCTION

(i) Yahweh, as a God who had controlled the affairs of human-
ity, since he first brought humanity into existence ; a God also
who is celebrated for mercifulness and long-suffering, and for
faithfulness (cf. Gn. 6» S-^*"- iS"^^- 32^' etc.) ; a God, not only
all-powerful, but ever-present with his people (Gn. 26^" 28^^ 39^
Nu. i4»').

(2) The origin of sin, and with it of human suffering ; the power
of temptation and the terrible results which follow its victory over
man ; the awful picture of the growth of evil in civilization ; and,
likewise, the possibiHty of deliverance from evil and distress through
the kindness and love of Yahweh.

(3) Great characters, who, while not without fault, " on the
whole maintained a lofty standard of faith, constancy, and upright-
ness of life, both among the heathen in whose land they dwelt,
and also amid examples of worldly self-indulgence, duplicity, and
jealousy, afforded sometimes by members of their own family "
(Driver, o/>. cit^. This life is intended to bring about the establish-
ment of a holy people in the world (Gn. 18^^'').

(4) A future mission in the world (perhaps not yet to the world),
where Israel is to be conspicuous by reason of the special privileges
accorded. These blessings will take the form of material pros-
perity (cf. the spiritual gifts so great as to attract the envy of all
nations, suggested later in Gn. 22^^ 26* [R.])-

6. The place of the Judaean narrative in prophecy and its rela-
tion to the later prophets may receive only a brief statement,
(i) The ideas of Yahweh as just and hating sin, as merciful,
and as faithful, are the very ideas afterward emphasized, respec-
tively by Amos, Hosea, and Isaiah ; the representation of him as
all-powerful, and ever-present with his people, precedes Amos's
representation in chaps, i, 2, and that of Isaiah's Immanuel.

(2) The conception of sin, and the statement of its evil effects,
contain the very substance of all subsequent prophetic utterance.

(3) The germ of the Messianic hope, here appearing, in later years
is to occupy a large place in religious thought. (4) The concep-
tion of Israel's mission in the world ultimately develops into the
doctrine of the servant of Yahweh.

Besides this, the more specific allusions to J which are found
in Amos and Hosea may be noted, e.g. : Am. 3^, cf. Gn. 1 8^^ ;

THE EPHRAIMITE NARRATIVE Ixxix

Ho. 4«-i'' 9\ cf. Nu. 11-^; Am. 4" Ho. ii», cf. Gn. iS^-ip^^; and
the relation of the two conflicting estimates of Jacob in Ho.
chap. 12 to J's attitude toward the patriarch.

§ 9. The Ephraimite Narrative (E).

This narrative of Israel's early history took form as early as
800 B.C., and, with the Judaean narrative already discussed, fur-
nishes us a remarkable picture of the Hfe and thought of the
period.

I. Certain preliminary points concerning E require brief consideration :
(i) The evidence of E's Northern origin is found* in its interest in the
sanctuaries of Northern Israel ; its assignment of the leadership in the Joseph
story to Reuben (cf. J's assignment of it to Judah); its giving of a conspicu-
ous place to Joseph in Dt. 3;^, the account of his covenant with the tribes
at Shechem, and the interment of his bones at Shechem ; the mention of the
tombs of many prominent persons, especially those located in the North ;
some points of contact with Aramaic in its language ; the prophetic spirit
which breathes through it and is characteristic of the North, the home of
prophecy, t

(2) The date of E is 800 B.C. to 750 B.C.J The general historical situ-
ation of the writers seems to be the same as in the case of J, namely, the
period of the monarchy. But the general theological standpoint of E is
unanimously conceded to be more advanced than that of J ; e.g. the concep-
tion of the deity is less anthropomorphic (cf. especially, Ex. 3I*) ; the idea
of progress in revelation appears ; the whole representation of the method

* V. Carpenter and Battersby, Hex. I. 116 f. ; Dr. LOT. 122; Holzinger, £ini.
212 ff.

t The oldest form of J has been assigned to the North by some scholars, <r^.
Schra. in De VVetle's Einl.^ 321 ; Reuss, Gesch. d. heil. Schriften d. A.T., § 213;
Kue. Hex. 248 ff. ; but this view does not commend itself.

X That E was prior to J was the prevailing opinion until the appearance of We.'s
Gesch. Isr. (I. 370 ff.) in which the opposite view was adopted, which is now gen-
erally accepted. For the old view, v. Di. Num.-Dt.-Jos. 620 ff., 630 ff. ; Kit. Hist.
I.76ff. Kue. {Hex. 248-52) dates El about 750 and E2 about 650 B.C.; so Co.
Ehil. 51. Sta. {GVI. I. 58 f.) places E about 750 B.C., and maintains the possibility
of additions to it after 722 B.C. (p. 582, note i). Holzinger {Einl. 225 f.) puts Et in
the latter half of the eighth century and E2 early in the seventh century. Carpenter
and Battersby assign El to the first half of the eighth century, and " affirm that E,
Uke J, contains elements of various date, some of which may have been contributed
to it after it had been adopted into the record of history and law preserved in
Judah"; similarly Steuernagel, Deuteronomium, etc., 282 f. Wildeboer puts El
about 750 B.C. and £2 somewhere before 621.

Ixxx INTRODUCTION

of the divine activity in the world is in the realm of the supernatural and
superrational ; the transcendent God makes known his will to men in
dreams and visions and through angels, not by direct, personal speech as in
J. Furthermore, in the case of stories common to J and E, not infrequently,
the earlier form of the tradition is evidently that in J ; ^^. in Gn. 26^6-33 Q)
and 21-2-31 (^E), according to E the covenant is binding upon posterity, the
oath becomes one of exculpation, and seven lambs are introduced in an
attempt to explain the origin of the name Beer-sheba (cf. also Gn. 3oi'*-i^ [J]
with 3oi''*'- [E], and 30-^ [J] with 30^3 [E]). For a terminus ad quern "jzz B.C.
is the lowest possible date, since nowhere in E is there any allusion to the
overthrow of the state, which a Northern writer must have mentioned had he
been through that experience. The same may safely be said of the events of
734 B.C. The whole character of E's narrative reflects a period of prosperity
such as the reign of Jeroboam II.; the tone is one of confidence and hope,
with no consciousness of recent disasters nor premonitions of approaching
misfortunes. The points of contact between Hosea and E {v.i^ also seem to
point to the priority of the latter, and so confirm the assignment of E to the
date 800-750 B.C.

(3) In comparing the scope of E with that of J, we observe
{a) that in E the relation of Israel's tradition to the outside world
is altogether ignored, the barest allusion {e.g. Gn. 20^^ Jos. 24^)
being made to the Mesopotamian antecedents of Abraham's
family ; but (^) the history of the family, and later of the nation,
proceeds on lines quite parallel to those of J. The more inter-
esting variations are (<:) the story of the intended sacrifice of Isaac
(Gn. 22), the fuller statement of Jacob's intercourse with Laban,
the special attention given to the Joseph-episode, the very inde-
pendent account of Moses and his times, as well as of the cere-
mony at Horeb where the " ten words " are proclaimed and the
covenant instituted, after which (Ex. 24^"^) follow the reception
of the tables of stone in the mountain and the apostasy of the
golden calf. Out of this came the estabhshment of the tent of
meeting (Ex. 33'^'"),* in connection with which certain events of
important prophetic significance occur (the prophetic inspiration
of the seventy elders, Nu. n^^-so^ the vindication of Moses' pe-
culiar prophetic office, 12^"^^). Thence the narrative passes on to
the conquest and the distribution of the land and Joshua's final

* E's description of the tent of meeting has been omitted to make place for the
more elaborate account of P.

THE EPHRAIMITE NARRATIVE Ixxxi

leave-taking at Shechem (Jos. 24). The narrative unquestionably
continues through Judges and Samuel,* thus reaching down at least
into the early history of the monarchy, perhaps even to the Elisha
stories in 2 Kings.f

(4) The purpose of this narrative is evidently to magnify the
office of the leaders, and these leaders are prophets, e.g. Abraham
(Gn. 20O, Isaac (Gn. 2-^'), Jacob (48=^^), Joseph (50=^), and
Moses (Nu. 12^''^), to all of whom visions are granted of the future
prosperity of the nation. Israel's government is a theocracy, in
which the prophets speak for God. When Israel has obeyed the
theocratic representatives, she has always been the recipient of
divine favor, which signified peace and plenty. When Israel dis-
obeyed, the divine anger was visited upon her in the form of
disaster. It is not the secular rulers upon whom her success
depends, but the theocratic guides. This teaching, which the nar-
rative throughout was intended to convey, is admirably summed
up in Joshua's farewell address (chap. 24).

2. The prophetic element in E, as has been said, is most
conspicuous ; { and the narrative, for this reason, is of especial
interest to us. We may recall the representation of Abraham as a
prophet (Gn. 20^), the ascription to Joseph of the spirit of Elohim
(Gn. 41^), the unique place in pre-prophetism assigned to Moses
(Nu. 12^"" ; cf. Dt. 34^**"^'), the treatment of Miriam as a prophetess
(Ex. 15^), the recognition of the non-Israelitish Balaam as a
prophet (Nu. 23^-*), the prophetic inspiration and authority
accorded to the seventy elders (Nu. ni^f .a^i-so^^ ^^ characteriza-
tion of Joshua as the minister of Moses and the servant of Yahweh,
the forecasts of Israel's greatness made in the visions ascribed

* GYM. Judges, XXV. ff. ; Bu. Richter {Kurzer Hand-Comm. z. A. T.) , XII.-XV,
and Samuel {SB OT.).

t It is important to separate E2, so far as possible, from Ei, for it is only the
latter that preceded Hosea. Concerning the limits of E2, however, there is as yet
little agreement, the exceedingly fragmentary character of E as a whole rendering
it peculiarly difficult to determine definitely the different strata within the docu-
ment. The more important passages assigned to E^ are : Gn. 34 35I-* Ex. 32I-336
Nu. Ill* 16 f. 24 5-30 122-8 2i32-35_ and, by some, the Decalogue of Ex. 20 (but v.s.).
Cf. Kue. Hex. 251 f . ; Co. Einl. 48 ff. ; Wildeboer, Litteratur d. A. T. 140; Car-
penter and Battersby, Hex. I. 119 f.

X V. Holzinger, Einl. 209-11 ; Carpenter and Battersby, Hex. I. 113.

Ixxxii INTRODUCTION

to dying patriarchs (Gn. 2f^^- 46^ 48^), the hero-stories which
were pictures intended to serve as the ideals of the times in
which the narratives were written, and, in fact, as anticipations or
predictions of Israel's future glory, and the general representation
of theocratic guidance and control which is always present. In
all this the prophetic element is pronounced. Furthermore, the
emphasis of E upon ethical matters and everything pertaining
to the impartial administration of justice is in keeping with its
prophetic character ; cf. the large amount of legislation concern-
ing the rights of individuals and their mutual responsibilities incor-
porated in E, and especially the ethical character of E's decalogue
(p. Ixi ff.) as compared with that of J, and the evident effort to
remove from the old traditions everything detrimental to the repu-
tation of the prophetic heroes. This ethical interest is in the
direct line of the development of thought which culminates in
Amos and the writing prophets, E possesses also a larger interest
in priestly matters than J, but this is wholly subordinate in com-
parison with his prophetic tendency.

3. The message of E * is after all quite distinct from that of J,
although it contains very much, indeed, that is the same : —

(i) The teaching concerning God is characterized by (a) a
recognition of three different stages of growth through which the
conception has passed, viz. that of Israel's early ancestors, poly-
theism (Jos. 24-), that of Abraham and Jacob, cf. the reformation
instituted by the latter after seeing Elohim's angels at Bethel
(Gn. 35^"^), and that connected with the revelation of Yahweh
(Ex. 3^^) ; (^) the important place assigned to representatives
(viz. prophetic spokesmen or angeUc messengers Ex. 14^^), as
agents of the deity in his intercourse with the people, and to
dreams as a method of communication, and the consequent absence
of the crude, though picturesque, anthropomorphisms found in
J ; (<r) the treatment of important events as the result, not of
human effort in a natural way, but of the direct action of the deity
(Ex. 17^^^ Jos. 6*), and in this same connection, the employment
by the deity of men to accomphsh his plans in spite of their igno-
rance or hostility (Gn. 50^ 45^) ; (d) the use in connection with

* F. especially Holzinger, EinL 201-12.

THE EPHRAIMITE NARRATIVE Ixxxiii

the deity of certain peculiar forms and phrases, e.g. the plural of
the verbal form (Gn. 20^^ 31^ 35^ Ex. 22^ Jos. 24'^), the phrase
"fear of Isaac" (Gn. 3i*^'^), the reference to the sacred stone
(Gn. 28^), the pillar at the door of the tent speaking (Ex. 33®),
the stone of witness (Jos. 24^'), the "trying" of the people by
the deity (Gn. 22^).

The whole idea of God is more theological and abstract (cf. the
new interpretation given the word m,T, viz. n\"ii< Ti'K n\"is) than is
the case in J. E's God is an exalted personality far removed from
his people, and working almost entirely in the realm of the super-
natural. He is a God of transcendent power and majesty and of
unchanging purpose.

(2) Other characteristic elements in E's message, already mentioned, may
be briefly summarized as follows : (a) A keener ethical sense than J's, as
seen particularly in the evident desire to shield the reputation of the patriarchs
by relieving them of the responsibility for certain transactions {^e.g. Abraham
expels Hagar only when commanded so to do (Gn. 2ii"^), Jacob in his shrewd
dealing with Laban is acting under the direct guidance of God (Gn. 31'-^- ^- ^).
(J)) A very definite recognition of the patriarchal cultus, with its tent of meet-
ing (Ex. 33^"^^), placed under the charge of Joshua, rather than of Aaron and
his sons (Nu. iii*'"''*'), together with altars and pillars (Gn. 28^* -- Ex. 24''),
but no priests. {/) An utter lack of interest in the outside world, or in the
connection of Israel's history with the outside world.

(3) E's message, briefly stated, was this : Israel's God is a being
of wonderful majesty and exalted personality, with unlimited power.
His purpose concerning the nation is unchanging. He is not close
at hand to communicate with you in person, but makes known
to you his will through definite agents, prophets, and messen-
gers ', there is no occasion to be ignorant of his wishes, which
have been declared so clearly by these agents raised up to repre-
sent him. History has shown conclusively that when the voice of
these agents has been heeded, the nation has had peace and pros-
perity ; but when there has been rebellion against their injunc-
tions, there have come ruin and disaster. In every important
crisis of national history, Israel's God has shown his interest by
direct action on Israel's behalf; but he has never hesitated to send
punishment when Israel deserved the same. Israel may learn how
Yahweh would have the nation act, if attention is given to the lives

Ixxxiv INTRODUCTION

of the old patriarchal ancestors and to the great events of early
national history. These experiences of honor and glory will again
be enjoyed, if only Israel will give heed to the lessons of the past,
improve the standards of conduct, and worship Yahweh as did
their ancestors.

4. The relation of E to other prophets is quite clear. It is
more advanced and higher than J. In many points it is on a level
with Amos and Hosea. It is hke Hosea, rather than J and Amos,
in showing little or no interest in the larger world-view. It is
interesting to note that the broader conception is confined to the
two documents of Judaean origin. E sees no such danger in the
cult as is evidenced by Amos and Hosea. E's thought of sin is
that of J. While E's ethical standards (cf. p. Ixxxiii) are higher
than those of J, they do not reach the level on which those of
Amos and Hosea rest.

In E we have the close of the pre-prophetic movement, for with
Amos, as all agree, real prophecy has begun. We may now ask,
what was the basis and character of this movement, taken as a
whole ?

B. THE BASIS AND CHARACTER OF THE PRE-PROPHETIC
MOVEMENT.

§ 10. The Relation of Pre-prophetism to Mosaism.

The question of the connection of pre-prophetism with Mosaism is
as interesting as it is difficult. Such connection is taken for granted
in J and E (likewise in D).* But does this assumption stand the
historical test ? f The answer to this question bears most directly

* Both J and E narrate the circumstances of Moses' work with great minuteness,
and on all the main points there is a fair agreement. They unite in ascribing to
him (i) leadership in the deliverance from Egypt and in the journey to Canaan ;
(2) the position as the representative of Yahweh to Israel ; (3) the place as mediator
in the making of a covenant between Yahweh and Israel ; (4) the honor of founding
Israel's legislation.

t Che. {£'^. art. " Moses ") makes the name Moses that of a clan; Wkl. (G/. II.
86-95) makes the entire Moses story a transformation of an original Tammuz myth ;
but the historicity of the narratives, in a greater or less degree, is maintained by Sta.
GVI. I. 130; We. Prol. 429-40; Sm. Rel?' 15 ff . ; Kit. Hist. I. 227-39; WRS.
07yC.2 303 ff. ; Giesebrecht, Geschichtl. d. Sinaibundes ; Bennett, art. " Moses,"
DB. ; H. P. Smith, O. T. Hist. 56 ff. ; and many others.

THE RELATION OF PRE-PROPHETISM TO MOSAISM Ixxxv

upon the estimate which we shall finally place upon the work of
Amos ; for, in the fewest words, the case may thus be stated : Did
the ethical idea which formed the essence of prophetic teaching
have its origin in Amos ? or is there clear trace of its existence
before the days of Amos ? Is it seen in the transforming work of
J and E in their stories dealing with world-history and nation-
history (v.s.)? Is evidence of its presence to be seen farther back,
in the legal formulations found incorporated in J and E (v.s.) ? Is
it seen still earlier, in the motives and methods of Elijah, Elisha,
and the nebhVim, whose work began in the days of the seer
Samuel ? And is the germ of it all to be discovered in Mosaism ?
If we are to reach a safe conclusion concerning Moses and his
relation to the subsequent history of Israel and Israel's religion,
more, perhaps, is to be stated in the form of negation than in the
form of affirmation. This is true, partly because so much that is
unfounded has been affirmed, partly also because it is practically
impossible to draw a sharp line between Mosaism and the pre-
prophetic religion, or to trace with perfect satisfaction the relations
between the two.

1. It may safely be said that the pre-prophetic religion, even if
this includes Mosaism as its basis, has little to do with Egypt or
Egyptism ; * while, on the other hand, its relation to the desert of
Sinai (or Horeb), and to the tribe of which Jethro was priest is
very close. This locality, according to all tradition, was the scene
and source not only of Moses' education, but also of the call from
the deity, as well as of the work of Jethro, who became the guide
(religious and secular) of Moses (and likewise his father-in-law) ; t
and this, also, was the place, according to all tradition, in which
Israel later entered into covenant with Yahweh (z^x.).

2. We must relinquish the conception (old and widely accepted
as it may be) that Mosaism and the developments from it are
identical, \ an idea which has been the occasion of much error

* This is granted by those who hold to the Egyptian bondage, e.g. Sm. Rel. 2 37 ;
Marti, Rel. 55 f.; Schultz, Tlieol. I. 127 ff. ; Kue. Rel. I. 275 ff.; and follows as a
matter of course upon the adoption of the Musri hypothesis.

t For explanations of the two names Jethro and Hobab, see the commentaries
in loc, and the articles " Hobab" and " Jethro" in DB., EB., and PRE.^

X Bennett ^DB. HI. 446) rightly recognizes the necessity and the difficulty of
making this distinction.

Ixxxvi INTRODUCTION

and confusion ; but we may regard it as established that Moses
represents historically (a) the deliverance of Israel from Egypt,*
(d) the union of several clans into one community (perhaps not
yet a nation),! and {c) a new conception of deity expressed in,
or in connection with, the word "Yahweh." J

3. We are no longer to argue, a priori, that the Moses of tradi-
tion must have been just what the tradition represented him as
being, for, on this basis, we cannot explain "the ethical impulse
and tendency, which, at any rate from the time of the prophet
Amos (and Amos, be it remembered, presupposes that this impulse
is no novelty), is conspicuous in the history of the Israelitish reli-
gion" (Cheyne); but we are entirely justified in believing that
Moses was the founder of a religion, and "brought to his people a
new creative idea (viz. the worship of Yahweh as a national God),
which moulded their national life" (Stade, GVI. I. 130; ci.Akad.
Reden., 105 ff.). §

4. We may safely deny the ascription to Moses of literary work
of any kind, even the songs with which his name is connected
{^e.g. Ex. 15^'^* Dt. 32^'^^ 33'"^)5 or the "judgments and precepts"
of CC (§ 7), and the decalogues of E (Ex. 20), and of J (Ex. 34) ; ||
but, without much question, we may hold him responsible for the
institution of the tent of meeting as the dwelhng-place of the deity,
together with the ark, and the beginning of a priesthood, and this

* Ew. Hist. II. 75 ; We. Prol. 429 if. ; Sm. /?^/.2 15 ff. ; Kit. Hist. I. 227 f.

t See especially Eerdmans, ThT. XXXVII. 19 ff.; Bu. Rel. 35 ff.

+ Bu. Rel. 35 f. ; K. DB. V. 624 ff.

\ Cf. We. {Prol.'), "Moses was not the first discoverer of this faith (viz. that
Yahweh is the God of Israel, and Israel the people of Yahweh), but it was through
him that it came to be the fundamental basis of the national existence and history " ;
WRS. {OTJC?- 305), " He founded in Israel the great principles of the moral reli-
gion of the righteous Yahweh." Co. {Hist, of the People of Isr.) says of Moses'
work at Sinai, " It is one of the most remarkable moments in the history of man-
kind, the birth hour of the religion of the spirit. In the thunderstorms of Sinai the
God of revelation himself comes down upon the earth ; here we have the dawn
of the day which was to break upon the whole human race, and among the
greatest mortals who ever walked this earth Moses will always remain one of the
greatest."

II Moses was preeminently a man of affairs ; the strenuous nature of his activities
as leader and organizer of the tribes of Israel left no opportunity for literary pur-
suits. His work was "rather practical than didactic, the influence of an inspired
life rather than the inculcation of abstract dogmas" (Bennett, DB. III. 446).

THE RELATION OF PRE-PROPHETISM TO MOSAISM Ixxxvii

is the germ of much of the institutional element that follows
in later years.

5. We may find greater or less difficulty in discovering the basis
of an ethical development in Mosaism, either (a) in the essentially
ethical character of the claim upon Israel, which grew out of the
great act of mercy performed by Yahweh at the crossing of the
Red Sea, Israel's religion taking on gradually thereafter a moral
character, because she is constantly impelled to pay due regard to
the claim ; * or {l>) in the new conception of God, viz. that he
controls nature and history, involving the truth that Yahweh was
not the God of a country but of a people, the relation of a deity
to a people being more spiritual than that of a deity to a country ; f
or (c) in the mutual loyalty of the tribes to one another and their
common loyalty to one God, in contrast with the individual heno-
theism of Moab, Ammon, etc.

It is probable, on the other hand, that a more reasonable hy-
pothesis will be found in the view J that this development has its
roots in the fact that Israel's relation to Yahweh was not that of
blood-kindred, as in the case of nature religions, nor that simply
of long observance which had become something inevitable ; but,
rather, a relation entered into by choice, one which, unlike that
of a nature religion, could be broken, but also one which Israel
was led to preserve, because Yahweh had wrought great works in
her behalf. Budde's summary (p. ^8) expresses this thought
most exactly : " Israel's religion became ethical because it was
a religion of choice and not of nature, because it rested on a
voluntary decision, which estabhshed an ethical relation between
the people and its God for all time."

6. We may acknowledge quite freely the insufficiency and
uncertainty of the materials at our command, and, as well, the
difficulty of giving proper credit to the various agents and move-
ments concerned with the development of the great ethical ideas
concerning righteousness, which had before been unknown ; but,
at the same time, we cannot fail to recognize that certain facts

* Che. £B. 3214. t Bennett, DB. III. 446.

X So Tiele, Manuel de I'histoirc des religions (1880), 84, and Histoire comparee
des anciennes religions (1882), chap. IX.; Sta. GVI. I. 130 ff . ; Bu. Rel. 1-38;
Barton, Sketch of Semitic Origins, 275 ff.

IxxXViii INTRODUCTION

have been established which fit into hypotheses more or less satis-
factory, the fundamental factor in which is the close logical and
historical connection between pre-prophetism and Mosaism. In-
deed, it may be asserted that Mosaism is as fundamental to pre-
prophetism as is pre-prophetism to prophetism itself.

§ II. The Essential Thought of Pre-prophetism.

Is it possible now to think of this movement in its unity, and,
in spite of the many difficulties which exist, to separate and dis-
tinguish its thought from that which precedes and follows it? In
making the effort to draw historical lines, we may observe : (i) That
the case before us is, in some sense, a definite one, since we are
concerned with Israel's religious thought during the period in
which Yahwism is in co?itact with Baalism as a rival religion.
This contact began when Israel entered Canaan ; it ended in the
century in which Jehu, under the influence of the nebhi'im, up-
rooted it.* We might go farther and say that we are dealing
with Yahwism itself; for, pure Yahwism, at the end of this period,
passes into prophetism, which, still later, becomes Judaism.
(2) Consequently, our question is a threefold one : What was
Yahwism at the time of the entrance into Canaan? With what
did Yahwism have to contend in the centuries from iioo to
800 B.C. ? What had Yahwism become at the close of the con-
test ? Two or three subsidiary questions will arise, viz. : How
was it that, in the end, Yahwism became supreme ? Is the differ-
ence between the Yahwism of 1 100 b.c. and that of 800 b.c. the sum
contributed by the nebhVini ? or did Yahwism draw from Baalism
itself much that was of vital significance? And further, were the
institutions of Baalism made use of by Yahwism in securing this
position of superiority?

I. It is natural to consider first the idea of God.

(i) When Yahwism, whatever may have been its origin,t came

* The effects of Baalism continue down to Hosea and later; some of them are,
indeed, incorporated in Yahwism (i'.j.) .

t Whether, e.g. (i) in an original direct revelation (so most old interpreters) ;
(2) in the old Arabian tribal religion (Schultz, et al.) ; (3) in the religion of the
Kenites (Stade, Budde, et al.) ; or (4) in the esoteric monotheism of the Egyptian
priesthood.

THE ESSENTIAL THOUGHT OF PRE-PROPHETISM Ixxxix

into Canaan, it was, so far as the conception of God was concerned,
simple and primitive, very crude and naive, monotonous and severe.

This appears in (a) the conception of Yahweh as the god of the mountain
(Sinai), a conception which continued in one form or another until late in
Israel's history (Dt. 332 f i K. 198 Ps. 68^ Hb. f). (d) The more widely
prevailing conception of Yahweh as the god of war, an idea which found
strong justification in the issue of the contest with Egypt (cf. also, the war-
song with which camp was broken, Nu. 10^), as well as that with the
Canaanites (cf. the fear of the Philistines, i S. 4^ *•, on account of Yahweh's
presence in the ark). This is seen also in the allusion to Israel's armies as
Yahweh's armies (i S. ly^^ 25^8), and in the very name, Yahweh Sabaoth
(cf. 2 S. 5^°).* {c) The conception of him also as the God of the desert
{i.e. of the nomad), and especially in connection with storms, e.g. at the giving
of the law (Ex. 19), in the battle of Deborah (Ju. s*''), in the storm exhibited
to Elijah at Horeb (l K. 19^^*^), and in later times, v.s. It is here that the
. nomadic temperament of pre-prophetism {v.s.') finds its basis.f {d) The
conception of the ark, a materialistic symbol of Yahweh's presence, which
plays a great role in this early period, J actually representing Yahweh, and
not merely containing some image or symbolic stone. The history of its
presence or absence in Israel's armies, its transportation hither and thither
until at last it is deposited in the Temple (l K. 8*-^^), is full of significance
in showing the crude and crass conceptions of deity entertained, not only by
the people, but also by the leaders.

(^) The use of images, involving family and clan conceptions of deity,
distinct from that of Yahweh. § Some of these images, unquestionably, were
employed to represent Yahweh, e.g. the Sds, originally of wood or stone, and
probably of human form (Ju. 17^*^^), || likewise, the TiflN(p. 221), perhaps origi-
nally the garment used to clothe the image, and later, the image itself, and used
in obtaining oracles. But the teraphim (p. 222), used very frequently of Yahweh,
are also images of ancestors, of the tribal or family gods, as in the case of
Rachel (Gn. 3119- 34 f. cf. 30.32)^ and of the king of Babylon (Ez. 2i26).f It is
understood that all of these usages existed in the earliest times of the pre-
prophetic period.

* Cf. especially Schwally, Sent. Kriegsalter turner, I. 4 ff.

t Cf. Bu. Rel. 27, who adds, also, the representation of the burning bush, the pillar
of fire and smoke, the lightning as Yahweh's " fire " or " arrow," the thunder as his
" voice," the rainbow as his " bow."

X K. DB. V. 628 ; cf. his foot-note for a careful survey of recent literature.

§ K. DB. V. 641 f.

II Not referred to in Ex. 34I7, and probably not in Ex. 20*-6.

H So Schwally, Das Leben nach d. Tode ; Matthes, TkT., 1900, pp. 97 ff., 193 ff.;
1901, pp. 320 ff. ; but cf. K. DB. V. 614 f., 642, who wrongly denies the existence of
even survivals of ancestor-worship in Israel.

XC INTRODUCTION

(2) What, now, did Israel find in Canaan that required to be
either assimilated or destroyed ? To what extent, and through what
means, in the course of the struggle was Yahwism itself modified?

{a) The distribution of the clans among the Canaanites in-
volved a serious risk, for they now acted more or less independently
of each other, and much that had been gained by their union was
lost. With Canaanites on every side of them, they were com-
pelled to give a certain recognition to the gods of the people, who
were, likewise, the gods of the land; and especially was this true in
view of the fact that they were unable to drive out the Canaanites,
but lived with them side by side (Ju. i* 18^ *'^). How could they
do other than express gratitude to the Baalim, i.e. the gods of the
land, for the fruits which they gave?

{b) The new life, moreover, was an agricultural rather than a
nomadic life, and demanded many modifications. The Israelites
were the pupils of the Canaanites in all " the finer arts of field and
vine culture," and the association needed for this could not fail to
exert a great influence on Israel's life and Jihought.*

(<r) The nation for the first time came into touch with real
civiHzation, and civilization was for them identical with Baalism.
This explains why the nebhVim tended toward an isolated life, and
seem in most cases to have opposed all progress toward civilization.
The emblems of civilization, corn and oil, silver and gold, Israel
believed, came from the Baalim (Ho. 2^).

(</) The nature of Baalism itself f was something peculiarly
attractive to people of a sensuous type. The great emphasis
placed on reproduction and everything connected with it, whether
in the realm of vegetable or animal or human life, gave it a per-
vasive influence, for all life in the narrower, if not in the broader,
sense was involved. The strength of the ideas thus included is
evident from the hold they took upon many nations of ancient
times. There was a stimulus in all this, a warmth which, although
greatly abused, produced also some good results.

(3) What actually occurred in the process of this long struggle
was as follows : {a) Yahweh's residence is changed ; he gradually

* Gu. GVI. 15s ff. ; Sta. Akad. Reden, 109 fif., 116 ff. ; K. DB. V. 645.
tCf. A. S. Peake, art. "Baal,"Z)5; WRS. SemP- 93-113; WRS. and GFM.,
art. " Baal," EB.; Movers, Die Phonizier, I. 672-90.

THE ESSENTIAL THOUGHT OF PRE-PROPHETISM xci

takes up his dwelling in the new territory. This means that the
Baalim whom men worshipped at many different points, under vari-
ous names, Baal-Peor, Baal-Hermon, etc. (cf. also Baal-Berith,
Baal-Zebub), were displaced by Yahweh, who was worshipped at
all the sacred places and bore different names according to the
place (e.g. ch'V b», the eternal God, Gn. 21*^; "rKTi'S hn, the God
of Bethel, 31^' 35^; mbv; '-, Yahweh Shalom, Ju. 6-\ etc.). All
this change has taken place before the times of J and E, for, as
Kautzsch points out (DB. V. 646), the patriarchal narratives do
not know of any Baal- worship in the land. Yahweh has taken
Baal's place, but in so doing the Yahweh ritual has absorbed so
much of Baalism as to become, practically, a Baal ritual. (^) The
idea grows that Yahweh " is enthroned as God in heaven." This
means much, for it impHes that he is superior to all other gods.
It is from heaven that he performs all those acts which indicate
his power over the elements (e.g. rain, dew, fire, Gn. 19-^) and
over the fruits of the soil. He is called the God of heaven (Gn.
24"). Messengers must now be employed to represent him, and
these angels call from heaven (21^^ 22"), and, indeed, go up and
down on ladders which unite heaven and earth (28'-'), the " house
of God" being identical with the "gate of heaven." (c) His
nature as the God of the desert is changed ; he is no longer hos-
tile to civilization. Yahwism could never have become without
change the religion of a civilized people, still less of humanity.
" He takes under his protection every new advance in civilization."*
(d) His nature as destroyer (war-god) is changed, for he is no
longer the deity of desolation and silence. He is in continual
touch with man's activity, and everything is subordinated to secure
his influence and blessing. The idea of beneficence and love has
come. Warmth and color now exist, where all before was cold and
stern, (e) Baalism, acting as a " decomposing reagent," brings
unity, solidarity, in so far as like conditions exist, and thereby all
cult and family images must disappear. Hence arises the oppo-
sition to image-worship which forms so large an element in
prophetism beginning with Hosea. (/) Attempts are made to
spiritualize the old physical conception of Yahweh. Among these

* Cf. on this general subject, Bu. ReL 72 ff.

XCii INTRODUCTION

are to be counted (a) the expression, " angel of Yahweh " (J),
which was at first used when Yahweh was represented as coming
into contact with man (Gn. i6'"'- cf, "); in other words, a method
of Yahweh's manifestation;* (/3) the face of Yahweh (}),/.<?. the
person (Ex. 33""''^), but not the full being,t and (y) the name of
Yahiveh (Ex. 20^* 23^^), in which " name " is a " personified power,
placed side by side with the proper person of Yahweh," \ The
use of these phrases § is an attempt to substitute something
more spiritual for the thought of the human form, and marks
great progress in the conception of God.

(4) The agencies which bring about this change are in part :
(a) Those of the old Yahwism, the strength of which continues to
be felt in spite of the additions that have been taken on ; {l?) those
also of Baalism, among the chief of which was prophetism, adopted
and adapted by Israel {v.s^ ; but (e) the immediate occasion of
the acute attack which enabled Yahwism to throw off the gradu-
ally increasing burden that had almost proved its ruin, was the
attempt to force upon Israel a new form of this same Baalism,
that of Tyre. The situation was now essentially different from
that which existed in the early days of the conquest ; for at
this time Yahweh had actually taken possession of the land, and
the question was : Shall a foreign god, the deity of Tyre, who has
already shown great power, come in and overpower the god of
the land, who is now Yahweh ? || On the nature of this struggle
in detail, z>j. The old Baalism had become so intimate a part of
Yahwism that at this time it is lost sight of in the new BaaHsm
which threatens Israel. This distinction makes clear what at first
seems contradictory, viz. the idea that Baalism was actually uprooted
by Jehu, and the idea, which also existed, that Baalism was still a
corrupting element in Israel's religion.

(5) At the close of the struggle, Yahwism is victorious;^ the
conception of God which has now developed being as follows :

* K. DB. V. 638 f. ; Kosters, T/t T., 1875, pp. 367 ff. t Cf. comm. in loc.

I Giesebrecht, Die aJttest. Sclidtzung des Gottesnamens u. ihre religionsgeschicht-
liche Grundlage, 66; K. DB. V. 640 f.; F. J. Coffin, /5Z.. XIX. (1900), 166-188.

\ The phrase " glory of Yahweh " probably arose in this period, but there is no
certain evidence of its existence until a slightly later date; cf. i S. 422 Ex. 33I*
(late J) Nu. 1422 (JE). || K. DB. V. 647. H Bu. Rel. 106.

THE ESSENTIAL THOUGHT OF PRE-PROPHETISM xciii

{a) Yahweh is a god irresistible in nature and among nations, the
idea of a merely national god having been outgrown. This is seen
in the power attributed to Yahweh over other nations, e.g. Egypt,
and Canaan, as well as in the extra-national existence involved in
his residence at Sinai, and likewise in the later conception of a
heavenly residence {v.s.). The narrower idea of Yahweh as the
god of a land has never existed. He has been and is a national
god, i.e. Israel's God ; but he is also something more than this, a
god who controls nations and nature in Israel's favor. It is not in
this same sense that we may speak of Chemosh or Ashur.

{b) He is, moreover, a god who is the moral ruler of his people ;
this has not gone so far as to affect individuals, being still hmited
to families and nations. The interests of the individual are indeed
conceived of as under the protection of Yahweh, but they are
wholly subordinate to those of the nation, being in themselves of
too slight importance to merit the especial and continuous con-
sideration of the deity, except in so far as they contribute to the
national life and progress.* Yahweh's rule is characterized by jus-
tice, and his power to judge extends to heaven and to Sheol. Here
we must estimate the true character of judgment in ancient times,
for, although it came from Yahweh, it signified, not a " moral inves-
tigation and instruction," but "an oracular response obtained by
means of a sacred lot" (Ex. 22^**^^ Jos. ^i^ff. asir. j g 14). -j- This, as
Budde says, is not moral, but intellectual knowledge. But this
primitive judgment has nevertheless given place to the verdict
against kings pronounced by Nathan and Elijah {v.s.).

He is known for his personal interest and love, since he has
shown himself to be, not only a helper and a friend, but, indeed, a
father. \ This signifies something very great, for he is no longer
simply a natural or even national god, and therefore compelled to
render such service. If deliverances have been wrought, they
have come through his affection. There is a sense, likewise, in
which he is a holy god, and disobedience of his regulations is sin.
This is implied in the claim of Elijah, who treats allegiance to any
other god as sin ; in representations of J and E, that disregard of
Yahweh's will (cf. especially the story of the origin and progress of

* Cf. Sm. Rel.^ 102 ft f Bu. Rel. 33 f. + Cf. Sra. Rel.'^ 96-101.

xciv INTRODUCTION

sin given by J in Gn. 3-1 1) is deserving of severe punishment and
inevitably followed by judgment ; in the decalogues, which present
the ethical and the ritualistic demands of a god, himself holy, and
therefore demanding an elevated character in those who serve him ;
and in CC, the regulations of which are everywhere regarded as
the expression of the divine will.

(c) Yahweh alone is the God of Israel, and he only may be
worshipped, — this was the truth for which Elijah had contended,
and his contest had been won. The significance of this victory
can scarcely be overestimated. The fact that Yahweh had made
and enforced such a demand in itself challenged attention. It
emphasized the fundamental and far-reaching difference between
Yahweh and the nature gods of Canaan and the surrounding
peoples.* This difference consisted chiefly in the essentially
ethical and spiritual nature of Yahweh, which must of necessity
find expression in demands upon his people for a worship arising
from the heart and a life devoted to ideals of justice and purity.

2. In what has already been said, there is much that refers to
the conceptions concerning man's duty to God, as expressed in
wo7-ship. We may add the following brief statement : —

(i) The priest, hardly known before the entrance into Canaan,
has attained an important place. The story of the priest-work
of Micah (Ju. 17, 18), and that of Eli and his sons (i S. 1^-4"), shed
much light upon the early history of the priesthood. He was at
first occupied with the care of the Ark (i S. 4^ 2 S. 15^^"^), and
with carrying or consulting the ephod (for no positive evidence
exists that the priests participated in sacrifice t). Out of this
function grew later the giving of directions, i.e. toroth, in matters
relating to law or ritual. But with the erection of the Temple, the
priests took on larger service and rose to a higher place in society
and in governmental affairs. Strong societies were organized, at
first in Jerusalem, and later in Northern Israel (cf. Dt. 33^*"^ [E],
in which the priesthood is recognized as organized and as possess-
ing high dignity and power). At the same time CC contains no
reference to a priest ; the whole matter is custom, not law.

(2) The high places taken over from Baahsm are still employed

* Cf. Kue. Rel. I. 367 f. f i S. 2i2fF. does not prove this.

THE ESSENTIAL THOUGHT OF PRE-PROPHETISM XCV

without objection as the seats of popular worship. These repre-
sent the ancient holy places, and have now become thoroughly
identified with Yahweh-worship, as distinguished from Baal-wor-
ship. The thought has not yet been suggested that worship shall
be restricted to one place, Jerusalem. The impossibihty of secur-
ing a pure worship at these high places has not yet been realized.

(3) Sacrifice is, after all, the chief feature of worship. It appears in the
meal of communion (i S. i* ^- 9^ ^■) ; the offerer may kill the victim, the fat is
reserved for Yahweh, and a portion is given to the priest (i S. 2^^''') ; the flesh
may not be eaten with the blood (i S. i^^^-^). All sacrifices zxe. gifts to the
deity; the offerings of Gideon (Ju. 6^8 *•) and Manoah (Ju. 13I9) represent
the usage of the times.*

(4) The passover, Israel's only festival in pre-Canaanitish times, has now
grown into several, among which are {a) the Sabbath (Ex. 34-1 23^- Dt. 5I2),
observed, however, with a humanitarian rather than a religious motive (z'.j.) ;
this same thing holds good also of (J)) the seventh year, which is beginning
to be observed. There are also {/) the new moon (i S. 20^^- ^^^■'), with
festivities lasting for two days, and (df) the three festivals at which all males
were to appear with gifts (Ex. 23"^- 34^^ ^OJ these were occasions of great
joy and feasting, reaching even to excess, for sacred women at the high places
prostituted themselves as a part of the religious ritual. Cf. Amos and Hosea
passim. \

(5) Custom has now in many cases been codified into law, for CC is clearly
in existence Xv.s^. These precedents are now recognized as having divine
sanction ; and while their scope is not broad, the essential content includes
reference to many of the more important of the religious institutions.

(6) The use of images continues, and oracles are consulted in order to
ascertain the divine will. This was the use made of Urim and Thummim,
which, in some way not quite clear, represented the sacred lot. Cf. I S. 14*^
(<S), and 14318. 36 J This usage, hardly consistent with a later and higher
prophetism, was still a part of the system in vogue, and entirely consistent
with that system.

3. It is not easy to formulate, as the expression of this Canaan-
itish-Israelitish age, the opinion which prevailed concerning the
relation of man to his fellow-man, his obligations, or, in other

* For further details v. Schultz, " Significance of Sacrifice in O. T.," AJT. IV.
257-313 ; Now. Arch. II. 203 ff. ; Dr., art. " Offering," DB. ; GFM., art. " Sacrifice,"
EB. : and my Priestly Element in O. T., 83-93.

t On early Israelitish festivals, see my Priestly Element in O, T., 94-7 ; Benz.,
art. " Feasts," EB. ; Now. Arch. II. 138 ff.

X GFM., art. " Urim and Thummim," EB.

XCvi INTRODUCTION

words, the ethical standards which were in vogue. But certain
things may be said, partly in the way of explanation, partly, also,
in the way of interpretation : —

(i) It is unfair to the age, and to the subject, to base one's con-
clusions on the extreme cases of immorality. Such cases occur in
our own day. The record of such cases (e.g. that of Judah and
Tamar (Gn. 38), and that of David and Bathsheba (i Sam. 11, 12))
is evidence, not of their common occurrence, but of their heinous-
ness in the sight of the prophet who makes the record.

(2) While we may still hesitate concerning the actual basis of
this ethical movement in Israel's history, and its origin, it is com-
paratively easy to point out, not only the elements in the remarkable
growth which has taken place in this period, but also the occasion
of the growth, viz. the advance in a true conception of Yahweh
(pp. xc fif.).

(3) The conception of higher ideals is still restricted to the
community (i.e. the family or clan), and has not received appli-
cation to the individual.

(4) This higher conception has influenced the attitude of Israel
neither toward outside nations, nor, indeed, toward the stranger
inside Israel's gates. This is not to be regarded as strange in view
of the definitely hostile relations which existed for the most part
between every ancient nation and its neighboring nations. Inter-
national comity and law must follow national law at a long distance.

(5) Custom is still, in great measure, the standard of action,
but this is more and more influenced by religious thought. And,
as already suggested, custom has now been formulated into law.
Crime is regarded as affecting Yahweh himself (2 S. 12", following
the reading of Lucian), and the enactments of CC, aside from
its ritual content, take cognizance of the most common and
important of the human relationships.

(6) The later decalogue, properly interpreted (?'.x.), marks
the stage of advancement now reached. This is splendidly sup-
ported and, indeed, developed in CC (pp. Ixivff".).

(7) But, after all, the stories of the patriarchs give us the truest
idea of the morals of the period.* They represent the highest ideals

* K. DB. V. 663 f.

THE ESSENTIAL THOUGHT OF PRE-PROPHETISM xcvii

of the teachers of Israel at the time they assumed literary form (cf.
pp. Ixxi, Ixxix f.). Abraham is the type of the truly pious Israelite,
exhibiting the qualities of faith and obedience under the most try-
ing circumstances ; while Jacob is the successful man of affairs,
whose prosperity is due, not alone to his own shrewdness, but also to
his faithful adherence to his God. The moral delinquencies of the
patriarchs must be estimated in view of {a) the fact that in large
part the questionable transactions are in relations with foreigners,
toward whom ethical requirements did not hold to such a high
degree (v.s.) ; (d) the effort of E to minimize the faults of the
patriarchs (7>.s.), which shows an ethical advance toward the close
of the pre-prophetic period ; (c) the indirect condemnation some-
times found within the stories themselves (cf. Gn. 20^*" 26^*^- 27^^).

(8) The stories of the kings enforce similar truths upon the
attention. The special position of the king as " the anointed of
Yahweh " and the most powerful personage in the nation added
emphasis to the use of his life-story for purposes of moral and
religious instruction. If David and his successors could achieve
success only in so far as they obeyed Yahweh and refrained
from evil, how much less could the nation at large disregard
Yahweh's will and prosper? The direct teaching of these stories
is evident.

4. Aside from the conceptions already considered, viz. those
of God, of man in relation to God, and of man in relation to man,
there are certain others with which the religious and ethical ideas
are closely associated. These possess more of the speculative
character and deal with the origins of things and the future.*

(i) Ideas concerning the origin atid nature of mafi had taken
on quite definite form, e.g. (a) the doefy of man (Gn. 2") is of
earth and at death returns to the earth (Gn. 3") ; while the
breath (z'.i.) is re-absorbed in the great Spirit of the universe ; this
body ox flesh is transitory in its nature (cf. Is. 31'') and always sub-
ject to decay and destruction ; it is, moreover, the occasion of
moral weakness ; but it is never represented as in itself sinful {i.e.
as equivalent to o-apl) and unclean.

ip') The blood is the life only in the sense that it is the source,

* Di. Theol. 355 ff. ; the recent statement of Kautzsch {DB. V. 665 ff.) fur-
nishes an admirable survey of this entire field.

XCVUl INTRODUCTION

or vehicle, or seat, of life ; consequently it must not be eaten
(i S. i4^-"'- ; cf. Dt. 12-^ Lv. 17"), for in so doing another Hfe might
be absorbed. The desire to bring about just such an identification
of different lives was the basis of the earlier sacrificial meals, of
which, however, no instance occurs in O. T. literature. The sig-
nificance of this conception of blood upon the later development
of sacrifice is very evident.

{c) The breath or spirit (nn) occupied a still larger place in the
older thought. This breath represented life, and had its origin in
the breath of Yahweh himself, which he breathed into the first man
(Gn. 2'). When this divine breath (the spirit of hfe) is called
back by Yahweh to himself (i.e. re-absorbed), death ensues. Nor
was this spirit restricted to human beings, for animal life (Gn. 2^')
had the same origin (Nu. 16" 27^" ; cf. Ps. io4^*'- Jb. 34"*), although
it was reckoned inferior, as is shown by the fact that man was
treated more directly and individually in the act of creation, animals
being animated, so to speak, as a species ; and further, although
animals are represented as created for man's use, none of them is
fit to be his "help." But now, this spirit, breathed into humanity
once for all in the case of the first man ( = traducianism, rather
than creationism), and including life of every kind, viz. thought,
will, and action, is everywhere a manifestation of the divine spirit
(cf. Acts \f)*

(2) The origin and purpose of the universe does not occupy a
large place in Hebrew pre-prophetic thought, and yet certain defi-
nite ideas are contained in J's statement in Gn. 2^*^- Perhaps
something also is to be learned from what this passage does 7iot con-
tain {^e.g. the lack of any mythical element) . {a) This narrative,
of which a portion (dealing with the creation of heaven and earth)
doubtless has been lost, clearly points to Yahweh as the former of
man and of man's home (but this is only what other religious
cosmogonies have done, each in its own way, and does not contra-
dict the position that the doctrine of Yahweh as Creator is exilic
or post-exilic, i.e. subsequent to the acceptance of monotheism).!

*Cf. Di. Theol. 359 ff . ; Da. O. T. Theol. 117-29; Briggs, JBL. XIX. (1900),
132 ff. ; Shoemaker, /^Z,. XXIV. (1904), 13 ff., who finds no case of nn = breath
until exilic times {v. p. 24).

t Sta. ZA W. XXIII. 178 ; Gunkel, Schdpfung und Chaos, 159; K. DB. V. 669.

THE ESSENTIAL THOUGHT OF PRE-PROPHETISM xcix

(^) The interest is centred in man, for whose benefit alone the
animals are formed ; and when no suitable companion is found for
him among them, woman is created by another and dififerent pro-
cess ; while (c) the climax is found in the representation concern-
ing marriage.*

(3) The origin and nature of sin is pictured in the story of the
/a//, for no other interpretation than that of 2, fall \ will satisfy
the demands. Concerning all this, it was believed {a) that man,
at one time, lived in close association and communion with the
deity ; but {F) pride led him to overstep certain bounds that had
been set ; {c) this act of disobedience was followed by trouble,
misery, and suffering. %

(4) The state after death is a subject concerning which neither
pre-prophecy nor prophecy had much to say, partly because the
saying of anything would give encouragement to the superstitious
survivals of animism, and partly, also, because no adequate teach-
ing had as yet been worked out. That the ideas which prevailed
in early Israel concerning Sheol came from the Canaanites (and
perhaps farther back from Babylon) is probable ; in any case, the
popular belief was closely associated with necromancy, and conse-
quently opposed to Yahwism. This belief (Gn. 37^^ 42''® 442^-^^
Nu. i6^'^, for which we are indebted to J) included, at least, the
following points: (a) Sheol is a space to which one goes down;
(f?) no one ever returns ; yet (c) by the influence of necromancers
a " form " may be brought up, as in the case of Samuel (i S. 28"*^) ;
while {d) only thick darkness prevails, {e) It is a place of assem-
bly for the departed ; but (/) there is no such thing as fellowship
(Gn. 37^). {g) That which goes down is not the body (which
decays in the grave), nor the spirit (which is absorbed by the
spirit of God) ; but " an indefinable something of the personality"
which (= shade, or manes) is invisible and does not live, but merely

* On the question of Babylonian influence upon this and the other early stories
of Genesis, cf. the recent voluminous literature on Babel and Bible.

t Cf. the opinions that we have here : (i) an illustration of how sin arises in
the case of every individual (cf. Di. Theol. 371) ; (2) the story of how humanity
passed from rudeness to culture, or from unconsciousness to freedom (cf. Holzinger
and Gunkel, in loc.) ; or (3) a culture-myth without moral content (Tennant).

X On the relation of this to the Babylonian, and especially the Zend, cf. Sta.
ZA W. XXIII. 172 ff. ; Zimmern, KA T.^ 527 f. ; K. DB. V. 667.

C INTRODUCTION

exists. How far this popular belief was a survival of animism, and
the extent to which it was really antagonized by Yahwism, cannot
here be discussed.*

5. The general character of the pre-prophetic movement may
now be briefly summarized in view of its history up to this point,
and, likewise, in view of the real prophetic activity which is to
grow out of it and, at the same time, to follow close upon its heels :

(i) This movement is not exclusively or essentially Israelitish, but
is of Canaanitish origin, f although itself at a later time hostile to
Canaanitism and directly responsible for its destruction ; and in
the long process of its growth it incorporates many Canaanitish
ideas.

( 2 ) The struggle between pr e-prophetism and Baalism is between
the later idea of a relation with the deity, based upon a pact or
covenant, and the earlier idea of a relation based upon the natu-
ral tie. In this case, the covenant idea lives and works several
centuries with the nature idea, and, in the end, shakes it off, but
only after absorbing all that was good in it.

(3) The result of the movement, in so far as it concerns worship,
is the endurance, if not the acceptance, of an elaborated cult,
through which the religious sentiment has been enlarged and
enriched, but in which Israel is soon to find that which will prove
her ruin (cf. Judah and the doctrine of the inviolable Jerusalem) .

(4) The influence of the movement on conduct has been to
raise the standard in a marked degree, and to define more closely
the relations of man to man, without, however, going outside of
Israel, or developing anything higher than that which pertains to
the tribe or family.

(5) The movement, in so far as it concerns the idea of God,
is still henotheistic, not monotheistic.

C. AMOS.

§ 12. The Personal Life of Amos.

The facts of the life of Amos present many points of peculiar
interest, i. His home was in Judah (cf. p. 3).

* For the most important literature on this subject, see pp. 40 f.
t So Kue. Proph. 554 ff. ; K. DB. V. 653 ; Gu. G VI. 71 ; et al.

THE PERSONAL LIFE OF AMOS ci

This may be accepted, notwithstanding (a) his seeming absorption in
Northern Israel (cf. p. cxxi for the view that he always had Judah in mind as
the home of Yahweh's religion in the future) ; * (i) the elevation of Tekoa,
which is alleged to be too great for sycamore culture (p. 3) ; t (0 the lack
of allusion to Judah in his writings; J (cf) the effort of Gratz§ to identify
Tekoa with Eltekeh of Jos. 19**, making him a Danite ; (e) the suggestion
of Oort that he really lived in the North, and went to Judah only after his
expulsion from Bethel (p. 3) ; (/) the desire of Che. \\ to transfer Tekoa to
the Negeb, and transform many of the proper names in such a way as to place
the entire activity of Amos in this region, which Che. supposes to have be-
longed to Northern Israel.

The location of Tekoa in the desert of Judah furnishes the possibility of
just such a sense of natural grandeur^ as we are compelled to believe must
have been the privilege through many years of one who was later able to
express himself as did Amos. Nor may we deny the very great importance
of the not far distant Arab influences, including the stimulating effect of the
caravan routes close at hand (cf. the Dedanites, Is. 2ii^), although we may
hesitate to see** an actual Arabic idiom in aj'D'D ■<2Z' D> (4^'^), or to regard
Tekoa ft as a great Arab-Israelitish literary centre, the Book of Job likewise
having been written here, or to believe that the inhabitants of this general
region, under the lead of the Jerahmeelites, were the occasion of all ancient
Israelitish life and activity. J J

There is nothing in 3^- * to show, as Cheyne thinks, that Amos
must have left Tekoa before receiving his call. Here, almost
within sight of Jerusalem, in or near a village fortified at one
time by Rehoboam (2 Ch. 11*'), and celebrated for the visit paid
to David (2 S. 14^*^) by one of its wise women, which looked out
upon a desolate, dreary, and savage world, in fact "an unmitigated
wilderness," in an environment abounding in emptiness and still-
ness, was very naturally developed the being who was to possess,
in fullest measure, the power of observation and reflection, the
austere habits of the recluse, and the unpitying sharpness of the
censor of his country's faults and vices. §§ No mention is made
of a father, or of family. Did he have no family record ?

* Meinhold, 63; cf. Marti, 150.

t Tekoa is about 2700 feet above sea level, while sycamores are never found in
Palestine at a greater height than 1000 feet ; cf. i K. lo^? i Ch. 2728 ; v. GAS. I. 77 ;
Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, 26, 121 ; Post, DB. IV. 634 f.; M'Lean, EB. 4831 f.

X Cf. Marti, 146. § Gesch. I. 403. || EB. 3888 f., and CB. II. 133 f.

H Che. EB. 148. ** With We., and Che. EB. 148.

ft Stickel, //wiJ, 269-77. JJChe. £5. and Ce./ajwVw. §§ GAS. I. 79-81.

Cii INTRODUCTION

2. But if this was the home of Amos, when and under what
circumstances did he occupy it and do his work ? We may not
accept (i) the view recently suggested* that the book is subse-
quent to the exile, later even than Joel ; nor (2) its assignment to
the date 744 or 745 B.c.,t on the ground that Assyria was inactive
for twenty-five years previous to the accession of Tiglathpileser III.
(745 B.C.) ; nor (3) the date indicated by Elhorst, viz. in the days
of Josiah, 638-621.

Students of Amos are all but unanimous in agreeing that Amos
delivered these sermons between 765 and 750 B.C. (p. 5). t This
view assumes the general accuracy of the statements made in
chap. 7, and is in strict accord with the circumstances of this
period as they are elsewhere found to exist. §

(a) The freedom of the people from anxiety on account of Assyria, and
the vagueness of Amos in referring to Assyria || (5^' 6'*) are both clear,
when we note that during the reigns of Shalmaneser III. (783-773 B.C.), who
was all the time engaged with the people of Urartu (i.e. Ararat), and Asur-dan
(772-755 B.C.), whose time was occupied principally in dealing with con-
spiracy and revolt at home, ample opportunity was afforded for the growth of
Israel,T[ and the political situation was one which gave the people great
confidence.

* Edward Day and Walter H. Chapin, AJSL. XVIII. 66-93. This argument
is based on (i) the presence of many insertions generally acknowledged to be from
a later hand, but these in nearly every case plainly interrupt the thought and fail
to harmonize with the main portion, and this difficulty is not relieved by making
the main portion also late ; (2) the presence in the genuine Amos portions of many
words and phrases which are "late," and yet words are called "late" by these
authors which are found in the Song of Deborah (Ju. 5), or the Blessing of Jacob
(Gn. 49) ; (3) the general post-exilic tone of these supposedly original parts, but
since this same post-exilic tone is said to characterize all of Isaiah as well as
Hosea, the whole question is begged. The vagueness of the utterances of Amos,
here used as evidence against the early date, is precisely the strongest possible
evidence for that date.

t Zeydner, ThSt., 1894,59; Valeton, Amos und Hosea, 10; concerning this, Che.
{EB. 150) is correct in saying that to any one not blinded by a fanatical religious
belief this inactivity must have appeared temporary ; and, moreover, if written after
the events of 745 B.C., the predictions of destruction would have been fuller and
more specific. Cf. Now., p. 121.

X So e.g. We., GAS., Now., Dr., Marti.

§ Dr. (p. loi), Che., Now., Marti.

II The word "Assyria" is not mentioned unless we read with (gBAQ ^WN instead
of nrx (38).

II Within this period Assyria troubled Syria as follows : In 775, they came to

THE PERSONAL LIFE OF AMOS ClU

(d) The religious situation is most intense. The keenest possible interest
is taken in the cultus. The zeal of the worshippers attracts attention. The
service is full and rich (4'*''- 5^^"-^ S^* 9I). This is due, on the one hand, to the
satisfaction with which the people regard the peace and prosperity they now
enjoy since the wars with Syria have closed, and to the joy and gladness with
which they hail the enlargement of the nation's territory; and on the other,
to the anxiety aroused by earthquakes and pestilences (v.i.'), the melancholy
recollection of the treatment recently accorded them by the Syrians and Am-
monites (i3i3 46-11), as well as the fear that, unless worshipped in this gor-
geous fashion, Yahweh will bring back the troubles through which they have
recently passed.

(c) The social situation is one in which the wealthy (and in these days of
economic changes the number of the wealthy was large) are luxurious and
given to debauchery (3^^ 5^')> cruel and oppressive (2^*"- 3IO), the women tak-
ing their full share (4^, cf. Is. 3^^). Ivory houses (31^) and continual feasting
(6**'') furnish one picture; robbery, adultery, and murder (Ho. 4iii3f- j^-*^),
another; while the lack of brotherliness and the prevalence of injustice
(^7. 10. 12 612 84f) give still a third.

We cannot urge in favor of this date the interpretation of 6^3 suggested by
We. and adopted by Che. {£B. 149), that the people are rejoicing because
of the capture of two cities in Gilead, Lo-debar and Karnaim (p. 156); but,
at the same time, we do not find evidence against this date in i*, because in
2 K. 1 6'-* the fulfilment is represented as literally taking place ; Kir here is
probably an interpolation,* while Kir of i^ was perhaps suggested by the tra-
dition regarding Aram's origin (9^), no stress being placed upon the locality
of the captivity.! Nor is a correct interpretation of 6^ (p. 144) opposed to
this date. The conquest of Gath by Uzziah (2 Ch. 26^; cf. 6^ and the
absence of any mention of Gath in l^^), the overthrow of Moab by Jehosha-
phat (2 K. 3; cf. use of asc rather than ^SD in Am. 2^), as well as that of
Aram (2 K. 14^), seem to be presupposed.

Still further, notice may be taken of (d) the pestilences which prevailed in
Assyria in 765 and 759 B.C., to which allusion, possibly, is made in 41", although
it is there styled "after the manner of Egypt"; (^) the solar eclipse referred
to in 8^, assigned by the Assyrian eponym list to 763 B.C. ; J (/) the earthquake
(i'); this was the earthquake spoken of much later in Zc. 14* (where the
mention of it is possibly due to this superscription; cf. the statement of

Erini (i.e. Mt. Amanus, near the Gulf of Antioch) ; in 773, to Damascus; in 772,
to Hadrach ; in 765, again to Hadrach ; in 755, a third time to Hadrach ; in 754, to
Arpad; and not again till 745. Syria, thus, was engaged with Assyria. Israel was
let alone, and in consequence Jeroboam II. and Uzziah were enabled to build up
their kingdoms to a higher point than ever before.

* So Benz., Kit., Oort, Che. {EB. 150) ; Kir is lacking in <S.

t Che. EB. 150.

t Schra. COT. II. 193; Sayce, TSBA. III. 149; Marti, EB. 790.

civ INTRODUCTION

Josephus, Anf. IX. lo, 4), and seemingly referred to in 4^1 as well as in 8^ (not
an interpolation, as We., Now., Elh., Che., maintain).* We cannot deny the
occurrence of this earthquake, even though no other evidence for it is to be
discovered. With the tradition thus substantiated, and with the recognition
of the earthquake as a method of divine punishment found in 4^^ Is. 29^, we
may well accept the truth of the assertion, although, it is to be conceded,
no help is gained from it for the more definite determination of Amos's date.

3. In the case of no other prophet is the question of occupation
more interesting, since with this there stands closely connected
the problem of Amos's preparation for his life-work. Four items
require to be considered : (i) The prophet's own statement (7")
that he was not a prophet by profession, nor a member of one of the
pre-prophetic societies. This implies that he does not wish to be
reckoned as one of the iiebhVim, " the ecstatic enthusiasts," the
crowd of diviners, who in recent years had come to have a defi-
nitely recognized professional position ; and, besides that, since he
is not one of them nominally, his work is characterized by a pur-
pose and spirit different from theirs. What was this ? I answer,
that spirit of observation and recognition of general law, of
philosophical insight and reasoning, which became the so-called
wisdom- spirit when nationahsm had passed away and the doctrine
of individualism was beginning to assert itself. Amos, as it will be
seen, is almost as much a sage as he is a prophet. He differs from
the later sages in still being, Hke the nebhi'im, limited to a point of
view which is largely national ; but inside of his circle he exhibits
the mood, the method, and the motive of the sage (v.i^. With
this point in mind, it is easier to understand the other facts men-
tioned in the same passage (7"). (2) The prophet's real occupa-
tion was that of a " dresser of sycamores." This was a humble
employment, and proves that Amos, like Micah, was one of the
people. The evidence at hand does not clearly indicate whether
he was really poor, or, perhaps, fairly well-to-do. Did he own a
plantation of sycamores? f In any case he was independent

* Nothing could be more fanciful than G. Hoffmann's suggestion {ZAW. III.
123, approved by Che. EB. 149; Marti), that the remark in ii is an inference of the
editor, based upon the understanding that, according to 73' 6 (cf. 7*8'-), Israel's
punishment had been delajied twice, for a year each time.

t So Che. EB. 148.

THE PERSONAL LIFE OF AMOS CV

enough to leave home. Or was he a dresser of sycamores in
Northern Israel ? and did he give up that occupation when driven
out by Amaziah ? This bears upon the place of his home as well
as the character of his occupation {v.i.). It is immaterial whether
Amos was a dresser or tender of the tree (p. 172), a collector
and seller of the fruit,* or a pincher or scraper of the fruit, to
insure a more rapid ripening. f We do not find in this occupa-
tion anything inconsistent J with his Southern origin.

(3) The further statement that he was a shepherd, and had been taken by
Yahweh from following the flock (cf. Elijah's call of Elisha), is entirely con-
sistent with the preceding, inasmuch as a shepherd might in those days, as at
the present time, cultivate fruit trees (the sycamore, although the poorest, was
the most easily grown), for the purpose of varying the monotony of his milk
diet. § Since the word -ipJ (i^) is not the ordinary word for shepherd (the word
used in ffl2C of 7", ip3, being inconsistent with the following jNi, and so
easily corrupted from ipj, is generally read "^pj ||), there is some doubt as to the
exact idea meant to be conveyed; but, upon the whole, we may understand
(v.i. on i^) that Amos was a wool-grower, that is, something more than a mere
shepherd. As such, he would naturally make journeys from time to time, and
meet men coming and going from all parts of the world as it was known in
his day.^f

(4) While the language of Amos is rich in figurative speech \
drawn from many sides of life, nothing is more apparent than the
influence exerted on his utterance by the life and occupation 1
which he followed. This is seen, for example, in 2^^ 3*^^ 4'*^^ /
^11.17.19 512 ^1.4 gi g3_ Bm the influence of his rustic Ufe and /
humble occupation was not limited to the symbols and figures in /
which we find this thought expressed. The thought itself hacy
birth in this same environment. The separation of the man from
human companionship, and his consequent lack of human sym-

» G. E. Post. DB. IV. 634 f. t GAS.

X So Oort and Gratz, on the ground that sycamores could not be cultivated so
far above the sea as Tekoa is located (2700 feet) ; but it is easy to suppose that
Amos, a nomadic shepherd, might have had opportunity at a place lower down, but
within the general district of Tekoa, this name being applied to the whole territory
down to the pasture-land on the shore of the Dead Sea.

§ GAS. I. 78. II Contra, GAS. I. 76.

H To such journeys " were probably due his opportunities of familiarity with
Northern Israel, the originals of his vivid pictures of her town life, her commerce,
and the worship at her great sanctuaries " (GAS. I. 79).

Cvi INTRODUCTION

pathy, may account, at least in part, for the absence from his
message {vd.), as from that of Elijah, of anything that savors of
tenderness or love. It is in the soUtude of shepherd hfe that
one gains most certainly the ability to concentrate attention even
on the smallest details. Moreover, here it is that one most easily
is " trained in that simple power of appreciating facts and causes
which, appUed to the great phenomena of the spirit and of history,"
constitutes the highest form of intellectual life.

4, The shepherd was taken by Yahweh from following the
flocks, as Elisha was taken from following the oxen with the plough.
But was there no call, definite and comprehensive, like those of
Isaiah (chap. 6), Jeremiah (chap, i), and Ezekiel (chap, i)?
And, in any case, where did this shepherd really obtain the
intellectual preparation that justified the divine selection and is
evidenced in his writings?

(i) We shall see that Amos is not an unlettered rustic, although
many attempts, beginning with Jerome, have been made to prove
him such, {a) There is nowhere to be found in the Old Tes-
tament an example of stronger or purer literary style. He is
absolute master of the language which he uses. Where did he
gain this mastery? {b) His knowledge of history and society
is as marked as his Hterary style. He has seen things with his
own eyes ; his perception is as delicate as his human interest
is broad. He knows of nations, but also, in each case, of the
national character. He is an ethnologist, informing his auditors
of the origin of nations, as well as an historian ; a geographer,
cognizant of the rise of the Nile, of the far distant Cush, and the
equally distant Babylonia, as well as a sociologist. V. the Map of
Amos and Hosea. {c) His conception of God and man and
right {v.i.) is something that is thought to be marvellous. He
is not credited with the ability to work miracles, as were his
predecessors ; but is he so detached from his environment, so
abnormal in his attainments, so irregular in every way as to consti-
tute in himself a real miracle?*

* We. {P?-ol. 472) says, " Amos was the founder of the purest type of a new phase
of prophecy." Co. {Proph. 46) says, "Amos is one of the most marvellous and in-
comprehensible figures in the history of the human mind, the pioneer of a process
of evolution from which a new epoch of humanity dates." WRS. {Proph. 120)

THE PERSONAL LIFE OF AMOS Cvii

(2) He maintains for himself (7^*) that he was not called to his work by
the usual technical methods, viz. through the prophetic societies. We do not
understand, as many do,* that this statement indicates on the part of Amos
an utter contempt for the order of nebhVim ; because (a) elsewhere he speaks
(2II 3^) of the nabhV with great respect,! and in 7^^ he is ordered to go as a
prophet, {b') While he might feel as did Elijah and Elisha toward the great
mass of the nebhi'iin, he was, after all, too much like Elijah and Micaiah ben
Imlah in natural disposition, training, and theological position to do other
than respect them and others like them, (f) He himself uses the technique
of pre-prophetism, which had long years been taking form (p. cviii). («/) He
stood by no means alone, preceded as he was by J and E, having Hosea as
his contemporary, besides others whose names have not come down to us.
Amos here J merely emphasizes the fact that prophetism or ecstasy has not
been his profession, and that, consequently, he is not to be identified with
those who for so many generations have shown hostility to the government ;
and further, that he should not be understood as uttering words such as he -»
has spoken for the sake of reward or remuneration. He was, after all, in the
line of the prophets, spiritually, if not literally.

(3) Reference has already been made to the superior discipline that gave
him " desert-eyes," which, in a " desert-atmosphere," furnished the best
possible training for an observer of human affairs, a student of cause and
effect ; likewise, to the unsurpassed opportunities afforded him in the prog-
ress of travels, which were undertaken in connection with his occupation.
(4) But, back of this, is the fact that in Eastern society superior culture is
not uncommon in connection with the poverty of shepherd life. "At the
courts of the Caliphs and their Emirs the rude Arabs of the desert were wont
to appear without any feeling of awkwardness, and to surprise the courtiers
by the finish of their impromptu verses, the fluent eloquence of their oratory,
and the range of subjects on which they could speak with knowledge and dis-
crimination. Among the Hebrews, as in the Arabian desert, knowledge and
oratory were not affairs of professional education, or dependent for their culti- .
vation on wealth and social status. The sum of book-learning was small; [ \/
men of all ranks mingled with that Oriental freedom which is so foreign to .
our habits ; shrewd observation, a memory retentive of traditional lore, and '
the faculty of original reflection took the place of laborious study as the
ground of acknowledged intellectual preeminence." §

calls Amos "the founder of a new type of prophecy." Marti says, "Amos is one
of the most prominent landmarks in the history of religion." Che. {EB. 155) says,
"The book of Amos forms a literary as well as a prophetic phenomenon."

* So e.g. Now. ; cf. Matthes, Modern Review, V, 421.

t Riedel, SK. 1903, p. 163 f., following (53 and others (p. 171), uses the past
tense, /was no prophet, etc., but, contrary to K. DB. V. 672, this does not make the
case clearer.

X So Marti. § WRS. Proph. 126.

cviii INTRODUCTION

(5) But are we quite certain that the more usual method of vision
was not employed in the case of Amos ? It is worthy of notice that
in Amos, as well as in the latest prophets, the vision plays an im-
portant part. Is it not probable that the first visions, viz. those of
the fire, locusts, and plummet, constituted, not only the beginning
of Amos's work, but also, in large measure, his actual awakening
and incitement to the task which he endeavored so faithfully to
perform?* We cannot urge against this, that these initiatory
visions are not recorded in the first chapter, for in Isaiah's case
the call is found in chap. 6 ; and, further, we have no reason for
expecting the sermons, in their written form, to be put in chrono-
logical order (v.i^.

(6) The antecedents of Amos's thought will be considered when
we take up the substance of his message (va) ; but we must, at
this point, again touch upon the external facts connected with
Amos's position in so far as they relate to the problem of his prep-
aration ; Amos must have had models. What were they? We
may cite : {a) the prophets referred to by himself in 2^^*-, and rep-
resented as of high repute ; {b) Elijah and Elisha {v.s.) ; (c) the
Judaean narrative and the Ephraimite narrative, in which, although
mainly narratives, are contained many disconnected fragments of
prophetic utterance ; (d) the personal acquaintance with prophets
or prophetic experience implied in 3'' ; (e) the priestly literature
which (Ho. 8^-) had already taken written form, a striking prece-
dent for the prophet, cf. the decalogues and Book of the Cove-

^ nant ; (/) the prophetic formulas which, as employed by Amos,
show long and technical usage, either written or handed down
I from mouth to mouth ; f {g) the great poetical pieces which had
; come down from times that would have seemed ancient even to
■, Amos, e.g. Ju. 5 Gn. 49 Dt. 33. This material, which Amos must
\ have known, furnished the background or basis from which a
'\ literary style as perfect even as that exhibited by him might have
been developed.

5. The character of Amos is quite plainly indicated in the facts
already noted : {a) He was bold ; but this boldness was that of
indifference and reserve, rather than of passion. His courage had

* So Meinhold, 39; H. P. Smith, O. T. Hist. 211. f Che. EB. 155 f.

THE PERSONAL LIFE OF AMOS cix

its origin, not in enthusiasm, but in a certain kind of fatalism.
(F) He was accurate in his observations and scientific in his habits
of mind. He was able, not only to see the facts, but also to
describe them as they actually were. It was this that made it
possible for him to write out his utterances. This element in his
character contributed greatly to the new impulse given through
him to prophecy. This was the sage element. He recognizes
law. His sermons are the proclamation of divine law, not the
oracles of a soothsayer. He was more of a realist than an idealist*"
He does not permit his fancy to picture the future..- His utter-
ance is a continuous, deadly monotone of ruin and destruction.
{c) He was nomadic in his instincts ; like Elijah, hostile to the
softer influences of civilization ; without the ties which bind
a man to country, and so without patriotism ; without family
bonds, so far as we can ascertain, and so without much human
sympathy. To be sure, Northern Israel was to him a foreign
country; but we can imagine that his disposition toward Judah
would have been the same. (^) He was austere ; but could such
a message as he was sent to deliver be other than austere ? Hosea
announced the same doom in terms more terrible, but less severe.
His conception of God was that of the Puritan ; his temperament,
stern and uncompromising. "Amos's nature was not a sensitive
or emotional one ; it was not one in which the currents of feeling
ran deep : it was one which was instinct simply with a severe sense
of right."* He sat as judge, unmoved by the awful character of
the doom he was obliged to pronounce. In him justice does not
contend with love.-f (<f) In what sense was he spiritual L- He
was not a devout man like Isaiah, nor was he, like Hosea, emo-
tional. His spirituality, which was intense, consisted in loyalty to
truth and in antagonism to error, in recognizing the character of
Yahweh as spiritual, and as wholly inconsistent with that character
the round of ritualistic routine which, in his day, constituted
worship. The preacher who said, "Seek me and live," was a
preacher, not only of righteousness, but also of the truest
spirituality.

« Dr. III. t GAS. I. 87 f.

ex INTRODUCTION

§ 13. The Message of Amos.

Amos's message is in some respects the most important of any
conveyed by an Old Testament writer. Great interest centres in
and about this message, because (a) it is the first of a series of
writings which stand alone in the world-literatures ; (d) it places
a stress upon the ethical side of rehgion greater than had before
existed ; (c) it marks a new epoch in the history of Israel's
relations with the nations of the world — the Assyrian period.

1. The most general analysis of Amos's message discovers in it
only two or three factors : (a) a profound conviction on certain
subjects relating to God and human life ; (^) a knowledge of
certain facts in national and international history ; (^) a conclu-
sion, which follows the putting together of the conviction and the
knowledge of the situation.*

The message of Amos must be obtained from words actually uttered or
written by Amos himself. This involves the separation of insertions and
additions coming from the pen of later prophets. Nearly one-fifth of the
book which bears the name of Amos is thus to be set aside. It is to be con-
ceded at once that the omission of these passages modifies very considerably
the nature and content of the message. It is most important, however, in
the interest of a true historical development of Israelitish thought, to restrict
ourselves to those portions of the book the authenticity of which is incontro-
vertible. The other portions have just as important a place to occupy in the
later literature.

2. The general circumstances under which the message of Amos
was delivered have already been considered. It is necessary,
however, to formulate more definitely the exact state of feeling
and opinion against which the prophet felt compelled to array
himself. We may call this the popular opinion ; but it was more
than this, for it represented, not only the mass of the people,
but also the royal family and the court, the priests, and the
vast majority of the prophets themselves.f What, precisely,
was the consensus of thought to which the prophet made oppo-

* This has been well presented by GAS. I. 8g.

t Just as pre-prophetism is not to be confounded with the true prophetism, so
this latter must be kept distinct from what may be called popular prophetism. This
is sometimes wrongly called false prophetism.

THE MESSAGE OF AMOS CXI

sition?* Or, in another form, What was the popular prophecy (or
theology) from which true prophecy now separates itself as never
before?

(i) The people held fast to the conception that Yahweh was
one among other gods, invincible within the boundaries of his own
land, and able to extend those boundaries against the power of
other gods. He was no longer a deity whose residence lay outside
of Canaan {i.e. at Sinai) ; for he had, with Israel, taken possession
of the old sanctuaries in Canaan, and was now (especially since
the rooting out of Baalism) in very truth the deity of the land. To
be sure, he had, in idealistic fashion, been transferred to a resi-
dence in the heavens ; and this had influenced somewhat the
popular mind. Yet what was essentially naturalism controlled
the life and thought of the masses.

(2) This involved the thought of Yahweh as exclusively inter-
ested in Israel, as satisfied, therefore, with a devotion which
restricted itself to his worship. Service in the forms prescribed
would secure the continued strength and existence of the nation.
When " the day of Yahweh," thought to be not far distant, actually
came, there would be relief from all difficulties, victory over all
remaining foes. To think of Yahweh without Israel was absurd ;
for what could he do, how would he conduct himself, without his
people ? What would become of Yahweh if Israel were to perish ?
Whether this was on the basis of naturalism,t or on the ground of
a voluntary act in the form of a covenant, { it was none the less
nationalism, and was accepted by the great body of prophets who
had risen above what may have been the earlier and still more
common belief in naturalism. But naturalism was itself a form
of nationalism ; the latter, consequently, included the former.
The people, led by nearly all the leaders, interpreted the present
period of peace and prosperity, growing out of the victories gained

* One might ask, Was Amos opposing an old order of things, or was he advocat-
ing something new ? The answer is. He did both. The new idea, or the old idea
which he emphasized, was definitely opposed to the existing current opinion. The
presentation of it by Amos made it, for practical purposes, a new idea, although he
clearly represented it as something not unknown even to the people.

t So e.g. We. Prol. 469; Sm. Rel. 116 f., 119; Schwally, Sem. Kriegsaltertumer,

1.2.

X So e.g. Giesebrecht, Die GeschichtUchkeit d, Sinaibundes ; K. DB. V. 631.

Cxii INTRODUCTION

in the Syrian wars, as definite indication of Yahweh's pleasure and
satisfaction. What more could he ask ? Did he not himself share
in this prosperity? Everything, as they viewed it, vi^as in right
condition.

(3) A corollary of nationalism (as well as of naturalism) was
the belief that Yahweh was not only pleased to favor Israel, but
also actually bound to protect their political interests, without
reference to their moral conduct. He might show his anger
for a time ; but sooner or later, without reference to right or
wrong, he must identify himself with those who were thus bound
to him by the closest bond, whether that of nature or of cove-
nant. To him was accorded no option in the matter. In other
words, he could not act toward Israel on the basis of ethical
consideration. The henotheism was non-moral, i.e. natural. The
Israel of these times " neglected entirely his (Yahweh's) ethical
character."

(4) A second corollary of nationalism was the feeling enter-
tained concerning Yahweh's relation to other nations. It was his
duty, in fact his highest function, to fight the battles of his people
against their enemies ; and his strength, compared with that of
other deities, was measured by the success or failure of such
battles. But, aside fi-om this, Yahweh had nothing to do with out-
side nations, who, in each case, had their own gods. He is con-
cerned with them only when they seek to injure Israel. For such
injury he will use his best endeavor, in turn, to inflict injury upon
them. He had thus shown his power against Egypt, in Canaan,
and recently against Syria ; but his relationship to these nations
ceased when peace was declared. In any dealings, therefore,
with other nations, Yahweh acts directly and exclusively for Israel.
Israel is wholly his ; he is wholly Israel's.

(5) It was, still further, the conviction of the people that Yah-
weh's favor was secured and his anger averted by following out, in
its various forms, the ceremonial or cultus which prevailed at this
period. The holding of festivals, the presentation of sacrifices,
was something, on the one hand, indispensable to religion ; and,
on the other, altogether satisfying to the deity. What did he
desire? Gifts, pilgrimages, and praises; since other things than
these could hardly be expected. Yahweh demands these ; nothing

THE MESSAGE OF AMOS Cxiu

more. The increasing costliness of these requirements promoted
injustice and inhumanity.*

(6) The corollary of the preceding is contained in the words
just used, " nothing more." The people understood that moral
delinquencies (in so far, indeed, as they recognized the existence
of any such) were entirely overlooked by Yahweh ; provided, of
course, they performed faithfully the routine of sacrifice. That
they were not entirely ignorant of moral duties is clear, not only
because certain moral distinctions were already known to all the
world, but also because a code, largely moral in its character, had re-
cently been formulated (p. Ixiv). But notwithstanding their actual
knowledge of right and wrong, at least in certain particulars, they
did not believe that morality was a necessary factor in religion.
It was, in fact, unnecessary, if the routine of worship was strictly
observed. This conception was fundamental in the early Semitic
religions,! and signified that moral defects were, upon the whole,
comparatively unimportant. Perhaps the decalogue was not so
clearly a moral code as we now regard it, or, if such, had not
yet been taken as authoritative (p. Ix fif.).

(7) Assyria was, of course, in the thought of the people; but
they did not fear her. Why should they? Had not Yahweh given
sufficient exhibition of his strength to warrant their supreme con-
fidence in his ability? Egypt and Syria were equally interested
with Israel and Judah in standing out against Assyria's claims.
And Assyria, surely, could not overpower four nations thus closely
interested in each other's protection. Besides, Assyria was often
seriously engaged with revolts in other sections of " her huge and
disorganized empire." J In any case, Assyria did not uniformly
sweep all before her. There was always a good chance of success-
ful opposition. Were the prophets themselves so confident of
Assyria's place and future success as to make unambiguous men-
tion of her name in their predictions?

3. The convictions of Amos on the subjects mentioned above,
whatever may have been their source, were radically different from
those of the people at large. His training in the desert, his travels

* Che. EB. 156.

t GAS. I. 103. It is too much to say that it had never been challenged.

\ Cf. GAS. I., chap. IV, " The Influence of Assyria on Prophecy."

cxiv INTRODUCTION

to other countries, his acquaintance with the ideals of former gener-
ations, together with his appreciation of their ideals, his study of
Israelitish life, — these, combined with the qualities of mind and
heart bestowed upon him by an all-wise Providence, produced,
under the direction of that same Providence, certain convictions
which he was enabled to express in a form destined to influence
most vitally the whole trend of religious thought.

The thought of Amos is of two kinds: (i) Much is simply in direct antag-
onism with the prevailing thought. Knowledge of the popular feeling on this
or that subject means knowledge also of the position taken by Amos, since
the latter is the very opposite of the former. This, however, may not be
called negative, for there is always to be seen the larger, fuller teaching which
underlies. (2) Much, on the other hand, may be described as strongly
positive, i.e. as the statement or restatement of everlasting truth. Was this
the first statement, or only a restatement ? There were also some popular
beliefs, afterwards condemned, concerning which he does not speak (v.i.').

( I ) The god of Amos was Yahweh of Hosts (s^'^- "■ 2? 6« '• " *) ; *
this included the hosts of heaven as well as of earth, nature, and
nations. One of his favorite expressions is " Lord Yahweh," f
which occurs fifteen times. To Amos, then, Yahweh was all-
sovereign, oniJiipotejit.

(a) His power over nature is seen in his control of rain, mil-
dew, locusts, and pestilence (4^"), as well as in the melting or
quaking of the earth, J and in the rising and falling of the Nile
(8* 9^) ; and in history it is manifested, not only in bringing Israel
out of Egypt (9^), but in bringing the Syrians from Kir, and the
Philistines from Caphtor (i^), and in the direction of the destiny
which he assumes in the case of Philistia (i®"*), Ammon (i^^'^^),
and Moab (2^'^) ; and further, it reaches even to heaven and Sheol,
along with Carmel and the bottom of the sea (9^- ^), — all this, in
addition to the management of Israel's own affairs, both spiritual
and material. We may not forget, however, that the nations
referred to in these statements are those near at hand (this power
is not said to be universal) ; that to the gods of other nations
their worshippers attributed the same powers ; that both J and E

* On interpretation of the phrase, v. p. Ixxxix.

t Cf. Che. £B. 156 f.

J Other passages quoted {e.^. by Dr.) in illustration of this idea are late (v.i.) .

THE MESSAGE OF AMOS CXV

had localized Yahweh in heaven before Amos spoke ; that criticism
has pronounced as late the passages of clearest import {v.i.) ; and
finally, that in Amos, so far as we can discover, Yahweh has per-
sonal intercourse only with Israel, and that, too, with Israel as a
nation.*

(l>) This suggests the question whether we have here real
monotheism. t If Amos anywhere denied the existence of all
other gods, the case would be clear. But where is there such a
denial ? The intermediate step between the conception enter-
tained by Israel and the later conception of monotheism was that
of unlimited power. This in itself did not entirely shut out the
idea that there were other gods. It is better, therefore, to under-
stand that it is " a beUef in the unqualified superiority of Yahweh
so absolute as to be practically a belief in his omnipotence," J or
in other words, ethical monotheism not strictly, but " to all intents
and purposes." §

(<r) But what relation would these other gods sustain to Yahweh,
now that he possessed this unlimited power ? If Yahweh brought
the Philistines from Caphtor and the Syrians from Kir (as, indeed,
he did bring Israel from Egypt), he must have acted in a way /
contrary to the will of the gods of those countries, for no god*-><3
would willingly permit his people to be broken away from him.
These and other like heathen gods are, therefore, inferior and
subject to Yahweh. "They may for a time presumptuously
imagine themselves to have independent power, but in reality
they only carry out the will and commands of Yahweh " || (cf.
Is. lo'*^). Yahweh, then, is a God who in earlier times defeated
the gods of Egypt, Philistia, Canaan ; in more recent times, he
has overthrown the Phoenician Baal and the Syrians. It is easy
to see how the history of the past and the work of Elijah and
Elisha helped Amos to this point of view.

(d) What is to be said of the anthropomorphisms employed
in Amos, e.g. Yahweh as an armed warrior against Jeroboam's
house (7^) ; the change of purpose due to pity for his people

* Duhm, Theol. 121 f.

t So Taylor, DB. I. 86; Dr. 106 ff.; Da. O. T. Theol. 65; K6. Hauptprobleme,
chap. VI.

\ Bu. Rel. 123. { Che. EB. 157. |1 Bu. Rel. 124.

CXVl INTRODUCTION

(7^) ; the phrases " turn my hand " (i^), "will not smell " (5^^),
" eyes of the Lord Yahweh " (9^") ; the representation of Yahweh
as taking an oath (4^ 6*" 8^) ; and the appearance of Yahweh in
the visions (7^*'^ 8^ 9^) ? These are not evidences of crude re-
ligious thought, but, like similar expressions in our own religious
language,* arise from the difficulty which is inherent in any effort
to represent the personality of deity. There is in this language
no survival of the former naive behef that Yahweh had the form
of a human body. " A clear formula for the notion of bare
spirituality such as we find in John 4^^ was beyond the reach
of the Old Testament." f

(^) But did Amos pass by the image-worship, so large a factor in his day,
without remonstrance ? We know that no objection was made to the use
of images in early times (even Ex. 34^^, the older decalogue, objecting only
to molten images of metal), J and testimony to their use is found in the
ephod, the presence in connection with the ark (Nu. lo^^*), and the tera-
phim (v.i.'). It is in the later decalogue that we have the first prohibition
(v.s.')„ Hosea (S'*"^ 10^ 13^) enters protest against image-worship. But does
Amos ? Not in 2* {their lies = their idols), for this is unquestionably late ;
nor in 8^*, since the text is wholly unsatisfactory (pp. 181, 184). § Elsewhere
there is nothing to indicate his feeling on this point ; but we are by no means
certain that he approved them.

(/) It remains to notice Marti's interesting statement on the relation of
Amos's monotheism to that of other nations. He says : " No one can fail
to observe how, in this belief of Amos, monotheism is present in essence, even
if not in name, and what an altogether different kind of monotheism it is
from that to which the priests in Babylon and Egypt are said to have
attained ! There in Babylon and Egypt a monotheistic speculation, which
possesses no force and is wholly indifferent toward the polytheism of the
mass, whose gods this theory allegorizes and dissolves in a general con-
ception ; here among the prophets in Israel a vigorous and vital faith in
Yahweh, who suffers no gods alongside of himself, who watches jealously over

* Cf. Duhm's remark ( Theol. 120 f.) to the effect that this does not indicate
the nature religion, since nature religions do not anthropo-m.ox'^\\\z& ; they rather
^/^/j/fj-morphize, since the physical is the common ground upon which deity and
humanity meet and become like each other. Our metaphysical abstractions con-
cerning the nature of God and the relations of God and Christ, their personality,
etc., are much nearer physiomorphism than Amos's anthropomorphism.

t K. DB. V. 679.

t K. DB. V. 627; contra K6. ZKW., 1886, Heft 5, 6.

\ Cf. also Che. EB. 157; WRS. Proph. 175 f. ; contra Da. Biblical and Literary
Essays, 120 f. (reprinted from Exp., 1887),

THE MESSAGE OF AMOS CXVii

his own exclusive worship, and directs the destinies of men as the only God.
A relationship and dependence between the monotheism in Babylon and that
in the Bible does not exist ; their radically different origin is the basis of the
difference. In Egypt and Babylon monotheism is theory ; in Israel, strength
and life ; there it is the product of a speculating abstraction, won through a
fusion of the gods ; here the experience of a higher Being, the inner realiza-
tion of his moral and spiritual might, grown from a moral and religious
deepening, from an intimate union with a special God who, moreover, does
not disappear and dissolve, but remains the living one, and proves himself
the only living one. There the empty concept of monotheism ; here, indeed,
though the word (viz., monotheism) is not yet coined, the fulness of power
and life which must indwell this faith, where it is a true faith. How vividly,
however, Yahweh was experienced as power by Amos is shown by 3*^, per-
haps, notwithstanding its simplicity, the most magnificent portion of his
prophecy : not merely is God an hypothesis of the intellect, but the per-
ception of him is a result of the announcement of God himself."

(2) Yahweh is never called " God of Israel " {v.i.) in Amos.
He is, rather, the God of the world ; and yet he represents him
(in common with all that precede) as sustaining a peculiar relation
to Israel, and puts in his mouth the phrase, "my people" (7^^).
This relation is not indissoluble ; it is, on the contrary, plainly
conditioned, and will surely be annulled if the conditions are not
complied with, {a) Amos does not grapple with the question,
why Israel, rather than some other nation, was selected by Yahweh
for this special relationship. It is evident that a deity so powerful
among the nations as was Yahweh could have taken any other
nation, e.g. the Philistines, whom he actually did bring from Caph-
tor, or the Syrians, who were removed from Kir. But {b) accept-
ing this as a fact, he tells his contemporaries (3-) that on this very
account (viz. that Yahweh knew Israel out of all the nations of the
earth) he would judge them all the more strictly for the sins which
they had committed. " Obligation is the complement of privilege ;
punishment, of sin." * Moreover {c), his interest is not in the world
for Israel's sake, but rather in Israel for the world's sake. Israel,
after all, is no more to him than are the Cushites (9^). {d) If
Israel will only seek him, the future will be safe (4") ; but the
prophet has given up all hope that Israel, devoted as she now is to
the sweet religion of the crowd, will ever do what he suggests {v.i.).

(3) The conception of Yahweh which Amos entertains is that

* Bu. Rel. 134.

Cxviii INTRODUCTION

of a god of justice. This thought Ehjah (i K. 21^^*) had already
expressed, but Amos goes farther and makes the idea the very
centre of his conception of God.* He is all the better able to
reach this high point, because he has also conceived of Yahweh as
standing in close relation to all nations. Yahweh's power being
universal, it is necessarily impartial and consequently ethical. On
the other hand, if Yahweh is ethical, he cannot be a national god,
that is, show favor to Israel ; he must be a world-god. Righteous-
ness being a vital element in Yahweh's character, he not only will
demand it in those who profess to be his followers, but also will
enforce the demand. He cannot, however, have one standard for
the nations and a lower standard for Israel. If, for any reason,
Israel has enjoyed special privileges, the standard by which she
shall be judged is to be placed all the higher. Two points, how-
ever, require notice, both pointed out by Duhm,f viz. (a) Amos
has no adequate conception of sin ; to him the hfe of man and God
should naturally express itself in good. This good is an objective
matter, something regarded as present, while all departures from it
arouse the anger of Yahweh. Everything is regarded concretely,
and at the same time negatively {v.i.). {b) There is no glimmer
of a purpose on the part of Yahweh in the working out of this
idea of righteousness, and " the ethical, apart from the teleological,
remains unfruitful."

(4) Yahweh's relation to the outside nations follows closely
upon the idea, already indicated, of Israel's relation to Yahweh.
In fact, it precedes. To have unlimited power is to control the
world. This includes Assyria, as well as the nations living in
closer proximity to Israel. Egypt had already felt the power of
Yahweh's hand. So had Canaan in days past, and Syria more re-
cently. Does Yahweh's righteousness make demands of all these
nations? Is it for lack of proper treatment of his nation Israel

* Cf. Gn. i825 ; but this lofty utterance can hardly have preceded Amos. We.
{Hex.2fji.) treats i822 6-33 o as a late addition to JE; Kue. assigns it to J2; Di. argues
for its retention in J (so Dr.) ; Co. declares it to be "theologically about a century
later than J"; Bacon, Holzinger, and Gunkel also consider it a late expansion;
while Carpenter and Battersby ( The Hexateuch, II. 26) say that it " seems to belong
to the group of probable additions in which the universal grandeur and sole sover-
eignty of Yahweh are again and again asserted in the most emphatic terms," e.g.
Ex. 810- 22 6 9I4-I6. 29 i. f Theol. 120 ff.

THE MESSAGE OF AMOS Cxix

that he will punish them? or because of their idolatry? No ; but
in each case is cited, as the direct occasion of the doom, the viola-
tion of some dictate of universal morality, some principle of
the natural laws of humanity and mercy.* This is no narrow
point of view.

(5) It follows, still further, that Yahweh, in the opinion of
Amos, cannot be affected even by the strictest observance of
the ceremonial. In Yahweh's eyes, such observance is itself
transgression (rrs, 4*). Israel's pilgrimages he hates ; he despises
their feasts, their offerings he will not accept ; their songs of
praise he will not hear (5"''^). But this is not all. He stands
ready to destroy the nation's places of worship (3" 5* f), and
to pursue to the bitter end those who worship at these places
(g^'^). What does Amos (pp. 129-136) really mean? Does
he, perhaps, say more than he means? We must guard against
attributing to him what he never said. This is done by those
(p. 136) who wrongly interpret 5^ as suggesting that in the
days of the wilderness no sacrifices were offered, f What is it,
now, that Amos denounces? To have opposed sacrifice in itself
would have meant opposition to the only method yet known
to humanity of entering into communion with deity, in a word,
the abolition of all tangible worship. If the Old Testament,
even when its day was finished, had no true formulation for the
conception of God as a spirit, how shall we look for practically
this same thing in the days of Amos ? It was, therefore, not sac-
rifice in general that Amos opposed ; I nor was it the belief that
sacrifice when duly performed can change the mind of Yahweh.
It was, rather, the belief that had become fixed, " a strange delu-
sion deeply rooted in Israel's heart," that the ritual 0/ itself does
or can satisfy an ethical deity. Shall one observe the ritual?
Yes ; but one may not stop there.

(6) Yahweh, then, has something to demand besides worship,

* WRS. Proph. 134.

t A prophet who has nothing to say against the use of images will surely not go
so far as to object altogether to sacrifice. Moreover, neither Amos nor any other
Israelite, preceding the exile, could have dreamed of a period in Israel's history
when no sacrifices were to be offered. This would actually have involved a purely
vegetarian diet.

X Contra Ew., Hi., We.. Mit., Dr., Now., GAS. ; Che. EB. 158 ; Marti, et al.

CXX INTRODUCTION

which has hitherto been understood to constitute the whole of
religion. This grows out of Yahweh's ethical character, and is, in
fact, an ethical demand (2^ 3'° 4' ^7.10-15.24 51-6.12 g^f.). it is a
demand for justice, which, in its simplest and most natural form,
includes honesty, integrity, purity, and humanity.* (a) This, it
will be noted, is concrete, and includes the elementary duties of
life, such as are recognized by all nations who have risen to the
point of governmental organization.! (J>) It is only this which
Yahweh demands of other nations, (c) The demand does not
necessarily depend upon a code of legislation ; in other words, it
is not legal justice, (d) It demands the utmost consideration of
the poor and weak, — mora/ jnstice. (e) The prophet promises life
and prosperity (s'*) to those who meet this demand, while all disas-
ter is due to the wrath of Yahweh against those who fall short of
this requirement (3^). J

(7) This brings us to the prophet's position, touching the
nation's future, including his conception of the "Day of Yahweh."
Israel, in very truth, must suffer punishment ; and the punishment,
since everything else has been tried, will now be utter demolition.
This is really the great thought of the message. Everything else
is connected with this sentence. It is important (cf. Duhm),
because no one had ever even dreamed of such a thing for the nation,
and also because the overthrow contemplated was in no sense the
plan of a party, nor had it anything of a political character. It is
expressed many times and in many forms, always terrible and
always irrevocable. § It is the unmistakable expression of the
condemnation of wicked Israel by the absolutely righteous Yahweh.
The sentence of destruction, however, is not wholly unconditional.
That Amos pointed out a way of escape, viz. repentance, open
perhaps only to a few, is clear from 4*^ c^^^^- ; that he should not
have contemplated such a possibility of conversion is psychologi-
cally unintelligible, since it would leave his entire prophetic activity
without a sufficient raison d^etre. But whatever expectation he
may have had at the opening of his ministry, it is practically cer-
tain that in the progress of his ministry all hope deserted him as
he saw the utter lack of response to his message.

* Dr., p. 109. t Duhm, Tkeol. ii6. % Cf. Dr., p. 112.

§ Cf. K. DB. V. 691 f. ; WRS. Proph. 129 ff. ; Dr., pp. 108 ff.

THE MESSAGE OF AMOS CXXl

We cannot prove that Amos saw in the future a brighter picture
in case of repentance (9^'^ being surely of a later date) ; nor are
we even reasonably certain that, being from Judah, he had it in his
mind that Yahweh's true religion would be continued and devel-
oped by Judah after the destruction of Israel. The motto (i^)
would express this idea, if only it were from Amos's hand, but cf.
pp. 9 f. On Amos's conception of the Day of Yahweh, v. pp.
131 f.

4. Did Amos and those who immediately followed him create
IsraeUtish ethical monotheism ? Or can it be shown that, so far
as essential content is concerned, Amos's teachings are rooted in
the past ?

(i) The answer determines, not only the place of prophecy in
the progress of the Old Testament development, but also the whole
course of that development. If Amos had little or nothing before
him in the way of antecedents, he is to be assigned the place ordi-
narily given to Moses as the founder of the religion. No one, cer-
tainly, in these days is disposed to minimize the high place which
he has come to occupy, but we may fairly ask ourselves whether
the emphasis has always been placed upon just the right point.

It is now clear that the Old Testament history, like other histo-
ries, was an evolution. Every period of great activity grew out of
something that preceded. Was the wonderful movement which
found expression through Amos, Hosea, and Isaiah entirely excep-
tional, in that it came forth without antecedents ? So some would
have us believe.* This, at all events, is the real position of those
who use the phrase "creators of ethical monotheism." It has
been observed that Amos himself makes no direct appeal to
something earlier than his own work. For example, he does not
openly refer to a preexisting code of laws as the basis of his
system, any more than to miracles or institutions. But does this
prove that his ideas are not rooted in the past, and that his work
and that of his times are not merely the fruitage of seed sown
long before ? t

(2) We cannot deny that the morality which forms the essence

« Cf. We. Prol. 472 ff. ; Co. Proph. 45 f. ; Sm. Rel. 184 ff. ; GAS. I. 96.
t Cf. GAS. I. 92.

CXXll INTRODUCTION

of his thought is, when closely analyzed, fundamental ; but it is also
simple and of long standing. The demands made for justice,
including honesty, humanity, etc., go back to the earliest days of
history. He surely did not discover or invent them. These are
ideas that have appealed to men of all nations for all centuries.
Are they not the basis on which rests the prophet's condemnation
of the neighboring nations ? Yet nothing more is asked of Israel
than of them. But this is not all. Amos represents Israel as
knowing these things, faiUng to do them, and, therefore, as de-
serving of punishment. Neither Israel nor the other nations
would have merited destruction for failing to observe conditions
or commands of which they were totally ignorant. " To neither
man nor people can the righteousness which Amos preached
appear as a discovery, but always as a recollection and a re-
morse." * Is this representation of Amos, then, an anachronism,
or, perhaps, a piece of beautiful rhetoric, or, in plain words, a
misrepresentation ? But those who call it an anachronism give
it the highest place of value. This does not seem consistent.
Moreover, if we recall that Amos resided within sight of Jerusa-
lem and, being the kind of man he was, must, therefore, have
been in intimate relationship with much of the spirit as well as of
the material of the nation's past experiences, it is fair to suppose
on a priori grounds that Amos drew largely upon the accumula-
tions of this already celebrated past. But we need not rest the
case on an argument of this character.

(3) Amos actually shows a knowledge of the past history of
Israel, and expresses this knowledge in a manner which indicates
a supposition of knowledge on the part of the people; cf. his
references to the exodus and the conquest {^2^^- 3^ 5-^ (^'), to the
religious history of his people (2"*^-), to the series of past chastise-
ments inflicted by Yahweh (4^"), and his allusion to David (6^).t
Israel's ethics, in so far as they had yet developed, rested on the
choice made of Yahweh, and the character of Yahweh {v.i.') as
shown in history. Knowledge of history meant also acquaintance
and famiharity, on the part of those who were at all intelligent,
with this basis {v.s.^.

* GAS. I. 98. t Cf. Dr., pp. 113 f.

THE MESSAGE OF AMOS CXxiii

Moreover, the terminology of prophecy employed by Amos is
the product of generations of prophetic activity.* Cf. his fre-
quent use of the established formulas mn" nax .13 (i^- ^- ^^ 2^- ^ 3"- ^^

g3. 4. 16. 17. 27 ^17^) ^^^^ -,^,^, qj^j (2" 3^° ^5. 6. 86. 9. 10. U 58. 14 §3 ^7)^ ^nd Of

the strongly prophetic title mxaa mn" ; his employment of the
vision as an impressive method of communicating Yahweh's mes-
sage to Israel ; and his recognition of the dirge as a most appro-
priate vehicle for his message of doom (5^*^).

(4) We may be still more specific and note that in 2^^^ reference
is made to " consecrated personalities," for whom a keen appre-
ciation was manifested. Who were they? Not only Elijah and
Elisha, but also J and E ; and how many more of whom we now
have no record ! These make up the great pre-prophetic move-
ment which we have already tried briefly to describe (§§ i-ii).

(5) That Amos knew written documents, such as the decalogues
and the Book of the Covenant, is certain. But this is not all ; for
(a) national songs had already come into existence, which prepared
the way, technically as well as spiritually, for his work, — among
them may reasonably be included Ju. 5,t Deborah's song; Ex.
15 J (in its earliest form), the song of the Red Sea ; Gn. 49, § the
tribal blessing, as well as Dt. 32 (?) || and S3^> ^^'^ besides these
(l>) there were ancient proverbs and folk-lore. Some of these
were already incorporated in J and E, e.g. Gn. 26-^ 2 7^*-^^-^- ^^- '"' ;

* Cf. Kue. ffe/. I. 207; Che. £B. 155.

+ G. F. Moore calls this "the oldest extant monument of Hebrew literature";
so practically all recent interpreters.

X Carpenter and Battersby incline to a post-exilic date; so Holzinger; Baentsch
declares it later than J and E, and perhaps later than JE. A genuine Mosaic
kernel is discovered in it by Ew., De., Di., Strack, Dr.

§ K6., Wildeboer, and Dr. {Genesis, 380), assign this to " the age of the Judges,
or a little later " ; Di., Carpenter and Battersby, and Gunkel place it in the Davidic
period; Sta. (GF/. 1. 150) locates it in Ahab's reign ; Holzinger decides upon some
time during the Syrian wars prior to the age of Jeroboam H.

II Placed about 780 B.C., by Knobel, Schra. {EM. § 205*), Di., Oettli, e( al.;
assigned by Ew., Kamphausen, and Reuss, to the period just before 722 B.C. ; by
Dr., to the age of Jeremiah and Ezekiel ; by Co., Steuernagel, Bertholet, and Car-
penter and Battersby, to the end of the exile.

H Dr., Schra. {Einl. \ 204), Di., place this in the reigfn of Jeroboam I.; Graf,
Bleek, Kue. {Hex. § 13, note 16), Sta. {GVI. 1. 150 ff.),Co., Baudissin {Pr tester thum,
74 f., 266), Steuernagel, Wildeboer, Bertholet, and Carpenter and Battersby put it
about 780 B.C.

cxxiv INTRODUCTION

some, likewise, have probably been preserved in the collections of
Proverbs, although it is, of course, impossible at this date to dis-
tinguish them ; some, indeed, Amos himself preserves, for not a
little of the literary strength of his writings is due to his familiarity,
not only with history and sociology, but as well with folk-lore and
the speech and thought of the common people.

§ 14. The Ministry of Amos,

With this summary of the work before us, we may consider the
external form of Amos's work, his ministry. If his teaching
forms an important part in the history of prophecy, his ministry
should be expected to contribute largely to the history of
prophetism. If Amos himself is responsible for the book which
bears his name (either in the present form or in an earlier form
of which the present is an edition enlarged and modified by
a later prophet), the literary work is a part of his ministry. This,
however, deserves separate and special consideration (p. cxxx ff.).
The historical background of the work, as well as the prophet's
personal life and the preparation for his ministry, have been
considered in § 12.

I. It is unfair to Amos either to regard the story of the man
of Judah (i K. 13) as a distorted account of his ministry,* or
to accept the suggestion that the story of his ministry, Hke the
story of Jonah (in the book of Jonah), is a later invention or
fiction, t When we recall (a) that no miracle or wonder-story
is connected with his work, either directly or indirectly ; {b) that
no ecstatic frenzy is in any way suggested ; and (c) that, on the
other hand, all connection with that kind of thing is strongly
denied (7^"*), we may at once concede that one has entered upon
his ministry who is a prophet in a new sense, at least in so far
as the external work is concerned. He receives visions, to be
sure ; but these are no ecstatic trances, for which music was
needed, as in Elisha's case. They are rather like the visions
of Isaiah and Jeremiah, manifestations of a lofty and sublime

* So We. in Bleek's EinlA 244 ; Klostermann, Samuel und Konige, 349 ; Che.
EB. 148; Benz. Konige, 91.

t Cf. Day and Chapin, AJSL. XVIII. 66-93 ; Che. EB. 3864 f. ; Elh.

THE MINISTRY OF AMOS CXXV

character, made not in dream, nor in trance, but through spiritual
enlightenment ; dealing not with this battle or that promotion
to the throne, but with the fundamental truth of God. However,
we are surely able to see in these visions, not only the lineal
successors of the trance, but also an indication, if we note their
number and character, of the practical adoption by the new
order of the machinery of the old. If, however, Amos follows
closely the old style in receiving his message by vision (although
of a more elevated character),* he exhibits a more striking dif-
ference in the method of presentation. It is true that in many
cases we still have what seem to be only brief oracles or texts,
that is, fragmentary utterances. Even these differ from those
of older prophets, " which offered a hard and fast decision of the
moment for the moment " ; f since in many cases they have now
taken on the form of sermons, and in all cases they present teach-
ing concerning Yahweh's nature and his purposes for Israel. On
the public preaching of the prophet, as distinguished from the
writing of his sermons, v.i.

2. A most significant factor in the ministry of Amos is the
writing down of his sermons. In this service he is, perhaps, the
leader. \ The adoption of the new method, viz. that of writing,
was the outcome of certain factors in the situation, and itself the
occasion of certain others.

( I ) It is to be remembered that in this century Israel was, for
the first time, enjoying the privileges of civilization. Many forces
are set in motion in a nation when it rises into this stage of Hfe,
among others that of literature. § There was not only an incentive
to writing, but the opportunity for it, as provided in the long peace
of Jeroboam's reign. || Torah-literature had already taken form
(Ho. 8^^) in the laws that had been codified. Prophetic literature
also had come into existence in the form of the great epics of old

* We cannot suppose that these visions were used only as a method of presenting
the prophetic thought to the people. Here, as in Isaiah and Jeremiah, we have
survivals of the old trance, as the state in which the prophet received the message.
Cf. K. DB. V. 676. t Bu. Rel. 133.

X The only rival for the honor is the author of Is. 15 and 16; but these chapters
are probably later; so Schwally, ZAW. VIII. 207 ff.; Duhm ; Che. Introduction,
etc., in loc. ; Marti. For an early date v. WRS. Proph. 91 f., 392 ; Di., GAS. ; and
Dr. LO T. 215 f. § Sta. G F/. I. 556 ; Kit. Hist. II. 315 f. || GAS. I. 35.

CXXvi INTRODUCTION

Israel, which J and E had taken pains to put together. Amos,
after all, is not showing much originality in taking up the pen, for
he is only following those who have already shown him the way.

(2) Then, too, certain changes had come about which led
inevitably to this step. Israel's religion had passed upward to
an entirely new position. It was no longer a matter of worship,
i.e. ritual. It stood for certain new ideas, which could not be
expressed in an institution, but must find for themselves a written
record.* The prophetic utterance was no longer a temporary
matter, uttered for a special time or set of circumstances ; it had
become something of eternal value, having to do with truth con-
cerning vital subjects. Moreover, the prophet himself has taken
on new functions and new responsibilities. He sees more clearly
his position as it bears upon human affairs in general, and not
merely the affairs of a single nation, nor of a certain time.

(3) The earlier prophets were men who sought to exert "an
instantaneous influence." It was their business to act, as did
Elijah, rather than to speak. And, then, it was a matter of
supreme moment that now the prophet is expected to give a
message with which the people will be displeased. He will no
longer be the leader of the masses. His work will be outwardly a
failure. His very ill success in reaching the hearts of the people
actually forces him to put his words in writing.f

(4) In order that there may be secured permanent influence,
the prophets' words must be read and studied. This, and this
only, will bring a continuous development of Israel's religion, and
a deepening of it in the hearts of the people. But to obtain this
the prophet need not write out his words just as he had spoken
them. He may give only the text of his address, or, possibly, a
synopsis of it. The written form may omit much that had only
local application. Nor did the writer himself always put his pro-
phetic speeches into written form. This may have been left to a
band of disciples such as history tells us Isaiah had (Is. 8^^, men
who desired to see the words of the master justified as only time
could justify them (cf. Dt. iS'"-^-' jg^ 238. 9^^

Amos was first among the prophets to appreciate all this.

KU:

e. Rel. I. 209. t WRS. OTJC.^ 295 f.; Bu. Rel. 131.

THE MINISTRY OF AMOS CXXvii

Although he probably expected the end of Israel to come within
his own generation, he saw the advantage of giving his thought a
definite place. He may also have had in mind the possibility of
transmitting it thus through disciples.

3. In his poHtical activity, likewise, Amos exhibits variation
from the older type of prophet, (i) The difference, however, is
one, not in fact, but in method. He is as greatly interested in
the national life as was Elijah or Elisha, but he makes no use of
pohtical influence. He himself is not an official of the govern-
ment (as were Samuel and Elisha), just as he was not an official
prophet. He sustained no special relation to the king, as did
Nathan or Micaiah, He was only a private citizen. His interest
in affairs was intense, but he established no organization to exe-
cute his mission. He does only one thing, preach.

(2) His political views {v.s^ concerning the nations near at
hand he announces with consummate skill (p. 12), the method
chosen being one which brings him into sympathetic touch with
the Israelites themselves.*

(3) But his political sagacity is displayed most keenly in his
interpretation of Assyria's relation to the world of that day, includ-
ing Israel, and the use made of this interpretation. His mind
was not at first clear in reference to the fall of Samaria, but cer-
tainly grows more definite with the progress of the visions.

4. The chronological order of the various stages in the minis-
try of Amos is uncertain, and its determination will rest upon our
final decision as to the structure of the book itself (p. cxxx ff.).
The following is suggested as a possible hypothesis : —

(i) In connection with his early shepherd life in Tekoa, he
visits many points of interest at home and abroad ; and in the
course of these visits learns, as an outsider might learn, the methods
and work of the nebJiVim (3").t This was only a part of that
information concerning the world at large which he obtained in
these earlier years.

* Such is the interpretation placed by many scholars upon the arrangement of
the first two chapters, e.g. We. on Am. 2i-*ff-; Mit., Dr., Now., Marti.

t Che. (EB. 157) says," Which {i.e. 3') Amos could hardly have written, unless
he had had the most vivid and ocular evidence of the effects of a true prophetic
impulse even before his own turn came to receive one."

CXXVIU . INTRODUCTION

(2) A time came when in visions given him, like those which
he had seen others have (v.s.), a definite call to preach was
received.* This call grew out of the message contained in the
vision of the plumb-Hne, viz., the irrevocable destruction of Israel.
In the two visions which precede, although he saw the doom
threatened, he believed it might be averted ; but gradually he
becomes convinced that Assyria is the source of the danger (6"
7^^), and that ruin is inevitable unless something extraordinary
shall avert the catastrophe. He goes to Northern Israel, amazed
that every one does not, like himself, foresee the coming disaster.!

(3) Having reached his destination, the work is opened by
the proclamation, with diplomatic skill, of one oracle after
another concerning Israel's neighbors. J These may have been
uttered on successive days, but, in all probability, were spread
over weeks and months. When the proper time has arrived, to
Israel (2^'^^ itself is announced the dreadful future with the reasons
therefor. In the course of his wanderings he arrives at Bethel.
The climax is reached in the sermon of chap. 6, in which captivity
is threatened.

(4) This is probably followed by a popular interruption of his
work. In any case, demand is made for his authority to utter such
pessimistic denunciations, and to announce what really amounts to
treason. § In justification of his words, he tells the story of his
call, as it came in the visions of locusts, fire, and plumb-line.
This closes with a specific threat against Jeroboam the king. ||

* These (ecstatic) visions (i) connect Amos closely with the work of the
nebhi'im ; (2) are not satisfactorily explained as being merely the vehicle of the
prophet's publication of his message (cf. p. cxxv, and K. DB. V. 676 a) ; (3) are
presented after the oracles and sermons (1-6), as the justification of the prophet's
mission (cf. Is. 6), and form the continuation of his work after Amaziah's inter-
ruption, t This (p. 74) is the proper interpretation of y .

X The resemblance of these utterances to the short oracles of the nebhi'im can-
not be overlooked. Their pleasing character would surely commend the prophet
to his auditors. One cannot imagine Cheyne's reasons {^EB. 154) for suggesting
that these oracles could not have been spoken.

\ This seems to be a reasonable inference in view of the necessity of explaining
the present position of the visions, for only in some such way as this can one account
for hope contained in the first and second, when the most absolute statement of
destruction has just been uttered in 614.

II The third vision indicates the position which Amos had held since coming to
Northern Israel.

THE MINISTRY OF AMOS CXXIX

(5) Then follows the official attack by Amaziah, and the
prophet's explanation of his work, with a scathing rebuke of
the priest for his interference.* Whatever the plans for the
future may be, he continues for a while the work which he had
come North to perform. f

(6) Another vision (the fourth) is received revealing Israel as
ripe for destruction, with an arraignment of the accused, a threat
of earthquake and slaughter, followed by universal mourning,
Yahweh's abandonment of his people, despair and destruction.
A little later comes the fifth and last vision, the downfall of the
sanctuary, with a picture of ruin which none may escape, and an
assurance that the destruction will be complete.

(7) The prophet goes back to Judah, perhaps to Jerusalem, J
where he puts his addresses into literary form and intrusts them to
the disciples of Yahweh, for the use of those who are to follow him
{v.i., on his literary work, p. cxxx ff.).

5. The turning-point in Amos's ministry, and, indeed, the only
significant event that has been handed down to us, is the scene at
Bethel. We cannot fail to appreciate : (i) The element of tragedy
which it includes, for the throne of a king is at stake, the Hfe of
the priest is forfeited, and the fate of the nation is sealed. (2) The
naturalness of it all, for is not Amos seeking to do just what his
predecessors back to Samuel had done before him, viz. to unseat
the king? How could his words be otherwise interpreted? How
could king or priest fail to take cognizance of them? (3) The
strange character of Amos's reply to this point. Is the prophet's
language, in which he foretells Amaziah's doom, general or special ?
We answer, the former. The catastrophe which is soon to befall
the whole nation will include the priest with the rest.

* This arrangement is, on the whole, better than (1) that which introduces the
attack before the visions immediately after 61* (so Baumann) ; or (2) that which
places the attack after all the visions have been announced, and understands that
Amos said nothing after his rebuke of Amaziah (so Lohr, Marti).

t It is hardly possible to regard this interference as in any sense a friendly one
(Or.). Nor can we easily suppose that Amos was strong enough to disobey what
was evidently the king's command, and not go away at all. At the same time one
can scarcely imagine so bold a prophet not doing what this hypothesis takes for
granted, viz. continuing to preach until he had finished his message.

\ Was this a second visit (cf. 61), as Che. {EB. 154) suggests ?

CXXX INTRODUCTION

6. In forming an estimate of the efficiency of Amos's ministry,
we must note one or two facts : —

(i) There was in Amos a noticeable lack of the rehgious ele-
ment, in the ordinary sense of that word ; and certainly the ministry
was not one that could reach very many minds. There were prob-
ably not fifty people in Northern Israel who could understand him.
It is quite certain that he did not himself have in mind a clear
conception of the issue involved in his preaching. He was indif-
ferent to everything that had to do with purpose or motive. As
Duhm has said, the teleological element was lacking. The fact is,
the new element in Amos was that which is represented by the
sage. The union of a 7iabhV and a sage in one person produced
a prophet in the new sense, the sense in which Amos is entitled to
that title.

(2) Amos's ministry, then, signifies a breaking away from the
old ; or, better, an infusion into the old of a new spirit, that of ob-
servation, philosophical inquiry, acceptance of law. His work fur-
nishes for future prophecy a new basis for development, one which
will include thought, adjustment to environment, and growth of
thought. Still further, although he was a moralist of an extreme
type, requiring for the proper balancing of his ideas those of his
contemporary Hosea, which were in striking contrast with his own,
he nevertheless bequeathed to all mankind certain truths which
time has shown to be unchangeable : —

" The truths that justice between man and man is one of the divine foun-
dations of society ; that privilege implies responsibility, and that failure to
recognize responsibility will surely bring punishment ; that nations, and, by
analogy, individuals, are bound to live up to that measure of light and knowl-
edge which has been granted to them ; that the most elaborate worship is
but an insult to God when offered by those who have no mind to conform
their wills and conduct to his requirements, — these are elementary but eternal
truths." *

§ 15. The Literary Form of Amos's Writings.

The present form of the book of Amos suggests several prob-
lems. How much of the book did Amos himself leave ? What

♦ Kirk. Doct. 106.

THE LITERARY FORM OF AMOS'S WRITINGS CXXxi

portions are of later origin, and what motive suggested their inser-
tion ? * Through what stages has the book gone ? What contact
has it had with other Hterature ? And still further, what is the
form of composition employed, and what special features of that
form deserve attention ?

1. The table on p. cxxxii presents the contents of the book,
showing (i) the larger divisions, viz. oracles, sermons, etc., (2) the
smaller sections, and (3) the original and secondary elements
within each section.

2. The secondary material indicated in the table on p. cxxxii
includes the passages (with the exception of a few words or
phrases, v.i.) which have been treated as interpolations in the
commentary. An examination of these passages shows that they
fall into five groups : —

(i) The Judaistic insertion, made after the promulgation of
Deuteronomy, and referring to the approaching destruction of
Jerusalem, viz. the judgment on Judah, 2*^.^

(2) Historical insertions, from a post-exilic date, {a) adding
judgments upon Tyre (i**^^) and Edom (i"*^"), thus bringing the
whole number (with Judah) to seven; J {d) adding reference to
the fall of Calneh, Hamath, and Gath, 6" (cf. Is. lo*"").

(3) Theological insertions, from a post-exilic time, similar in
tone and spirit to certain passages in Job § and Deutero-Isaiah. ||

* Men in later days of prophecy seem to have regarded it as a pious duty to
illustrate older utterances by making application to their own times. If the older
form of utterance appeared too harsh for the later age, it was modified ; if too
obscure, it was explained. The intention was not to preserve and transmit what
the prophet had actually said, but rather to indicate what, in the opinion of the
later editor, he would have had to say in order " to fulfil the religious purpose
which he once meant to serve" (cf. K. DB. V. 671; Carpenter and Battersby,
Hex. I. no).

t There is no basis for adding to this, with Marti, either 3^ *, for surely Amos,
himself a Judahite, could speak of the " whole family " ; or 61 ", for was not Amos
concerned also for Zion ? Even with these passages treated as insertions, there is
no ground for supposing a special edition of Amos to have been issued for the
Judahites.

X No good reason {v. in loc.) exists for regarding, with Marti, 2I0 as such an
historical addition (to 2^, the difficulty involved in its position is entirely relieved
by transposition), or 2I2 (to 211), or 526 (p. 130).

§ E.g. 38* ft- 25 ft. 31 ft. 34-38.

II £.^. 4021 «• 4512- 1848121..

CXXXll

INTRODUCTION

w M

ro

'j-

\r\

vO

t^ 00

On

o

w N ro

Tj-

"^

vn

"

i-i )-^ (-«

^

i-i

^

"ij

^

<£

.5

tn

'3

^

e^

^

0)

Cm

■fi

.i

(U

o

a

o

1—.

o

O

c
_o

.2-

u

^

i

.!2

!S c

5

d

H
Id

.2

i^

O

1^1

Q
1)

s

^1

s

(—1

to

(L)

■5 2

o

o

Is
c

o .

Si s

_o

Q

u

:3 "i W

1

•^

^ ci

rt

.3

03

s

O

g

>,

^ <A

I^

11

« <;
£ s

1—)

c

o

c

o

3 O

•5 1

o

>

O

S .2 -ss

'%■

c

.2

1

a'

"S

s

1 — .

o

1-1

CS

S

o
o

Q

D

H

'S 1—1

o

tuo
C

s

o
o
Q

.2 -a >

H < ■<

>

[in

'1

>

I

■8

0

<
a

2

«

B

5b

•a

B

O

^

e

gj

8 ~

f-«

u

00 o

c(j

^

o

(N

2 2

rO

■8 B

s

" "

'ri

rt u->

'"->

r^ 00

ON

°o.

^

.£)

S

<

^

7.

2

1

rH

5

"n

V

S5

^

S

s

5J

0* S

o

^l<

i!

?!

M S

i

1

1

J

e

5 2

3

B

i 3 :

2

M

To

ro

Th lo

\j-t

tn

t^ t^ OO

"on

..

c

0)

o

fi

O J

.2 '^
!2 °o\
> J

(U '^

0) ^

<u »--

^

^

-C

H

H

H

THE LITERARY FORM OF AMOS'S WRITINGS CXXxiii

Here belong (a) the heading of the book, i- (pp. 9 f.) ; (d) the
well-known doxologies, 4^ * 5^* g^^'-f

(4) Technical or archaeological insertions, which take the form
of expansion, thus adding details to the more simple statement of
the original. Here belong, {a) " each woman straight before
her," in 4^; (d) "while yet there remained three months to the
harvest," in 4^" (p. 97), also, "together with the captivity of
your horses," in 4^" (p. 100) ; (c) " one field being rained upon,"
etc., ..." two or three cities staggering," etc., in ^'"'■^'^ (pp. 97 f.) ;
(</) " and unto wailing those skilled in lamentation," in 5*^ (p. 127) ;
"and the peace-offerings of your fatUngs I will not regard," in
5^ (p. 135) ; (e) the detail of the inner part of the house,
in 6^'"''- (p. 151) ; (/) "and lo ! there were full-grown locusts
after the king's mowings," in y^^ ; (g) the extra technique, in-
volving the question of Yahweh to Amos, in 7^" 8-"; (h) "buy-
ing the poor for silver," etc., in 8" ; (?) " your images, the star of,"
in 5-^, "and it devour," in 5", "and the oppressions within her,"
in 3', "O children of Israel," in 3S "with a storm in the day of
tempest," in 2", "plumb-," in f, " for thirst," in 8^''.

(5) The Messianic additions found in "Behold the days are
coming," in 8"", and the long closing passage 9^^* connected
with what precedes by 9^% in which the interpolator announces
that the original message of destruction was intended only for
Northern Israel.

(6) Certain phrases, " The Lord," " God of Hosts," " It is the
oracle of Yahweh," " Has Yahweh said," which have been inserted
arbitrarily to emphasize some favorite thought of a reader, e.g.
j5. 8 2I6 ^13. 15 ^3 gi6 ^6 gs. cf. also, " In that day," 8^

3. The internal history of the book (i.e. the various steps in the
process of its growth) was probably as follows : —

(i) Amos himself left, not a book, but certain addresses or
groups of addresses in writing.

(2) These became a book, in all probability through the work
of his disciples, before the times of Isaiah (?'./.), who, says Cheyne,
" steeped himself in the originality of Amos before displaying his

* Che. {££. 153) includes also 4^2 &.

t We cannot include here, with Marti, 38 (p. 67), or 3? (also Duhm ; Che. EB.
154; *. p. 71), or 5I3 (p. 121), or 88 (p. 176), or SH-i'* (pp. 183 f.).

CXXXIV INTRODUCTION

own truly original genius." * Since Amos probably issued his
addresses in Judah, it is questionable whether Hosea ever saw
them {v.i.). t

(3) A Deuteronomic insertion consisting of 2**"- was probably
made in Jeremiah's time. This address would fit in just before
the fall of Jerusalem, almost as appropriately as before the fall of
Samaria. It is perhaps too much to call this a Deuteronomic
redaction.

(4) During the exilic experience (or a little after) important
changes were introduced, viz. (a) those of an historical character
(v.s.) in accord with the same spirit which gave rise to Obadiah'*^^*
(cf. Is. 34 Ez. 25^^ 35^ Ps. 137^) Jo. 3-"'^-^^i and (p) those of a theo-
logical character {v.s.) in accord with the same spirit which found
expression in the descriptions of the deity that occur in Job and
Deutero-Isaiah {v.s.).

(5) In a later post-exilic period there was added the large
number of technical and archaeological explanations and expan-
sions indicated above. At this time the superscription (i^)
probably had its origin. Many of these are glosses which found
their way into the text without motive of any kind. Some, how-
ever, are the work of an editor who delighted to repeat in minute
detail some point or description which had been passed over quite
summarily. No definite line perhaps can be drawn between these
two classes of additions.

(6) Finally, in the spirit of the days of Zechariah and Zerubbabel,
when men were thinking of the restoration of the throne of David,
or perhaps still later, there was added the Messianic promise of
p8c-i5 (j^^^y This closed the internal history of the book.

4. The general structure of the book as understood by the
present writer is indicated in the table {v.s.). Its character is
extremely simple : A series of judgment oracles ; a series of judg-
ment sermons; a series of judgment visions. These various series
have each its own unity of thought and its own unity of purpose.
These have already been fully discussed.

It remains, however, to notice some of the more important hypotheses put
forward in recent times which offer different explanations of Amos's structure.

* EB. 154. t So We., Che. ; but cf. Ba.

THE LITERARY FORM OF AMOS'S WRITINGS CXXXV

(i) Elhorst (1900) on the supposition that the text was originally written
in parallel columns, the strophes being arranged so that i, 3, 5, etc., fell in
Column I. and 2, 4, 6, etc., in Column II. and that some copyist transferred
the columns consecutively instead of alternating between the two, proposes
the following order : ii-2.u. 12. 3.5. 13-15. 6-8 2I-3 i9io 2<-5-6 566.7 2"- 8 58-9 2^-12

rlO-12 2I3-I6 cl3-15 ,1. 2 cl6. 17 38-8 cl8-20 ^9-14 c21-25 ^1-3 r26. 27 44-II 5I-6 a12 57 ^13 58

5I-3 69-u 54- 5 612- 13 56 6" 7I-9. 10-17 gi-e gi-6 gr-ii gr-is^ with this rearrange-
ment, the prophecy falls into four divisions: (a) 11-2^; (^) 2^-6i*; (^) 7^"^';
(^) 8I-9I5.

(2) Lohr (1901) finds five main divisions; the first one consists of the
introductory address, threatening Israel and her neighbors with punishment,
and includes ji-si^-is 2i-3- 6-14. 16^ -phe second one contains two addresses,
announcing destruction because of the exploitation of the poor by the rich and
powerful; the first address consists of 316-2-40.00.6.8-15^^1-3 34-14 gib-ia^ ^]^q
second address comprises 5I-6 «• " • io-i2- 1&-18 b. 20-27 6i- 3-8. ii-u. The third division
contains the mere fragment of a sermon against the sanctuaries and the ritual,
viz. 4*-i2<»- 31**- Q^"-'^. The fourth division includes the four visions in yi"^
8^"3; and the fifth division consists of the historical episode in j^^^^.

(3) Riedel (1902), regarding the book as an anthology of the most signifi-
cant utterances of Amos, collected and arranged by a later editor, and treating
^10-17 as a later addition, makes the following analysis : I. A poem announcing
Yahweh's judgment on the nations in general, and Israel in particular, chaps.
I and 2. II. The central division (3^"8''), falling into three sections: (a) three
addresses beginning with " Hear this word," 3!"'' 4i"i3 5i"i'; (d) two addresses
beginning with "Alas," 5^^27 6i-i-*; (c) the four visions, 7^"^ S^"^. III. The
closing address (8*-9^^), likewise consisting of three sections: («) 8*"i*, which
again begins with " Hear"; (/>) g^'^^\ again narrating a vision; (r) 9""^^, a word
of promise, in part looking back to the first address (cf. 9I2 with l^i*^).

(4) Baumann* (1903) finds five addresses, all of similar structure. Each
of the last four addresses has three main divisions, the last division in each
case summing up the entire speech, and the second division, with one excep-
tion, consisting of four sections. First address : i^-S- 13-15 2i-3- 6-11 o. 12. 11 6. 13. 14 o.
16 o. 14 6. 15 a" 15 6. 16 & (vvith an appendix, 3»-i5). Second address: I. 3I-66.60.8.
II. (a) 4I-8, (d) 8*- 5- '• 8. 9. 10. 13. 14. 11 «^. Third address : I. 4*- 5; II. (a) 46- 9-",
(3) 412a 521-27. in. 5<-6. Fourth address: I. 51-2.3.16.176. n. («) 5I8-20,
(d) 61, (<r) 63-7, (^) 613- 120- 8; in. 61411-12 6-9-10. Fifth address: I. 710-1^;
II. (a) 7I-3, (d) 7*^, (c) 77-9, (a') 81-3; III. gi"- 3M»- 916^- ?. Baumann sum-
marizes the thought in the form of a dialogue as follows: P'irst division
(Amos) : Yahweh will bring destruction upon Israel's foes and also upon Israel;
for every crime demands punishment. (Israel) : How unheard of, to maintain
that Yahweh would destroy his own people ! Who would listen to such folly?
Second division (Amos) : WTiat I speak is not folly, but the decree of God.
Hear, therefore, especially you leaders in iniquity, of impending disaster.

* With whom Now.2 is in essential accord.

CXXXVl INTRODUCTION

(Israel) Our cultus at the sanctuaries will turn aside every sort of disaster.
Third division (Amos) : Vain labor of love ! Have not past calamities taught
you that Yahweh demands a better service? Seek him through the practice
of morality and justice ! But no, all warning is useless. Because you will not
listen, you cannot be helped. Fourth division (Amos) : It remains only to
raise the funeral dirge and to wail over the blind. Destruction is inevitable.
Fifth division (Amos's justification of his message in response to the protests
of Amaziah and the people) : God, whom I have seen, has revealed to me
what must come, and in spite of my earnest entreaties, has held fast to his
decision.

(5) Marti (1903) finds in the original book (a) an announcement of
judgment upon Damascus, Ammon, Moab, and Israel herself: i^^- ^3-i^
2I-3. 6-9. 11. 13-16. (^i,^ a series of fragments of fourteen sermons : 3^ "• ^ 3*^- ^ 3^^^

^12 ol4 h. 15 _^l-3 ^4-7 a" 8-12 a r\-S ri. 5a. 6. 14. 15 rT. 10-12. 16. 17 r 18. 20 6. 19. 21-25. 27 5I. 3-6 a. 7

68-10 511. 12. 13a. 66. 13 s. 14. (-^^ |-}je f^ye visions and the historical episode: 7^9
81-3 9I-4. 7 c,io-i7^ and some fragments within 8*-", viz. 8*- 5- 7. Ua. 12. 136. i4,

5. The external history of the book of Amos may be traced
briefly through four periods : —

(i) Direct evidence of an external acquaintance with it by
other prophets is perhaps slight. The similarity of expression
found in certain passages in Hosea,* as compared with Amos,
proves nothing ; the two were dealing with the same historical
traditions and were working in the same environment. The same
thing may be said of the two or three passages in which Isaiah and
Amos use similar expressions.! In Jeremiah, on the other hand,
because the situation is a similar (although not the same) one,
more definite trace is found of Amos's influence, j In Ezekiel,
likewise, some points of external resemblance may be noted, espe-

* £.^. between Am. 2^ etc. (sending fire upon the palace) and Ho. 81* (which is
late), Am. 2if (the rescue from Egypt) and Ho. 121" f., Am. y^' (threat of captivity
in an unclean land) and Ho. 98, Am. 8^ (corruption of Ephraim, unjust scales) and
Ho. 128, Am. 88 95 and Ho. 48, Am. 46 and Ho. 7W.

tCf. Is. 30W with Am. 2I2; Is. 329- H- 17 (pNif) with Am. 61; 3i6ff- with Am.
4I «■ ; and 9^-104 -f- 525-39 with Am. 44-13.

X This is seen, perhaps, in the formulas employed at the beginning ('' "icx no)
and at the end of the utterances against foreign nations ; cf. 472 48I 491- 7- 28. 34 and
Am. i3- 6 etc. ; also 4825. 44 ^^2. 6. 26. 39 with Am. i^- 8. is 28 ; and in the similarities to
be noticed in a comparison of Je. 172" with Am. 25, 211" with 9*, 2530 with i2, 4927
with i4, 493 with ii5, 466 with 2I*, 46? with 88, 482* with 1I2 22, 4913. 20-22 with 112,
48' 493 with jis. The phrase " virgin Israel " is found only in Am. and Je.; " days
are coming" occurs in no other prophetic books.

THE LITERARY FORM OF AMOS'S WRITINGS CXXXvii

cially in the passages directed against foreign nations.* In the
other prophets, few cases of direct external influence may be
discovered.!

But it is not in such external manifestations that we should
expect to find traces of Amos's influence upon later prophets.
That his ministry and message were known to them appears from
several points in which they follow closely in his steps, e.g. in
standing aloof from the great body of so-called prophets in their
respective periods ; in adopting the method of writing down their
utterances ; in the continued development of the sermonic dis-
course introduced by him ; in following the fashion of directing a
certain portion of their attention to the foreign nations ; J in bas-
ing their work on the fundamental doctrine of national judgtnent
as presented by Amos ; in holding up and completing the new
ideas propounded by Amos concerning God and his ethical
demands upon humanity.

(2) The external relation of the book of Amos to the wisdom
hterature is not indicated by anything that has come down to us.
That its influence was felt can scarcely be doubted, since in it we
have the first definite formulation of Yahweh's relation to the out-
side world, the idea which lay at the basis of all Hebrew wisdom ;
the assignment of Israel to a place upon a level with other nations
(cf. the absence of any reference to Israel in the book of Prov-
erbs) ; an example of Oriental learning in history, geography, so-
cial customs ; the very essence of wisdom, in the emphasis placed
upon honesty, purity, etc. ; together with an almost total absence
of the religious sentiment {v.s.^.

(3) In later times reference is made to the Amos-book in Ecclus.
49^", where " the twelve prophets " are mentioned, showing that at

* Cf. the introductory formula in Ez. 2.^- 8- H- 15 263- 7, etc., and the closing words
in 257- 11- w 266- "• 21 ; also Ez. 272 28I2 322 with Am. 5I, 2826 with 9I*, 355- 6 with 1",
68 with 99, 72. fi with 82, 28I8 with i".

t Cf. Zp. 2* ff-, in which the same cities of Philistia are mentioned as in Am. 1^8
(Gath being omitted), and in the same connection a call issued for repentance in
language almost like that of Am. 5I*; also Zc, 91-", in which Damascus, Phoenicia,
and Philistia are threatened (Gath being again omitted in the list of cities) ; also
Zc. 32 with Am. 4II, Zc. 13^ with 7!^, Hag. 2IT with Am. 4^. On the resemblance of
Is. 425 457. 12 to Am. 4I3 58 ff-, V. p. cxxxiv.

X E.g. Is. loSff- i3lff- 1428 ff. 15I-1925 21 23 Je. 46 ff. Ez. 25 ff. Ob., Na. 28-3I9

Zp. 2*-15 Zc. 9I-7.

CXXXviii INTRODUCTION

that time there was a book of Amos ; in Tobit 2®, where the book
of Amos is first mentioned by name and a citation is made from
8'°; in Acts y^^-, where Am. 5^*'- is quoted and assigned to " the
book of the prophets"; and in Acts 15^^*^^, a quotation of 9" in
connection with other "words of the prophets."

(4) The place of the book in the Canon is naturally with " the
twelve." Its position in the Hebrew Canon, viz., third (following
Joel), is different from that in (3, where it is second (Joel being
placed after Micah).

6. Partly on a prion grounds (it being thought impossible to
conceive of a herdsman as a man of letters),* and partly on the
ground of certain words which were wrongly spelled (these have
more recently been discovered to be textual errors), f many ex-
planations of the uncultivated and, indeed, rude speech of Amos
have been deemed necessary. The fact has long been recognized,
however, that these estimates were wrong. Recent writers, espe-
cially since W. Robertson Smith in 1882, have vied with each
other in appreciation of the simplicity and refinement, as well as
of the vigor of Amos's literary style. J The latest critics go even so
far as to deny that the figures which he employs are prevailingly
those of the shepherd-life. §

(i) The regular and simple structure of the book (p. cxxxii)
exhibits at once Amos's style of thought. What could be more
natural and easy than the series of oracles, the series of sermons,
and the series of visions? It is unfortunate that some recent
critics seem as bhnd to the simpHcity of Amos's style of expres-
sion as were the older critics to its refined nature.

(2) This regularity, or orderliness, exhibits itself in detail in the
repetition of the same formulas /or three frafisg?-essions, yea for
four, etc., in the opening chapters (or, to put it otherwise, in the
orderly arrangement of the nations) ; in the use of the refrain,
biit ye did not return, etc., in the poem describing Israel's past
chastisements (4*"^^||) ; in the entire form of the first three visions

* Jerome, in his introduction to Amos, characterizes Amos as imperitus sermone
sed non scientia.

t For these words, viz. p>>,'?3 2i3, 03Da'n 5!", asPS 68, idido 61", pn-i" 7I6, v.
in loc. X V. especially Mit. ; Che. EB. 155. § Che. EB. 155.

II Isaiah followed closely this model in his celebrated poem gS-io-* ^-^^, although
a portion of this is probably later than Isaiah himself.

THE LITERARY FORM OF AMOS'S WRITINGS CXXxix

(7^'^) ; in the almost artificial symmetry of form seen in the accu-
sation (7^""") and the reply (7^"^ '■> ^^ the series of illustrations
employed with such effect in t,^ *■ ; in the structure, in general, of
the several pieces {v.i.). Moreover, these various series, "while
not so long as to become tiresome, are long enough to impress
upon the mind of the reader the truths that they are intended to
illustrate and justify the use of them by the prophet." There is
here the skill, not only of the poet and the speaker, but also of the
teacher. Every poem in the book is a notable example of this
same direct, straightforward orderliness of thought.

(3) The imagery of Amos, like that of Isaiah, is worthy of special
study. Tradition has probably been wrong in emphasizing too
strongly the prevailingly shepherd-characteristics {v.s.) which mark
the figures employed by Amos. But no one will deny that he
is especially fond of drawing his language from nature ; and what,
after all, is this but the field of rural life? He not only cites/
certain facts of agricultural significance, e.g. the recent drought,
blasting and mildew (4'^*), the oppressive taxation of crops (5"),\
and the cheating of the grain merchants (8^), but he finds pic-
turesque illustrations and comparisons in " threshing instruments "/
(i^), the loaded wagon on the threshing-floor (2''), the height of;
the cedars and the strength of the oaks (2^), the roar of the liori
in the forest (3* *), the shepherd rescuing remnants from the lionl
(3^^), the snaring of birds (3''), the "kine of Bashan" (4^), worm-\
wood (5^ 6^^), the lion, bear, and serpent (5'^), the perennial \
stream (5^^), horses stumbling upon rocks and ploughing the sea \
with oxen (6^^), swarms of locusts devouring the aftermath (7^'^'), I
and the " basket of summer fruit " (8').

(4) Other features of Amos's style, which may only be men-
tioned, are {a) its originality (sometimes called unconventionality
or individuahty),* as seen in a certain kind of independence,
probably due to the fact that he was a pioneer in the application
of writing to prophetic discourse ; {b) its maturity, for nothing
is more clear than that he had predecessors in this work who
had developed, in no small degree, a technical nomenclature of
prophecy iv.s?) ; {c) its artistic character, which is seen not only

* Cf. Mit. 8.

Cxl INTRODUCTION

in strophes with refrains, but in the entire strophic structure of
the various pieces, together with the measure and parallehsm, v.i.
It is probable that Amos's style, as well as the substance of his
message, is to be explained largely by the circumstances of his
environment {v.s.).

D. HOSEA.
§ 1 6. The Personal Life of Hosea.

The facts of Hosea's life, while altogether different from those
relating to Amos, are equally interesting and instructive.

I . There is no evidence to prove that the man Hosea was of
the tribe of Reuben (a view based on the resemblance of his
father's name, Beeri, to Beerah, i Ch. 5") ; * or of the tribe of
Issachar (p. 202) ; or of the tribe of Judah, for the passages in
which Judah is mentioned are for the most part doubtful, since
they seem to be part of a plan (p. clix), and even if authentic
would prove neither the prophet's Judaean birth,t nor the sugges-
tion that the book was written out in Judah, when the prophet
(like Amos) had been sent away. { On the name Hosea, v.
p. 205 ; on the bearing of the superscription i\ v. pp. 203 f. It
is hardly to be questioned that he was a citizen of the Northern
kingdom ; v. p. 202, to which may be added, § as matter of detail,
that (a) the interest in Northern Israel is seen in his intimate
acquaintance with the historical conditions and foreign interests
of the North, as well as with the policies of intrigue of the two
political parties ; {b) the particular places with which familiarity
is shown, all of which lie in North Israel, are Mizpah in the east
and Tabor in the west (5'), Samaria (frequently mentioned, 7^
gsf. jo5.7 j^ie^^ Gilead (6« 12"), Shechem (6^), Gilgal and Bethel
(4^^ 9!^ 10^1^ 12"), Gibeah and Ramah (5^ io«) ; (r) the differ-
ence between Amos's point of view and that of Hosea illustrates

* So, many Rabbis ; cf. Jer. Quaestiones in Paralipotnena.

t Jahn and Mau. ; v. p. 202.

X Umb., Ew.

S Certain Aramaicisms, e.g. Suin (ii^), nnj (5^3), ONp (lo"), and the frequent
use of the long form ■'djn, are commonly cited in support of Hosea's northern
origin ; but too great stress may not be laid upon these ; cf. Kautzsch's Aramais-
men in A. T., which recognizes no Aramaic words in Hosea.

THE PERSONAL LIFE OF HOSEA CxH

well the difference between a visitor and a resident ; (</) the great
historical significance of the book of Hosea is largely affected by
the question of his citizenship in the Northern kingdom.

2. The date and circumstances of Hosea's life and work are,
upon the whole, quite definitely settled. While the superscription
i^ (pp. 203 f.) is from a later date, it is in part consistent with the
facts. Hosea sustains to the fall of the Northern kingdom the
same relation which Jeremiah sustained a century and a half later
to that of the Southern kingdom.'

(i) Can we, however, determine how early he began his work ?
or how late he continued to prophesy ?

The following indications of date may be considered : (a) That he was
preaching in 743 B.C. is certain in view of the threat concerning Jezreel (i*),
which must have been uttered before the fall of Jehu's house, that is, before
the death of Jeroboam IL; for Zechariah's reign was very short, and imme-
diately thereupon came the period of anarchy. If i* was uttered in 743, the
prophet's marriage and the birth of his oldest son must be understood to have
preceded. (On the date of the writing of chaps. 1-3, v. § 19.) (d) That he
lived in the midst of the period of anarchy which followed the death of
Jeroboam II. (i.e. 743-736 B.C.) seems to be shown by the utterance found
in f (perhaps also 7''*^ 8*), which reflects the condition of things in this
period.* (c) The lack of allusion of any kind to the Syro-Ephraimitish war
of Pekah and Rezin against Judah (Is. 7, 2 K. 1537.38) would indicate that
Hosea was not in active service at that time (734-733 B.C.), for one cannot
imagine silence on his part with reference to events of such importance, f
(d) Still further, Gilead in Hosea's day was still a part of Northern Israel (5I 6*
12"); but in 734-733 B.C. Gilead and Naphtali passed under the yoke of
Tiglathpileser. J

The certain dates, then, are 743 B.C. and 734 B.C. How much
earlier than 743 Hosea may have preached cannot be determined.

(2) The historical events of the period just indicated (cf.
2 K. 15) fit in admirably with the descriptions of Hosea's times
found in his addresses. (a) In the earlier part, the times are

* Zechariah, son of Jeroboam II., is assassinated within six months by Shallum,
son of Jabesh, who, in turn, is killed after a month by Menahem, son of Gadi.
He reigns about six years, paying tribute to Assyria for his protection. His son
Pekahiah, after a reign of about two years, is assassinated by Pekah, son of Rema-
liah (736 B.C.). t So Now., Marti, ei al.

X On the impossibility of treating lo^ as an indication of date, thus bringing
Hosea's work down as late perhaps as 725 B.C., v. discussion in loc.

Cxlii INTRODUCTION

represented as prosperous, just as in the days of Amos ; evidences
of wealth and ease are seen on every hand, and punishment is
still in the future (2^*- ^^■) ; (b) a Uttle later the situation is greatly
changed ; lawlessness is prevalent (4- 5^ 7^), the panic-stricken
rulers are vacillating between Assyria and Egypt {^'^^ 7" 12^),
pohtical dissolution has already begun (7^ 8^), the powerlessness
of the kings is generally recognized (10^ i3^)> the religious and
political leaders are the worst violators of the laws (4^*- 5^ 9^^),
conspiracies and revolution are rife (5^^ 7" 10^ 12^), and anarchy
prevails.

{c) While the situations described by Amos and Hosea have
much in common, there is also much that is different. Hosea
actually sees the chaos and confusion, the decay, of which he
preaches. Nor are the evils of the times, as seen by him, Hmited
to those of the ruling classes (cf. ^i^-^f u-w gi5^^ g^g £qj. ^j^g most
part in Amos. Moreover, Hosea seems to be himself a part of
the situation, in a sense in which Amos, not being a resident of
Israel, could not have been. He did not see so widely, but he saw
more deeply.

3. Concerning Hosea's occupation and social standing, we are
able only to draw inferences of a more or less uncertain character.
(«) Was he a member of the prophetic society? Nothing is to
be found which would point in this direction.* {b) Was he a
priest, and for this reason was he enabled to speak against the
evil practices of his class as no one else could have done ? f This
is an interesting conjecture, with perhaps as little evidence in its
favor as against it. His intimacy with life of every kind, in nature
and among men, those of the country as well as those of the city,
does not oppose this view, {c) His acquaintance with life in
general, and especially with that of the priests, taken in connec-
tion with his familiarity with the plans of both political parties,
and his intimate knowledge of his country's history (pp. cliii, ,cliv),
may reasonably warrant us in the opinion that he occupied a
"distinguished position" as a citizen in his native land.

4. Hosea's call and preparation constitute a tragedy in domestic

* WRS. Proph. 156.

t So Duhm, Theol. 130 f. ; cf. Sta. G VI. I. 577 f. ; Marti, p. 2.

THE PERSONAL LIFE OF ROSEA cxliii

life, and give us even a deeper insight into his career and pro-
phetic work than we could obtain concerning Amos from the data
in his book.* It is important, however, not to make use of later
material in forming this estimate. We are to put aside, without
hesitation, i^ i^"-2i 22»"-6-^i»i"« ^^^s ^5 -phis leaves us {v. pp.
205 ff.) the story of Gomer's harlotry (i-"*' *''), the story, continued,
of her purchase as a slave, and her retention " many days," 3^^.
While 2'^'^"-^-^-^-^^-^^^'^^'^~' are from the prophet's own hand, they
furnish us light upon his life only as this may be reflected in his
own interpretation of that life in connection with Yahvveh and
Israel.

( 1 ) The story is this : He marries a woman who, afterward,
proves unfaithful to him. At the birth of the first son (whose
father is another than Hosea, although the latter is as yet ignorant
of his wife's infidelity), Hosea calls him Jezreel (p. 211), a name
of symbolical character (cf. the names of Isaiah's children).
When the next child, a daughter, comes (also in_sin), Hosea, now
cognizant of his wife's unfaithfulness, names the child No-love.
Still another son is born, who is called by Hosea Not-tny-Kin.
The woman, it would seem, now leaves home and falls into the
hands of some man whose slave-concubine she becomes. But
Hosea, who has loved her from the beginning and in spite of all
her shame, purchases her at the price of a slave. The relation-
ship of wife, however, is not reestablished ; how could it be ? She
is placed where she will, in discipline, be shut off from, inter-
course with men, even from the legitimate intercourse with her
husband. This period of seclusion will last " many days." How
long? No indication is given.

(2) It is to be especially noticed that (a) the conclusion of the story is not
given us. We do not know whether in the end she was finally restored to
full companionship, {b) While according to Israelitish law and custom the
wife was a part of the possessions or property of the husband, and the mar-
riage relation was based upon this idea, in Hosea's case the relationship was
one of love, so strong that it forced him to do unheard-of things. (<r) The
period required for these transactions must have covered six or seven years.
(«') The "tragic isolation" of Hosea through all these years is clearly evi-

* On the various views entertained of the transaction in the first chapter and
the literature of the same, v. pp. 204 IT.

Cxliv INTRODUCTION

dent. (?) The feeling which suggests the naming of the first child is widely
different from that connected with the naming of the second and third
children.

(3) The truth of these representations concerning the domestic life of
Hosea rests partly upon the general interpretation of the narrative which is
adopted, and partly upon our acceptance of 3!"* as belonging to the original
narrative, {a) Concerning the general interpretation and the objections to
it, V. pp. 208-210. But these objections are largely imaginary; for it is pure
assumption that a call to prophesy may come on/y in a vision, and that con-
sequently this must be a vision. The years required for all these events need
not have exceeded six or seven (z'.j.), leaving abundant time for prophetic ac-
tivity. The fundamental point to be noted is that the principal contribution
of the domestic experience was not the message concerning the destructiorToF

9 Israel, but that concerning the great love of Yahweh in spite of faithlessness.
It is just as easy to suppose that the prophet kept Gomer in his house after be-
coming cognizant of her infidelity, as to suppose that he imagined himself so
doing. The fact that Comer's infidelity did not develop until after the mar-
riage is not ignored in the text, but plainly indicated in the use of the phrase
wi/e ofwhoredofiis (i-°) rather than nji (p. 207). The usage of speech, as well
as the psychological conception involved in the command of Yahweh to marry
a woman, who, as Yahweh knows, will break her marriage vows, is to be
compared with representations concerning the hardening of Pharaoh's heart
(Ex. lo^ 11^" 14*). and the commission to Isaiah (63*), these being really not
commands, but events which in the light of later history are so interpreted.
Still further, it was not the purpose of the marriage to teach that Yahweh
was Israel's husband, nor is it so to be understood ; it was rather to teach the

^ wonderful love on the part of one who was released from all obligations of
nature or contract. Moreover, we may well understand that this experience,
which was primarily a revelation to Hosea, also served in the prophet's work
as a means of communicating to the people the thought which it first con-
veyed to the prophet himself, {b) In opposition to the view that 3^"^ is from
a later hand and to be treated wholly as allegory, I would urge (in addition
to what has been said, p. 217) that the change in conception from the land
as Yahweh's bride (i^ and chap. 2) to the sons of Israel is only a rhetorical
effort toward personification and individualization, common enough and thor-
oughly Hebraic. The phrase other Gods (3^) refers to the Baalim (p. 218),
whose existence Hosea, as well as Amos, certainly recognized (p. cxlviii f.),
whatever may have been his feeling toward the images of Yahweh. It is
unquestionable that the later utterances of Hosea are permeated through and
through with the idea of Yahweh's love (p. cxlix), notwithstanding the large
place occupied also by the opposite conception, viz. Yahweh's righteous indig-
nation. There is really nothing tangible that has been offered by any one to
prove the later date of chap. 3.

(4) The consideration of this domestic experience as the basis of the
prophet's call or of his preparation for his message belongs properly under

THE PERSONAL LIFE OF HOSEA cxlv

the topic of his message (v.i.) ; but in this connection two things may be
mentioned : (rt) The narrative of this experience, written some time after-
ward, shows, as do the similar cases of Isaiah (chap. 6) and Jeremiah (chap, i),
that the prophet has interpreted into the narrative much of his later ex-
perience. In other words, the logical order was the experience, the great
truth which it suggested, the narration of the experience in the light of
this truth, (d) This is- exactly analogous to the case of Amos; for while the
one heard the voice of God in the rising Assyrian situation, which itself was
the occasion of both the form and the content of his visions, the other heard it
in the ruin of his home. It was in neither case merely a vision, but rather a
psychological experience extending over a considerable period.

(5) The basis of the prophet's own interpretation of his experience was
found in that most common Semitic conception that the national deity was
the husband of the land ; but he puts an entirely new thought into the old
form of the conception {v.iJ). Love, as such, was not a necessary accom-
paniment of marriage in the olden times. Here the entire emphasis is placed
upon this phase of the marriage experience.

5. If one can imagine a character almost the opposite of that
of Amos, he will have pictured Hosea to himself, (i) This picture,
however, would be misleading if Hosea were thought of as weak.
In this particular, as in all others, he was not inferior to Amos ;
but his strength was of another kind. It was that of endurance
under incalculable agony ; and also of persistence against the com-
bined forces of the leaders of his times. (2) His character was as
complex as that of Amos was simple. There is manifestation every-
where of contending and conflicting feelings ; of tenderness side
by side with indignation, of love and hate commingled ; of leniency
passing swiftly into severity and the reverse, and of hope for the
future actually turning before the gaze into an almost absolute
despair. " The swift transition, the fragmentary, unbalanced utter-
ance, the half-developed allusions, that make his prophecy so
difficult to the commentator, express the agony of this inward
conflict." * (3) This means a nature strongly emotional. So
true is this of Hosea (cf. the strikingly parallel case of Jeremiah)
that not infrequently he seems to lose his self-control, and to
become subject to these same emotions. (4) One side of this
emotional nature is seen in his affectionate character, of which
the entire family story is an expression. The depth of his aff'ec-

* WRS. Profk. IS7.

cxlvi INTRODUCTION

tion, the gentleness which characterized it, and, Hkewise, the
passion, of which a gUmpse is now and then obtained, all point to
a personaHty unique in Old Testament history. (5) Still another
phase, closely associated with the emotional, is his strongly
marked religious temperament, in contrast with the ethical, as
it is seen in Amos. " Amos is the stern moralist ; Hosea is the
man of religious affection. Amos sees the righteous will of Yah-
weh pronouncing and executing judgment upon Israel ; Hosea
has a vision of the loving heart of Yahweh grieving over his erring
children."* (6) But Hosea was not illogical, as he has so fre-
quently been represented. His ability, notwithstanding conflicting
feeUngs, to give expression to a system of theology which was to
serve henceforth as the basis of all Israelitish thought, is a factor
worthy of consideration in any estimate of his character. He was,
in a strange and true sense, a typical Israelite, and his thought, as
time shows, was the thought which Israel would accept. This
must have come about, at least in part, because his character was
fundamentally the Israelitish character, viz. strong, complex,
emotional, religious.

§ 17. The Message of Hosea.

Hosea's message is hardly less important than that of Amos.
The special interest lies in three facts, viz. : (i) the personal
element which pervades it throughout, for one feels that, after
all, the message is not so much a part of the political situa-
tion, nor, indeed, of the religious, as the man himself; (2) the
supplementary relation which it sustains to that of Amos, both
together giving the two sides of one great conception ; (3) the
fact that in connection with the delivery of this message the
end of Northern Israel is rapidly approaching, for within a dozen
years all will be over.

I. The general thought of Hosea's message is summed up
briefly in connection with a very few propositions : (a) Israel is
wicked through and through, and her condition morally is that of
rottenness. (^) Israel is politically doomed, the last stages of
decay having now been reached, (c) Yahweh is Israel's father,

* H. P. Smith, O. T. Hist. 221.

THE MESSAGE OF HOSEA Cxlvii

with all a father's love and interest ; he is Israel's husband, with
all a husband's love and devotion, (d) Israel fails to comprehend
Yahweh ; has a totally wrong conception of him ; in short, Israel
does not know Yahweh. (e) Israel deceives herself in her acts
of repentance ; but there is a repentance which consists in turning
back to Yahweh.* (/) Israel's present attitude toward Yahweh's
love means, in the end, her total destruction.

2. The question of insertions sustains even a closer relation to the message
of Hosea than in the case of Amos. (For the passages which a scientific
criticism denies to the original utterance, v.i. p. clx, and for the considerations
which have led to the opinion thus expressed, v. each passage in loc, as
well as p. clix.) There is involved in this, especially, the question whether to
Hosea or to later writers we shall ascribe the strongly expressed teaching of
Israel's restoration, which is found in the book as it is now constituted. The
most careful consideration seems to show that this thought is non-Hoseanic
(p. clix).

3. Again it may be said : Hosea followed Amos. But what did
that signify? What did Amos do that Hosea need not do again?
What did Amos leave undone, which Hosea must now do ? f Amos
aroused the conscience of Israel to a perception of the real state
of affairs ; but, aside from the most general injunction, Seek Yahweh
and ye shall live (Am. 5'*), he refers neither to a restoration (9''"^*
being late) nor to. any plan for securing such a restoration. That
Yahweh loved his people, and had manifested this love on many
occasions of great national importance, was evident. This love
was indeed the basis in some measure of the ethical develop-
ment thus far wrought out. But although this love was already
recognized, there remained, in view of the emphasis which Amos
lays on universal law, another problem to be solved, viz., " to
prove in God so great and new a mercy as was capable of
matching that law," J in other words, it is necessary for a prophet
" to arise with as keen a conscience of law as Amos himself, and
yet affirm that love was greater still ; to admit that Israel was
doomed, and yet " (not " promise their redemption," but) show
that redemption, i.e. repentance, is possible ; and that the basis

* A later writer (12?') includes also the maintaining of true love and justice, and
the waiting continually on God. f GAS. I. 227 ff. % GAS. I. 229.

Cxlviii INTRODUCTION

of this redemption is as fundamental as is the basis of law itself.
This was what Hosea had to do ; and in doing it he is marking
out the lines (v.s.) of all subsequent prophecy. 3^"^ (v.^ being late)
clearly involves (a) Israel's continued relationship with Yahweh,
(3) her days of punishment for the sake of discipline, (c) her
acquisition of a new spirit and her return or redemption ; but,
while (a) and (d) are definitely expressed, (r) is only implied. This
was left so, because the means and method were outside of Hosea's
vision ; not so, however, the fact and its philosophy.

4. The circumstances of Hosea's earlier life were practically
the same as those under which Amos worked. But in the later
period of his ministry everything had changed (v.s.). We are
not to suppose, however, that the popular feeling (pp. ex ff.) on
fundamental questions had been greatly altered. Hosea takes
cognizance of certain phases of this opinion which Amos seems
not to have noticed, e.g. image-worship, the platforms of the two
great political parties, the national feeling as to the past history
of the nation. These and other subjects constituting the popular
usage or opinion which Hosea opposed will be taken up briefly in
connection with the statement of his convictions {v.t.).

5. Hosea, when compared with Amos, is found to deal very
differently with the same question. While Amos was broader,
Hosea goes deeper; Amos is controlled solely by the ethical
spirit, Hosea by the religious spirit. The more important
details are the following : —

(i) The god of Hosea was omnipotent as truly as was that of
Amos ; but this idea of power occupies no such place in Hosea's
thought as in that of Amos.

(a) Yahweh's power over nature is seen in the fact that not Baal, but Yahweh,
had been the giver of Israel's gifts (2^), in the affliction which the land and
the beasts thereof are soon to suffer (4^ 9^), as well as in the control of Sheol
itself (13^*). In history his hand has wrought many wonderful things which
have occurred in Israel's own life as a nation (e.g. the deliverance from Egypt,
11^ 12^ I3'*'^; tender guidance in their early history, ii''-*; the sending of
prophets, 121°); but Hosea exhibits no interest in the work of Yahweh
outside of Israel.

(<5) Was Hosea more truly a monotheist than was Amos? It
cannot be said that Hosea has a narrower conception of the

THE MESSAGE OF HOSEA Cxlix

deity ; but for him, as for his predecessor, Yahweh is a national
god (3* (f 13*), especially concerned with a single nation. His
representation of this god, now as the Hght (6''), again as a lion
(5" 13^) > or a gnawing worm (5^^), vividly expresses the writer's
conception of the divine attitude and power. The anthropomor-
phism is strong and startling. Yahweh is always represented as
speaking, there being only a single case in chaps. 4-14 of an in-
troductory formula (4'). The representations of love on Yahweh's
part (especially those of the father and the husband), and those
also of indignation and threatened destruction (s^""*^' 12" 13^*^^)
bespeak a poetic nature, but at the same time present ideas of the
deity of a pecuUarly fundamental character {v.s.).

(c) The image-worship of these times, passed over in silence
by Elijah, Elisha, and Amos (p. cxvi), is the subject of " incessant
polemic " on the part of Hosea (8^-®; cf. i K. 12^ Ex. 32*-^. This
idea, not altogether new (cf. the decalogues, pp. Iviii ff.), plays a
large part in Hosea's conception. Hosea, looking deeper than
those who preceded, sees in the traditional Yahweh-worship of
his times what he believes to be the worship of other gods (3' ; v.s.).
Yahweh regards it as sinful to make idols or to worship them (13^,
and all this applies to the calf-worship of Hosea's times. Why
was it Hosea rather than Amos who took this position ? Because,
as W. Robertson Smith has suggested,* while Amos looked at the
national practices from the ethical point of view and that of the
administration of justice, Hosea thought of them rather as they
affected the personal relation-of the nation to Yakyveh himself.
Israel, in idol-worship, shows no true conception of the love due
Yahweh. She is, in fact, an adulteress. The worship given the
calves is morally false, and therefore inadequate and injurious (v.i.).

(2) The fundamental idea of Hosea is his conception of Yahweh — --^
as z.godof love (3^ 1 1^"^). The word "IDH love, kindness, " leal love " 1 '-^-^
(never found in Amos), represents an act or feeling of dutiful or I
loyal affection (6*-® 10'^). There is a relationship (6^) between
Yahweh and Israel which calls upon both to exercise this feeling
toward each other. The obligation is not merely a legal one ; it
is likewise moral. We may not overlook the fact that, although

* Propk. 176 f.

Cl INTRODUCTION

this relationship is in one sense multiform (viz. grace on the part
of Yahweh to Israel, piety on the part of Israel to Yahweh, and love
[equivalent to humatiity'] on the part of one Israelite to another),
this multiformity was lost in the unity of the conception. Yahweh
is not only the head of a state demanding justice, he is the head
(i.e. the father) of a family, for which he has a deep and never
ending love. This love is the basis and the principal factor of
religion. Because Yahweh loves Israel, Israel should be true to
him, i.e. moral.*

(3) His most bitter complaint against his people is that they do
not know Yahweh (2^ 4^- ^- 5* 6® 8" ; cf. in /<?<:.). -j- In brief, we are
to take know as meaning not only knowledge, but also the practical
application which knowledge calls for. It is understanding, or
comprehension, but more ; for to know God is to feel the force
of the deity and to act accordingly, i.e. to have the feeling (of
love, or duty, or whatever else) which a knowledge of God implies.
To come to know God, then, means to come into a new state of
mind. Now, {a) Hosea is not asking Israel to accept knowledge
which the nation once possessed, but has lost ; it is something
really 7iew in religion which he is holding out to them, although
in 13® this ignorance is rhetorically styled forgetfulness ; more-
over, ip') he clearly indicates the obstacles in the way of their
reaching up to this new knowledge, viz. their evil life (4^*^) and
the failure of the religious leaders, priests and prophets, to do
their duty (4'"'^- 5^*^) ; but(f) if these difficulties should be removed,
how might Israel gain this true knowledge of Yahweh? \ Through
the many deeds in which Yahweh has made manifestations of
himself in history (z/.j-.) ; through the prosperity and abundance
with which she has been blessed (2^) ; and, still further, through
the laws or teachings which have already taken formal shape (4*^) ;
but, so hardened and insensible has Israel become to these and
all similar influences, that Yahweh will be compelled to come
upon them in violence and with disaster, in order to make im-
pression on their minds. This is the doom of the immediate
future (13'^).

* Cf. WRS. Proph. 160 ff. ; GAS. I. 346 ff. ; Now. 9 f. ; Marti, 5 f.
t An admirable discussion of the full meaning of know, as it is here used, will
be found in GAS. I. 320 ff. % Cf. GAS. I. 326 f.

THE MESSAGE OF HOSEA cli

(4) While the exact relation of Yahweh to Israel,* represented
under the various figures described above, is that of a covenant
(6^, or a marriage (2-*^- 3^*^), or that of father and son (11^*^),
what does Hosea understand his relation to be to the outside
nations? To this question no definite answer can be given. As
has been noted, Hosea concerns himself little with the world
outside. He realizes that there is such a world ; he teaches that
Egypt and Assyria will be used in the chastisement of Israel ; he
gives, therefore, a place of superiority to Yahweh over the nations
and over their gods. Further than this he does not go. This is
in accord with the general fact that Hosea, unlike Amos, is not
interested in state or nation history. He thinks of Israel, not as
a state, but as a family ; not so much as a government, but as an
individual, either child or wife. It is everywhere the personal
attitude that is made most of.

(5) The substance of Hosea's message on the cultus^(4"^- 6® 8"'^^,
10 throughout, 13^*) is the same as that of Amos (p. cxix), and need
not be dwelt upon.f It is only to be noted, as above, that because
so much emphasis is placed upon the personal element, the faith-
lessness of Israel in the matter of acts of worship appears all the
greater. The physical and sensual character of the cultus, taken
over from the Canaanitish worship of the Baalim, was wholly foreign
and repugnant to Hosea's conception of the truly spiritual relation
of Yahweh to his people. His opposition to the calf-worship in
particular was in large part due to its carnal tendencies. These
things were fundamentally antagonistic to the new conception of
Yahweh for which Hosea stood ; hence it is that the denunciation
of the cultus occupies a much larger place in the utterances of
Hosea than in those of Amos.

(6) The immorality of Israel is pictured even more vividly by
Hosea than by Amos. The situation was the darkest possible
(v.s.) ; for the land is full of " harlotry " and " adultery." The
fact that this general immorality is in part due to the Canaanitish
influence makes the prophet's case all the stronger from his point
of view. His lamentation is frequently and strongly expressed

* Cf. WRS. Propi. 161. 162.

+ Cf. GAS. I. 286 ff.; WRS. Pro/>A. 175 f. ; HPS. O. T. Nisi. 222; Sm. J?el.
207 f. ; Duhm, Theol, 128 f.

Clii INTRODUCTION

(4^ ^i. 10-13 54 jjiz'^^ ^ heinous thing is the fact that the leaders,
particularly the priests, encourage this immorality for the gain
which they derive from it (cf. 4*^). The sanctuaries, he declares,
are dens of thieves; while the priests are the actual leaders in
crime (6^). Against all this Hosea (a) utters scathing rebuke,
(^) makes earnest effort to stir the pubHc conscience, and (c)
preaches IDPI, which means just as truly /ove to man, as love of
God or love to God. The strange thing is that he finds in religion
itself the responsibility for the situation.

(7) The political situation* at home and abroad is treated in
much detail. Hosea is convinced (a) that Israel's home policy
from the beginning has been wrong. Israel's kings, as distin-
guished from those of Judah (8*), are not of divine appointment.
In other words, the schism is condemned, and while he does not
" yearn for the healing of the schism by a Davidic king " (Cheyne),t
he sees no future for a kingdom whose religion is represented by
calves (8^-^). Moreover, while 8* may refer to the original schism,
it is general enough to include the kings who come one after another
in his own day. His attack upon the anarchy and confusion of
his day (cf. 8*"^^) is most violent (lo^^- 7^''' 8'*^). He declares
that society is a " cake not turned " (7®), i.e. half raw, half baked
to a cinder ; \ that Israel has no leaders worthy of the name ; that
the strength of the people is worn out ; that they are actually held
in contempt by the outside nations. This was the natural outcome
of (^) their foreign policy, which was one of vacillation between
Egypt and Assyria, one of half-hearted substitution of other «
gods for Yahweh, the result of which is seen in the actual deposi-.
tion of their kings and the appointment of Assyrian vicegerents on
the Israelitish throne. § But another political party will not accept
Assyrian supremacy and turns to Egypt. Thus they are divided
among themselves ; and, whatever unity might have gained, all is
lost in this conflict of interests.

* GAS. I. 269-289 ; Che. 25 f. ; WRS. Proph. 183 f. ; HPS. O. T. Hist. 224 f. ;
We. Prol. 417.

t 35 is not from Hosea. J GAS.

^ Menahem held his throne as a vassal of Assyria (2 K. i5i"-20 ; Tiglathpileser's
Annals, 1. 150), while Hoshea seems to have been an Assyrian appointee (Tig-
lathpileser's small Inscription, col. I., Is. 15 fF. ; cf. KAT? 264 f.).

THE MESSAGE OF HOSEA cliii

(8) Hosea's mind dwells minutely on Israel's past history,
which he interprets in the light of the situation of his own days.*
This interpretation was carried forward, and became the basis of
all later treatment of the past. This fact is one of the most sig-
nificant in connection with Hosea's career ; and in the influence
thus exerted he proved himself, perhaps, the greatest of Israel's
prophets. We have four great interpretations of Israel's early
history, that of JE, which, after all, is hardly an interpretation in
the sense in which we now use that term ; that of Hosea ; and, after
him, that of the Deuteronomist and that of the priestly guild. Just as
Israel is about to die, " Hosea sees the tenderness and the romance
of the early history." f Did Yahweh select Egypt or Assyria or
Phoenicia, all great nations? No; but Israel (ii^). Yet her
whole career from the " days of Gibeah " has been one of con-
spiracy and bloodshed, (i* 5^^^ 7^^ 10^) and rebeUion against
Yahweh (7^^*^). The purity of the early days has been lost (9^'').
Yea, from the very beginning the tendency to evil manifested
itself (12''") ; while Yahweh has never ceased sending his mes-
sengers with the call to repentance (12^*^^). The prophet's point
of view is clear ; how can Israel, after the great favors shown her,
exhibit to Yahweh such ingratitude ?

(9) Israel's immediate future is one of doom. Hosea has no
bright message, for 14'"® is surely late. J If we could assure our-
selves that such passages as iW_2i-i*-i6i8-23 ^s jjiof. ^yg^.^ genuine,
the case would be entirely different. Hosea saw more clearly
than did Amos ; and his hope for the future of Israel, based upon
the divine love, -was more tangible and definite ; but he, promised
nothing. He contributed a conception of Yahweh which made
such a future not only possible, but, indeed, probable ; whether he
supposed Northern Israel might still enjoy the divine favor is a
question, yet it is just as questionable whether he transferred the
hope to Judah. He taught the possibility of repentance and the
true nature of repentance if it would be availing (2^ 5* 6* 10^) ;
but would Israel, accustomed to a fitful repentance, ever enjoy
the true experience ? Hosea scarcely expected Israel's deliver-

« WRS. Propk. 183 ff. t GAS. 1 . 290.

X Cf. Meinhold's attempt to separate the work of Hosea into two periods, in the
latter of which predictions of exile and return may be found, e.g. 118-n 14I-S.

Cliv INTRODUCTION

ance from Assyria's hand. It was too late. There was a pos-
sibiHty, but it was only a possibility. Israel would not lift herself
from the depths of degradation into which she had fallen. The
future is altogether dark.* While Yahweh's heart was filled with
love, it nevertheless burns now with indignation ; so let the worst
come ! " Shall I deliver them from the hand of Sheol ? Shall I re-
deem them from death ? Where are {i.e. come with) thy plagues,
O death ? Where {i.e. come with) thy destruction, O Sheol ?
Repentance is hid from my eyes " (13^*).

6. Hosea was more intimately acquainted with the nation's
past than was Amos. At all events he makes larger use of it.
On what authority did he depend ? The documents J and E
were already in existence (§§ 8, 9), and Hosea must be supposed
to have known them. 8^ presupposes his acquaintance with
written laws such as the Decalogue and the Book of the Covenant,
while the allusions in q^"* 12^" might well be based upon the nar-
ratives of J and E, though the possibility of oral tradition as the
source is not excluded here,t and is probably to be accepted
in the case of 8^^ g3.ioa j^s ^ji.s jT^^^f-, That he was in possession
of information not contained in any documents now existing is clear
from 1 1^, and his independence of judgment concerning the past
appears in i* 10^.

7. The character of Hosea's message has already been indi-
cated in the character of the man himself. Whatever one was,
that, also, was the other. Was the man a typical Israelite ? The
message, as we have seen, was likewise a truly national expres-
sion, since its content is the basis of all succeeding Israelitish
thought. If Amos's message was universal, Hosea's was more
narrowly national ; if Amos's was ethical, Hosea's was religious.
There is no lack of the tender and the spiritual element. " The
two men are types of a contrast which runs through the whole
history of religious thought and life down to our own days. The
rehgious world has always been divided into men who look at the
questions of faith from the standpoint of universal ethics, and men
by whom moral truths are habitually approached from a personal

* Cf. WRS. and Marti, EB. 2125 f.

t Cf. Dr. LOT.^ 123; Carpenter and Battersby, Hex. i. 107.

THE MINISTRY OF HOSEA clv

sense of the grace of God. Too frequently this diversity of stand-
point has led to an antagonism of parties in the church. Men
of the type of Amos are condemned as rationalists and cold
moderates ; or, on the other hand, the school of Hosea are looked
upon as enthusiasts and impractical mystics. But Yahweh chose
his prophets from men of both types, and preached the same
lesson to Israel through both." *

§ 1 8. The Ministry of Hosea.

In an examination of Hosea's ministry let us prepare ourselves
for something as different as possible from that of Amos. - It will
be the ministry of a poet, not a philosopher ; of a man dealing
with his own home and country, not a foreigner ; of a man living
and working largely in privacy, rather than in connection with
rulers ; of a mystic, not a moralist.

I. His call, together with the message which he was to preach,
came not in a vision, but in an experience, one of the saddest
known in life.f As in most cases, long years were occupied in
the communication of the truth which he was ultimately to preach.
The experience was historical and psychological : historical in the
sense that it had to do with external facts ; psychological in that
it was more largely an operation of mind or soul, since both
call and message were in reality a spiritualizing of an ordinary
event, and an old tradition. We cannot be certain that Hosea
did not have a vision of the ecstatic order ; but there is no testi-
mony which favors this, and all the facts are explicable without it.

* WRS. Proph. 163 f.

+ To the suggestion (cf. A. B. Davidson in DB^ that Hosea was already a
prophet when the first child was born (as indicated by the name Jezreel) , and that
at this time he had no knowledge of his wife's infidelity, and that consequently the
experience had nothing to do with the call, it may be replied : (i) Unquestionably
the prophet's knowledge of Israel's faithlessness and of Yahweh's goodness was a
matter of historical observation ; likeVvise, the relationship of Yahweh as husband
was an old Semitic idea; but (2) Hosea's prophetic mission (including his call)
was not merely to foretell a coming disaster (Amos had done this) ; it was much
more than this, viz. to picture Israel's wicked ingratitude over against the love of
Yahweh, which had been manifested through centuries in spite of this ingratitude ;
(3) the call to preach this message was one which only years of experience and
reflection made certain and definite.

Clvi INTRODUCTION

As the crushing force of the home tragedy begins to touch this
man, possessed of a deeply emotional and religious nature, he
feels, in the very touch, a voice saying, " This experience of your
married life is a reflection of Yahweh's experience with Israel " ;
and the voice that speaks is Yahweh's voice. It did not come
in a single day, nor in a year ; but extended itself over many
years, becoming more and more distinct until he no longer
doubted its tone or its truth.

2. He seems to have presented his message in the ordinary
way. Three or four details in the method employed may be
noted : (i) He gives his children symbolical names, each of
which conveys (to all who hear it) a significant teaching. In this
method, as in many other points, Isaiah followed closely in his
track.

(2) He makes public recital of his disgrace and sorrow, not for
the sake of sympathy nor with sensational motive, but because in
no other way could he present his message. He thus employs
a story (personal to be sure) through which to teach his fellow-
countrymen. The unique thing is not the event itself, which is
too usual, nor the story of the event, which in another's mouth
would have been ordinary scandal ; but the telling of it by him
who was the victim of the situation described. That this pro-
duced a profound impression is beyond any question, and this, we
may well suppose, was the motive of the prophet in narrating it.
Perhaps he wishes to explain just how he came into possession of
the message (v.s.) ; but this, after all, was only to make the mes-
sage itself -more definite and more authoritative.

(3) He preaches, as did Amos, discourses (in all thirteen) which
were intended to persuade the people to accept the new point of
view which he, at bitter cost, had attained. These discourses
(z^/.), though modified by later insertions, yet more greatly by
corruption of the text, still show the evidence of passion in their
delivery.

(4) Still another method of presentation was adopted after the
example of Amos, when the prophet committed his addresses to
writing, and thus secured their preservation for all time (v.t.).
The suggestion of Marti that these prophecies were never spoken
in pubhc, but were originally written and intended for private

THE MINISTRY OF HOSEA clvii

reading among the people, lays too much emphasis upon their
present form, and, in any case, finds insufficient basis in the mere
fact that they consist of " poems which do not give the impression
of having been popular addresses." Poetry was the most popular
form of address before an Oriental audience.

3. Hosea falls in with Amos in the new policy of political
action. He holds no office, exercises no direct control. But
more than this, he, like Micah, lives in an atmosphere more retired
than that of Amos or Isaiah. The latter came into direct contact
with the royal power, while the relations of the former were, at
least, indirect. It was, in other words, a private rather than a
public ministry, (i) His political views (p. clii) were more defi-
nite, perhaps, than those of Amos, and they had to do more
distinctly with home affairs. This fact, together with the un-
pleasant prominence given him by his domestic relations, and
especially the political character of the period (pp. cxli f.), made
his work one of pecuUar difficulty. The prophet must still have
been accorded large freedom to have been permitted to speak so
freely in times of such political confusion. (2) Hosea's readiness
to differ from the prophets of earlier days, in reference to political
matters, is noteworthy. To differ from Elijah and Elisha in con-
nection with the Jehu episode was a daring thing to do, but it
was even more remarkable that he should go back and pass an
opposing judgment as to the division of the kingdom (vj.). His
political ministry thus passes in review the national history of two
centuries. Time has shown the wisdom of his position, (3) His
attitude toward the prophetic policy of the past is no more severe
than that which he holds toward the priests and prophets of his
own times (9^. (4) With his political attitude toward Judah is
involved the question of the Judaistic references now generally
assigned to a later date (p. clix).

4. The chronological order of the various stages in the ministry
of Hosea is not even as clear as in the case of Amos, since neither
the structure of the book nor the external events make contribu-
tions of a very definite nature.

(i) At the time of his marriage (750 B.C.?) he was presumably
a young man, and, if his occupation was that of a priest (p. cxhi),
his mind had been dwelling on sacred things for many years. At

clviii ' INTRODUCTION

first hand he gained his knowledge of the evil practices of his
fellow-priests, and their close associates, the prophets.

(2) Within two or three years (747 B.C.) he has satisfied him-
self as to the doom of Jehu's dynasty ; this is announced in con-
nection with the birth of his son (Jezreel). He, doubtless, expected
Israel's collapse to be contemporaneous.

(3) Within six or seven years the tragedy of his life has been
enacted ; the real call to preach has come ; the great message has
been received ; Jeroboam has died, and anarchy has set in ; im-
portant announcements concerning the future have been made (in
the symbolic names given to the three children of his wife).

(4) During the next six or seven years (742-735 B.C.), with his
wife put away (for he cannot now live with her, however much he
loves her), he preaches his impassioned sermons, breathing into
them all the warmth and all the pain of an agonizing heart.
These are the years of revolution and vacillation, of decay ap-
proaching close to death, — years without any hope, yet with a
faith in Yahweh that is strong and steadfast.

(5) What next ? We do not know. It is improbable that, like
Amos, he left home and went to Judah, there to put his writings
into form, and to include the Judaistic references which are in the
present book.* It is probable that he was spared the worst agony
of all, that of seeing Samaria in ruins and Israel carried captive.
We have nothing from his lips or pen later than 735 B.C. (v.s.).

5. The efficiency of Hosea's ministry is even more clearly per-
ceived than was that of Amos. The fact stated above (p. cliv) that
Hosea's teaching forms the basis of subsequent Hebrew prophecy,
the fact that these utterances produced so great an impression as
to find preservation, the additional fact that they were so strongly
felt as to require for their elucidation and interpretation the com-
ments and amendments of later generations, prove an efficiency
of service and a permanency of character of the highest order.

§ 19. The Literary Form of Hosea.

The corrupt state of the text of Hosea makes the study of its
literary problems both difficult and unsatisfactory.

* Umb., Ew.

THE LITERARY FORM OF HOSEA clix

1. The table on p. clx exhibits a view of the book as we now
have it, with (a) the larger divisions,* and (3) a separation of the
original and secondary elements.

2. The secondary passages! in the following table fall into four
groups : (i) References in Hosea to Judah are for the most part the
work of a Judaistic editor. The basis for this decision is found {
in the fact that in the great majority of cases no sufficient motive
can be discovered to explain their Hoseanic origin, while the
motive of the later editor is clearly evident ; besides, these pas-
sages in nearly every case contain phrases which are late, or
interfere with the rhythmic structure. The principal cases are
the following : i^, exempting Judah from the coming destruction
(p. 213), the change of "Israel" to Judah in 5ioi«i3"6* 10"*
J 23 (2) J 5110^ threatening Judah with judgment (p. 291) ; 8", coup-
ling Judah with Israel in transgression (p. 324) ; 12^* (11^^*),
contrasting Judah's faithfulness with Israel's treachery (pp. 376 f.).
While Kuenen is certainly too conservative in his treatment of the
Judaistic passages, we cannot agree with Marti (p. 8) that Hosea
never in a single case referred to Judah ; one can scarcely con-
ceive the possibility of such a thing. In 4^^ and 5^ there is noth-
ing which demands a later origin.

(2) It is impossible to reconcile with Hosea's situation and
declarations certain passages referring to Israel's future, the so-
called Messianic allusions. The prophet plainly represents Isra-
el's ruin as close at hand (z'./.). Moreover, it is apparently an
irretrievable disaster (13^) which is threatened. In any case
death and Sheol are first to do their work (13"), nor is Yahweh
a man to repent (11^ 13")- These passages, therefore, are en-
tirely inconsistent with Hosea's point of view, and directly contra-

* There is no ground for the suggestion of Gratz {Gesch. II. 93 ff., 214 ff., 439 ff.)
that there are two Hoseas (chs. 1-3 and 4-14) with an interval of fifty years, for the
great changes between the times of Jeroboam II. and those which immediately
followed are entirely sufficient to explain the differences. Cf. Kue. Einl. II.
324, who gives a brief list of expressions common to both divisions.

t The integrity of the Book of Hosea was first impeached by Stuck (1828),
who regarded 9"-9 as displaced. Redslob (1842) rejected 4&-7 74-10 ; Gratz (1853)
made chaps. 4-14 late; while Sfa. GVJ. I. 577, prepared the way for Co., We.,
Che., Now., and others.

J Cf. We. Prol. 417 ; Sta. GV/.\. S77; GAS. I. 224-226; Co. ZAW. VII. 285-
889; on the contrary Kue. Einl. II. 322 f.

clx

INTRODUCTION

►« N ro Tj- u-i

vo r-»00 Ov O ►I N f^ 't vnvo t^oo a\ O

,0 K«

•2 '^

S

X o

o

O

>» i^

>»,

!^ O

i?^

u

to o

-G

^s K CM

,,

!^

<q

«

c
o

h

'i^

43

<u

in

c«

C

«

i-i

V

^

43 ■"

-a

^

13

-^

.2 -d

C3

|S

'a

c t^

O (U

rt

^i

u -n

K

.Q

tn Oh

A

^ "t;

D o

k

& -

-^ ^

u,

«

rt 3

hH

s

> O

o

2 '^

P-t

43

o

in

n

w

rA)

.!£

rt

43

o

n

n

a;

a

C

43

42 ii

& U^

S o c :=

O ►C n!

U > Cm

r/l

r/l

f«

t/i

rn

^^

,f)

0)

o;

gj

(1)

«

«)

U

«)

rt

CJ

nS

n

m

rt

(Tt

ri

:m

iM

hH

M

M

HH

>^

HH

T3 ^ ).

K S

w s ^

VO 00 00 ON

e4 a a> ^
O O " N

SIS

,. "^ J^ « "^ T •*

'V ir> in t>.00 On'on O O "-' 'n ro'ro

THE LITERARY FORM OF HOSEA clxi

diet the representations which are fundamental in his preaching ;
nor can it be shown that they are spoken, either, to a different
audience (viz. the faithful for their encouragement), or at a later
time in Hosea's ministry.* Besides, they interrupt the logical
development of the thought in particular passages {z>. in loc),
and show a definite connection with the thought of later prophecy.
This material is unquestionably from exilic times.

The more important pieces are the following: 2^-3 (ii''_2i), promising res-
toration to Yahweh's favor, great increase of population, and the reunion of
Israel and Judah under one king (pp. 245 f.) ; 2^- ^ (^- ^■'> describing the discipli-
nary measures adopted by Yahweh to restore Israel to her senses (p. 236) ;
2I6-I8 (14-16)^ setting forth Yahweh's purpose to restore Israel to the purity and
joy of her first love (p. 238) ; 2'^-'^ (18-23)^ picturing the universal harmony and
prosperity that will prevail when Yahweh again betroths Israel to himself
(pp. 241, 244); 3^, announcing Israel's return to Yahweh and the Messianic
King in the days to come (pp. 216, 223); ii8i. 9a. 106. 11^ giving the assurance
that Yahweh's anger is appeased and that he will recall the exiles from Egypt
and Assyria (p. 372); 142-9(1-8), containing a call to repentance followed by
a description of the great prosperity and peace consequent upon the restoration
to Yahweh's favor (pp. 408 f.).

(3) A third group includes, as in the case of Amos (p. cxxxiv),
phrases and sentences of a technical, archaeological, or historical
character, inserted by way of expansion and explanation.

Here belong, e.g. ^^^^, " for good is its shade"; 5*, " with their flocks and
their herds"; 7*, the comparison of the princes to an oven and a baker kin-
dhng the fire; 718", "this their scorn"; 8**, "as a vessel wherein none
delighteth"; 9I*, "corn"; g^", "as in the days of Gibeah"; 9'", "in its
first season"; lo^, "on account of his glory because it has gone into exile
from him"; 10"*, "as Shalman spoiled Betharbel in the day of battle";
12''' ('3), magnifying the prophetic phase of Moses's work; 13**"', presenting
Jacob in a favorable light.

(4) The fourth group will include miscellaneous glosses and
interpolations for which, perhaps, no special motive may be
discovered. As examples of the kind may be cited : 8*, " that
they may be cut off" ; 8*, " how long will they be incapable of

■ • Meinhold.

clxii INTRODUCTION

punishment " ; 8^°" 9^" ; 9»", " with my God " ; 9^*, " enmity."
(5) Ch. 14^" stands by itself, and is a product of the later wisdom
period (pp. 416 f.).*

3. The internal history of the Book of Hosea was perhaps as
follows : —

(i) Hosea himself prepared the collection of sermons (v.s.),
together with the introduction explaining his call to preach. In
this case the explanation of the call comes at the beginning (rather
than, as in Amos, after the sermons of chaps. 3-6, or in Isaiah,
after the sermons of chaps. 2-5) either because it was only a part
of the book and had never been preached or made public, or be-
cause it was thought necessary to a proper understanding of what
followed. (2) The fulfilment of Hosea's threats in the fall of
Samaria (721 b.c.) must have given great prominence to the book
in Judah ; in any case it was known to Isaiah, who follows Hosea -f
in using the words S'2:o pxi (Ho. 5" = Is. 5^), the thought of
Ho. 10^ in the refrain of his terrible prophecy on the day of judg-
ment (Is. 2^"--^), and the phrase D'-iiD D.TTd (Ho. 9^*, Is. i^).

(3) At some time, the book was worked over in a kind of Judaistic
revision. This was not preexilic, occurring in the days of Josiah, J
but post-exilic ; § because (a) i^ is apparently inserted with refer-
ence to the deliverance from Sennacherib, and its point of view
presupposes the lapse of considerable time since that event,
((5) the inclusion of Judah in 8" reflects the disaster of the exile.

(4) At a later time, following Ezekiel and Deutero-Isaiah, the
Messianic insertions (v.s.) were made which entirely changed the
character and function of the book. (5) From time to time
during all these periods modifications of a less important charac-
ter were incorporated ; and the book did not take its present form
until the Greek period, since 14^° was probably not a part of it
until that time.

4. The general structure || of the book as understood by the

* Cf. iS's addition to 13* (p. 392). t Marti, p. 10.

t Oort, TA T., 1890, pp. 345 ff.

§ Marti.

II Cf. Marti, who denies the usual division between 1-3 and 4-14 on the ground
that (a) 1-3 are not from an earlier period than 4-14, (<^) chap. 3 was not a part of
the original book, (c) chap. 2 has more in common with 4-14 than with i and 3.

THE LITERARY FORM OF ROSEA clxiii

present writer has been presented essentially above. It includes
three or four propositions : —

(i) i-"^ 3^"* is a story^briefly and simply told, of the prophet's
own family experience, narrated in part to make known how he
came to see the message which he was to deliver to his people.

(2) 2*"^- ^*^"- ^* ^^ is the prophet's suggestion of the meaning,
obtained in the light of his own experience, in its explanation of
Israel's situation.

(3) Discourses uttered from time to time, put together without
chronological or logical relationship,* — a group of thirteen, pre-
senting, under varying circumstances, the double thought of guilt
and inemtoMe-punish men^i (4^-14^).

5. The external history of the Book of Hosea may be briefly
traced, (i) On its connection with other prophetic books, v.
pp. cxlvii f. ; and on its more direct influence on prophetic
thought, V. p. cxlvi. (2) In the apocryphal literature, Ecclus.
49'" mentions the " twelve prophets," and it is quite certain that
Hosea constituted one of the twelve. (3) Philo quotes Ho. 14^
and 14^", while Josephus f speaks of Isaiah and " the others which
were twelve in number," undoubtedly referring to the existing book
of the twelve prophets. (4) In the New Testament : Ho. 2^ is
quoted in Rom. 9^*'- (where the prophet is mentioned by name) ;
6^ in Mat. 9" 12^ ; 10^ in Luke 23^*, Rev. 6^" ; i iMn Mat. 2^^ ; and
13" in I Cor. 15". (5) Its place in the Canon at the head of the
Book of the Twelve is probably due to its comparatively large vol-
ume. { Its right to a place in the Canon has never been questioned.

* GAS. 1.222 (following Hi. and Kue. £/«/. II. 319) exaggerates this charac-
teristic when he says, " It is impossible to separate the section, long as it is, into
subsections, or into oracles, strophes, or periods." Cf. Ew.'s division (for detailed
refutation v. Sim. 30 ff.) into three parts, (a) 4-6'! «, God's arraignment of Israel;
(b) 6H*-99, Israel's punishment; {c) 9i*'-i4io, review of early history, with words of
warning and comfort. Also Dr.'s arrangement, (a) 4-8, dealing with Israel's guilt;
{b) 9-nii, threatening punishment; (c) 11I2-14IO, a fusion of the two preceding
thoughts with a promise of hope. f Ant. X. 2, § 2.

J Cf. the Babylonian Gemara, Baba Bathra,lo\. \A,b-\^a: "The order of the
prophetical books is Jos., Ju., Sa., Ki., Je., Ez., Is., the Twelve. Inasmuch as Hosea
was the first, as it is written, 'the beginning of the word of the Lord by Hosea'
(Ho. i2), we should expect the book of Hosea to occupy the first place, at least of
the four contemporary prophets, Ho., Is., Am., Mi. But because his prophecy is
written together with those of the latest prophets, Hg., Zc, and Mai., he is counted
with them " (Wildeboer's translation in Origin of the Canon of the O. T., p. 13),

Clxiv INTRODUCTION

E. AMOS AND HOSEA.
§ 20. The Poetical Form of Amos and Hosea.

1. The analogy of other ancient literature should have sug-
gested long ago the probability that Israel's early prophetic litera-
ture was poetry, and that its particular form was one adapted
to its peculiar purpose and function. Its efficiency was deter-
mined in no small measure by its capabiUty of transmission. If
we keep in mind not only the character of early literary effort
among other nations,* but also the wonderful series of poetical
pieces in the O. T., beginning with Deborah's song (Ju. 5), we may
not doubt that the old oracle-form would be followed by some-
thing of the same kind, but higher in art, as well as in thought.
One will expect a much larger freedom in form in pieces which
were spoken rather than sung, and likewise a greater variety.
This it is that occasions the chief difference between prophetic
poetry and psalm poetry. f

2. As far back as 1813 a beginning was made by Kosters }
in pointing out the indications of strophic formation. In 1840
Ewald § used the word " strophe " in describing the divisions of
a chapter or piece of prophetic diction. In 1847 Baur recognized
the presence of strophes in Amos, chaps. 1-4. Schlottmann, in
1884, presented a treatise on the strophic structure in Hebrew
poetry; and in 1887, Charles A. Briggs, in a series of articles, ||
opened up the subject more widely to the English-speaking world.
The publication of Miiller's Die Propheten in Hirer ursprihig-
lichen Form (1895)^ aroused a new interest in the subject. He
recognized the existence of strophes as divisions according to

* The poetic character of ancient literature is illustrated by the Gilgamesh epic
of the Babylonians and the Homeric poems of Greece.

t Sievers, Metrische Studien, I. 93.

% Das Buck Hiob mtd der Prediger Salomos nach ihrer strophischen Anordnutig
ubersetzt (1813).

\ In Die Propheten des Alien Bundes (ist ed. 1840).

II Hebraica, IV. 161 ff., 201 ff., being a development of the chapter on Hebrew
Poetry in his Biblical Study (1883).

H Followed in 1898 by his Strophenbau und Responsion, in the preface of which
Zenner {Chorgesange iin Buche der Psalmen, 1896) is charged with appropriating
the idea and the terminology first used by Mtiller.

THE POETICAL FORM OF AMOS AND HOSEA clxv

the thought, but maintained further that a new element existed
which bound the strophes together in a discourse, just as parallel-
ism bound together lines in a verse. This he called Responsion*
Before seeing Miiller's work, and Zenner's (1896) somewhat
similar arrangement of Am. 1^-2^^, the present writer had pre-
pared and given to his classes the scheme of strophic structure
(for Amos) presented in this commentary. The first chapters
were published in January, 1897, and later the entire book in
August, September, October, 1898.! The structure of Hosea as
here presented, although finished in 1898, was first published in
part in October, 1900. }

Contributions to the structure of Amos came very frequently in and after
1900. (i) Elhorst (1900), supposing the book to have originated between
638 and 621 B.C., advanced the view that it was written in two parallel col-
umns, the strophes alternating between the columns. Since both of his
premises are wrong, the results do not prove satisfactory. The theory as to
the date presupposes the essential unity of the book, and no additions are
recognized. The column theory involves many transpositions, few of which
improve the present connection, while some are distinctly inferior. In ad-
dition, irregularity in the length of lines is a marked feature of the arrange-

* " In a case of responsion completely carried out every line of one strophe
corresponds to its fellow in the next strophe either with verbal exactness or in
thought, as a parallel or an antithesis" (Miiller, Die Propheten, I. 191). "Along
two lines the thought endeavored to modify the form ; on the one hand in that
responsion appears only partly made evident, though always in the same position,
i.e. in corresponding lines ; on the other, in that it exhibits itself not in parallel
fashion and in like words, but through antithesis and through like-sounding or
similar words, which re-emphasize in a greater or less degree the same or similar
thoughts" (ibid. I. 192). While this theory, which has failed to gain general
recognition, contains much that is interesting, and, in some cases, may really cover
the facts, two serious difficulties oppose the acceptance of it as a widely prevailing
feature of the early poetry, viz. (i) the arbitrary measure assumed for lines, the
line in each case being made as long or as short as the theory demands, e.g. in
one strophe (Am. ■^^-) are found heptameters, hexameters, and trimeters; in
another (Am. 7^-8) are found hexameters, pentameters, trimeters, and dimeters;
(2) the utter indifference of the author to the universally acknowledged results
of lower and especially higher criticism.

tSee AJT. I. (January, 1897), The Biblical World, XII. (1898), and the
entire text with a parallel translation in my Structure of the Text of the Book of
Amos (Decennial Publications of the University of Chicago, 1904).

X AJSL. XVII. 1-15; the remainder of the text (chaps. 4-14) may be found in
AJSL. XX. 85-94, XXI. 1-21 ; and the corresponding translation in Biblical
World, December, 1904.

clxvi INTRODUCTION

ment. (2) Lohr (1901) presents a scheme which has much in common
with that of this commentary (cf. e.g. the two treatments of i^-a^ and
yio-i7)_ But his fundamental premise that the original order of the book has
been much broken into and disturbed seems unwarranted. The transpositions
suggested do not justify themselves (cf. e.g. his third address 3^"^^ 4i~3 8^^*
Qi-4aj_ Q) Sievers (1901) * gives a treatment of Hosea 1-2 and Amos 1-3,
which brings out the possibilities of the poetic form in so far as this concerns
the metre, i.e. the tone-phrase, the line, and the period. He practically
ignores the strophic structure, although recognizing its existence (pp. 123 ff.).
This treatment is peculiarly defective in its failure to take into account even
the most commonly accepted modifications of the text. (4) Condamin (July,
1 901) adopts Zenner's choral system, and arranges the text of Amos (with
the exception of 2^-4^^ 6^-71^) in a series of strophes occurring constantly in
the order : strophe, antistrophe, alternate strophe, supposed to have been
chanted by two choirs alternately. In addition to the self-evident defects of
the theory per se, Condamin gives no attention to the results of historical
criticism, and shows an indifference to keen logical analysis ; e.g. 5^"^ cannot
be brought into close relation with 57. io-i5_ ^^^ Baumann (1903) proceeds,
upon Lohr's theory of the present disorder of the Amos text, to reorganize it
into five addresses (y.s.). Aside from the unnecessary transpositions involved
in the arrangement, this work is characterized by its careful application to
the entire text of Amos of the metrical principles worked out by Sievers.
(6) Marti (1903) bases his commentary on the strophic structure of the
book, but has such frequent recourse to glosses and interpolations as to
render his poetical structure very uncertain. The shattering of 3^-6'^ into
fourteen fragments of addresses, and the treatment of the visions and the
historical episode as mere prose, can certainly not be justified. (7) Nowack
(August, 1903), in the second edition of the Hand-Kommentar adopts Bau-
mann's presentation, but makes no practical use of the structure in his com-
mentary.

Contributions to the structure of Hosea have not been so numerous. On
Miiller (DH.),t Sievers (1901), J Condamin (July, 1902), § and Marti (1903),
the same general statement may be made as that already presented concerning
their respective treatments of Amos {v.s.'). As a matter of fact, only Miiller
and Marti have really given any adequate consideration to this question.

3. The standard unit in the system of Hebrew Poetry, as it is
now most generally understood, may be called the foot, or tone-
phrase, i.e. a word or combination of words having a single beat

* See his Studien zur Hebr'dischen Metrik, pp. 467-71, 473-9.

t Cf. Die Propheten (1896), chaps. 5, 6, 10; Strophenbau (1898), chaps. 2, 4, 7.

X op. cit., pp. 466-70, where chaps, i and 2 are treated.

§ Revue Biblique, XI. 386-91, a rearrangement of chap. 2,

THE POETICAL FORM OF AMOS AND HOSEA clxvii

or accent. The possible varieties of the tone-phrase are four,
viz. : a word (accented) of 07ie syllable, thus, ^, TK (i*) ; * one
or two words making two syllables with the second accented, thus,
_Z., "lOK (i^) or D■^^|l"Dy (i^) ; one or more words making three

syllables, with the second or third accented, thus, ^ _ or

ji, bnsn (i^), m.Tp (i*) ; one or more words making

four (or more) syllables, with the third or fourth accented,

thus, i__ or jL, '^Th'^'xy^'\^, nan-naina (i").

It is to be noted that (i) the essential thing is the tone, the
number of syllables being a matter of no consequence. (2) The
Maqqeph plays an important part in combining two or even three
words into one. (3) In any effort to express the rhythmic move-
ment of a hne, much care must be given to a consideration of the
details connected, e.g. with Segholate forms (in which the helping
vowel does not count in forming a syllable) ; the use of S^va,
which may or may not count as a vowel and thus form a syllable ;
the treatment of particles (prepositions, conjunctions, adverbs,
negatives, pronouns, etc.) as prochtics and enclitics ; the recession
of the accent for various reasons ; the pausal forms.

4. The line, in Hebrew poetry, is usually a combination of
two or more tone-phrases. The possibilities of line-structure are
numerous. Those most frequently found in Amos and Hosea are
{a) the dimeter, made up of two tone-phrases, e.g. j^'-'"' 6"'.
The dimeter is found, for the most part, either as a shortened
(i.e. brachycatalectic) trimeter (i"* z*"*), or in a combination of
two dimeters, thus making a tetrameter (a^'"'' 4^"''), or in the
Qinah-measure (z,-''''-^'''^'''). {b) By far the most common
movement is that of the trimeter, consisting of three tone-phrases,
e.g. rrr'^ n-iK^Dy 'hl^ (i^*^, u'cdi b^r\"z ".xn (4''''), ut^ki sro yvn
(s"")' (0 Rarer combinations of tone-phrases are oi four, i.e.
tetrameter, with a caesural pause after the second (3'-'' 5^°) ;
five, i.e. pentameter (2"'), in most cases to be taicen rather as a
combination of 3 -1- 2 or 2 + 3 ; six, i.e. hexameter (z'./.), which
is either 4 + 2, 2-1-4, or 2-f-2 + 2 (5^^*).

5, The poetical period (ordinarily called parallelism) consists
of two or more closely connected lines. We find a variety of com-

* The examples cited are from Amos, unless otherwise indicated.

Clxviii INTRODUCTION

binations ; e.g. (a) The most common period is the bi-tri7neter,
i.e. double trimeter (1-4*), which, in some cases, may easily be
reckoned an hexameter (3^-^). {b') Much rarer is the bi-tetrame-
ter, i.e. double tetrameter (4^'''' 7"*''). (r) Quite frequently
there is used the combination of 3 + 2, rarely 2 + 3. This is the
so-called Qinah-measure (pp. 108 f.). (^) Other combinations
are that of 4 + 3 (5''"'), rarely 3 + 4 (6^3), 4+2 (6*'''), as well
as 3 X 2 (z'.i?. triple dimeter) (6^*").

6. The strophe is a combination of periods, or of periods and
lines, which, in every case, constitutes a logical unit.* A variety
of combinations occurs : {a) Groups, consisting only of periods,
of which there may be two (3*-^ 5*), three (518-20.21-24.2/^27)^ ^^^^
(Ho. 2^'-), five (57. lof. 12-14. iw7)^ o^ six (Ho. 4^-' s^-^). {b) Groups,
consisting of periods and independent lines, in various combina-
tions, e.g. bi-trimeter and trimeter, i.e. 3 -f 3 and 3 (i'*^") or
bi-trimeter and dimeter, i.e. t,-\- 2> ^"^^ 2 (i^^), or three bi-trime-
ters and a trimeter (Ho. 1 1^^, etc.). {/) Groups, consisting of hnes
and periods, in combinations like those given above, e.g. a trime-
ter and five bi-trimeters (Ho. 9^"^), a trimeter and a bi-trimeter
(Am. f).

It is to be noted further concerning strophes, (i) that in
Amos the six-line strophe occurs most frequently, while the four-
line strophe is next in order of frequency, and no strophe exceeds
ten lines. In Hosea, on the other hand, the strophes are, as a
rule, longer than in Amos, twelve lines being not an uncommon
length, while eight-, nine-, and ten-line strophes are of frequent
occurrence. (2) In a few cases the strophes are indicated by
external signs, e.g. Am. i and 2 by the recurrence of certain
introductory and closing formulas ; in Am. 4*"^^ by the recurrence
of the refrain ; but in the remaining cases the thought is usually
so distinct and separate as to render the strophic division com-
paratively certain.

7. The many introductory and concluding expressions must be
considered, each on its own merits. — {a) It is frequently a ques-
tion whether the introductory words relating to the utterance \

* Cf. Sievers, pp. 134 f., who, however, lays greater emphasis upon the necessity
of formal resemblance.

t E.^. 1DN11 (Ho. i4 3I), -1 iDK nj (Am. 18 580).

THE POETICAL FORM OF AMOS AND HOSEA clxix

should be treated as a part of the poetical form, and consequently
as one of the lines, or tone-phrases. It does not seem possible to
lay down an absolute rule, as is done by Baumann.* In Am.
j3.6. 9.11. 13 2^.i.6 jj- matters little whether these words are counted
or not. In Ho. i^ ^-^-^ they stand outside of the strophe. In
Am. 3"-^^ yio. 11. 12. 14. 17 jj^gy (,^jj scarcely be omitted. (3) There
is the same question in the case of such introductory phrases as
" Behold, the days are coming " (8"" 9'^, " hear this word, etc. "
(3^ 4^ 5* 8*)- (^) The same question arises concerning similar
phrases at the end. Some omit them entirely,| as in i^-® 2^^
^13. 15 ^3 g9 Others retain them. J

8. A splendid example of the refrain occurs in Am. 4*"^^, in
which five strophes close with the words, " But ye did not return
unto me — it is the oracle of Yahweh." Cf. Is. 9^-10^ (which was
probably modelled after Amos) ; also Ps. 39®'^- 42^-^ 43^ 46^^^ *• ^-
^pi3.2i 5^6.12 gg6.12.i8_ Something approaching to a refrain is seen
in Ho. 5^ 6^", "Thou, O Ephraim, hast committed harlotry, and
Israel is defiled."

9. Textual criticism has found a great ally in this new work
of metrical and strophic structure. § Evidence of this appears
in every recently published commentary. A new criticism has
arisen, distinct from the textual (or lower) and from the historical
(or higher). We may call this the strophic (including metrical)
criticism. By the application of this criticism, (a) introductory
and concluding formulas will be thrown out, e.g. i*-^ 2'^ 3^^";
(^) glosses and variants are detected, while repetitious phrases
and unnecessary adjectives are given their proper place, e.g.
^23 ^8 a g2o. 13 . ^^^ lacunac are recognized, e.g. 2*^-^^ 3^ 4^" 5^ 'f 8^ ;
(</) additions made merely for explanation or by way of ex-
pansion are separated from the original text, e.g. i""* 2^'^" 3'-^*
^3.7a.7&.8o.ioi gi6e . yv^iig (^^ ^ a.s thc most important service of all,
the great divisions of thought are clearly marked (z'.j.). This
criticism, while " lower " (having to do with the form) is also
" higher," since it is largely a logical criticism.

* Following Sievers, \\ 240-246. t Sievers, Baumann.

J Miiller, Condamin, Lohr,

§ Cf. Sievers, \\ 240-246; Da. O. T. Proph. 242 f.

clxx INTRODUCilON

§ 21. The Language and Style of Amos and Hosea.

Reference has already been made to the character of the lan-
guage of these earliest prophets, as also to certain alleged Aramai-
cisms in Amos (p. cxxxviii), and in Hosea (p. cxl). The general
characteristics of the style of Amos have been noted (pp. cxxxix f,).
It is entirely in accord with the sentiment of modern scholarship to
designate the language of both Amos and Hosea as classic Hebrew.
This becomes much more clear in Hosea's case, when one separates
from the original Hosea the secondary material that belongs to a
later age ; and especially when the original text of the separate
pieces appears in its clearness and logical unity, after excluding
the elements which, by their interpolation, have given an entirely
wrong conception, as against the straightforwardness and lucidity
of Hosea's method of expression.*

I. Concerning Amos, in particular, certain facts of a linguistic
character deserve consideration. Among these are : —

(i) Those elements which point to a fully developed, and, indeed,
thoroughly artistic style, viz. : (a) the rhythmical flow of the language, which
moves on easily and smoothly in stately periods; this rhythmic factor is very
marked and furnishes one of the strongest arguments for the poetic character
of the book; {b) the use of chiasm, e.g. 26" 4^ 55.10.24 58.12 79.11 812 ^i;
(r) the occurrence of paronomasia, e.g. 5^ 8^ 71°; (^) the employment of
assonance, e.g. 2^^* 4^ 6' 9^.

(2) Those instances of phraseology or syntax which are either rare or very
frequent, viz. : (a) rare phrases and constructions are seen in the use of
the accusatives ifn;? (3^^) and aixio (4^*); the construction of the numerals
in 5^; the sequence of tenses in ^-iTiDdhi and t>odn (4^"), SoKi (4^), and
rhzw (7*); the various usages of S in jicjs'? lann (4*), ntt'Sa'S . . . npaS (4*),
niasfSi (8*), and 'ui ptapn'? (8^); the adverbial use of ip in Dip'>iD (7^-*); the
use of V with the direct object as in Aramaic (6^ 8^) ; the use of 3 with
nnN in 521 (only here and Ex. 30^^ Lv. 26^^; in Is. 1 1^ probably a dittograph);
and the phrase ^^ hnShd in 5^' (only here and Je. 22^^ Gn. 35^^).

((5) Among the favorite phrases and constructions are the following: The
use of the participle is frequent, especially in descriptions, where it furnishes

* Cf. on the one side, the clearness and smoothness of 13I-11, which has preserved
its original form with only slight corruption ; and on the other, the confusion of
chap. 12, as found in pi2E, and the obscurity of chap. 11, due to its corrupt text.

LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF AMOS AND HOSEA clxxi

a convenient substitute for a relative clause, e.g. z' 31". 12 _^i. u ^3.7.10.12.18
61.3.4.5.6.7.13 g4. 14 gij elsewhere it is used as a vivid substitute for a perfect
or imperfect, e.g. 2^* 5I 6*- " "f- ^- 1^. The idiom ny liDiN vh occurs in 7^- 13 32
(cf. 52 gi*). The rhetorical question is made use of in f-^- 8 520- 25 6I2. la gs 9T;
and conciseness is attained by the use of the circumstantial clause with pN
in 34.5 52.6.

(f) Examples of words, or usages of words, which are rare or frequent, e.g. :
(a) words found only in Amos*: D^Sjjj, 2^ 8^ (in dual); p^yn and |i''jjc, 2^3;
S-\i and pB'D-i, 3^2; nna (used of women), 4^; mxsin (in this form), 4I;
nux and njn, 42; niT'D (fem. pi.), 42; in, 5I6; Sax, 52O; nnsy (in pi.), 52I;
D^Difln, 6^; ipiTD (used of wine), 6^; D''D''D-(, 6"; y^^^^'n, 7^; i:n, 7"; oSia,
7W; njjpB'j (in Niph.), 8^; D^Vv*;, 9' (pi. of this form only here). To these
may be added words found in Amos, and only once elsewhere : onpj, 7I* (i^)
2 K. 3*; X<°T\, 2^ Is. I^i; >3 3p;*, 4I2 2 S. 12I''; 13, ^^ (8^) Ps. 72I6 (elsewhere
13); anjcn, (fi Is. 66^; nnc, 6^ Je. i65; o^ypa, 6" Is. 22^; i3j, 7I Na. 3";
31^3, 8^-2 Je. 527. DJJX3, 9^ Jo. 2^ (in similar sense); and also words found in
Amos, and only two or three times elsewhere : nisin, i^ Is. 282^ 41IS Jb. 41^2;
n-'Dj?, 7}^ Mi. 4I2 Je. 921 Zc. 12*'; nnsj, 3I'' (in fem. sg. only here and Is. 59I*;
in fem. pi. Is. 26^" 301°) ; D"'pi3, 3^ (only occurrence outside of P) ; b'K3, 4^'^
Is. 343 Jo. 2"'^; -iiN, 4" Is. 7* Zc. 32; xhi-z, 59 (ptcp. only here; cf. Jb. 92^
io20 Ps. 39"); O^INHD, 5^^ (ptcp. only here and Pr. I3'» Nu. 11^); a''niD, 6*-^
Ez. 176 23I8 Ex. 2613; p3^c^ 54 I s. 282* Je. 4621 Mai. 32O; vj, 7I Dt. 18*
Jb. 3x20 Ps. 726; pnv^ for pnx\ 'f- ^^ Je. t,-;^^ Ps. 105^; njoSynr, 81* (in Hi.thp.
only here and Jon. 4^ Gn. 38^^) ; tt'n:, 9^ (in mythological sense, also Is. 27^
Jb. 2613); Hyps', 95 (in Qal only here and Je. si*"* Nu. Ii2); D>»r\B''?fl, 9T (this
form of pi. only here and Gn. iqI* i Ch. 14!'^).

(/3) Favorite words and ideas are the following: Expressions for the
poor and needy, y\z.]V2'A, 2^ 512 8*- 6; o^Si, 264I 5II 8^; oiuy, 2^ 418'*. Words
ior justice, righteousness, viz. dd-'D, 57.15.24 512. npix, 5^- 2'* 512. Expressions
for destruction, viz. "send fire upon," i*, etc.; "kindle a fire," 1"; "cast fire
on," 5^; "break the bar," 1^; "cut off inhabitants, etc.," i*-^ 2^; "go into
exile," i^-i^ 5^-27 6^ 711.17; "turn my hand against," l^; "slay," 2^ 41"; "visit
upon," 32-"; "the sword," 41" 79H17 9I; "famine," 8"; "end is come," 82;
"groan," 2I8; " smite," 3^^ 4^ 6I1 9' ; "taken with hooks," 42; "send pesti-
lence," 4!"; " overthrow," 4II; " hurl down," 52; " pass through the midst of,"
5I'; "day of calamity," 6^; "deliver up," 6^; "crush," 6^^; "lay waste," 7';
" darken the earth," 8^; " put mine, eye on them for evil," 9*; " destroy," 9'.
Titles of the Deity, viz. Yahweh (33 times). Lord Yahweh (15 times),
Yahweh God of hosts (4^3 5"- is. 27 586. 14 6)^ the Lord (77-8'' 9I), thy God (4I2),
God (4II).

2. Concerning Hosea, in particular, notice may be taken of
the following phenomena : (i) Certain characteristics of Hnguistic

* Cf. Carrier, Hebraica, V. 135 f.

clxxii INTRODUCTION

usage that indicate his possession of a mature and well-formed
literary style : (a) While the rhythm of Hosea is on the whole
inferior to that of Amos, there being many passages in which the
movement is halting and broken, yet there are portions of which
the rhythm is as marked and fine as that of Amos, e.g. 9^"* 13^"^

(<5) Chiasm is of comparatively rare occurrence, but is definitely recog-
nized and employed, e.g. 4^. 9. i3d. e ^Sa.h yTb.c iQiia.b^

(r) A number of cases of paronomasia occur, e.g. Sxyiri (i*), px n-<2 (4^* 10^),
yatf 1^33 ij/'acn Sni (4^^), n'is and DnsN (8^), no and ansN (9^®), Nnjji and
ciSvS (13^^), i3!ri and at:' (9'). ^ib* in two senses (11^), '^j'^J and qi'?; (12''^),
NXD in two senses (12^).

{d) Assonance appears in 2^ (repetition of suffix '), 3* 4^ (repetition of
}in), 4!®" 5I (nssD . . . r\D nis'iifj riB'i, also a-iaiyn nnn'), 8"* 9^* (anspn onxD
Diapn tin), lo^-^ (niasn and mnarn), 9^^ (p^-^-\o onntf).

(2) Syntactical usage, phraseology, and vocabulary : (a) Rare
and irregular constructions are common in the Massoretic text
of Hosea, but many of them disappear when the text is properly
corrected (pp. clxxvi f.).

Among those still remaining are : the ellipses before niDsS (2^^) and
nSjji (72), the omission of the object of Mn-< (5*), the force of p in mo n^py
(6*), the construction of nnnj (6^), the force of S in Nisin*? (9i3),use of S with
direct object (10^2 nS)^ the force of a in Tirya (13^), the construct followed
by relative clause with relative omitted (i^), the gender of nni.x (4^^), ''^^
with a participle (7®), use of S expressing iime at which (9^), and the use
of the jussive f^DiN (9^^).

(<5) Among the favorite constructions of Hosea are his use of asyndeton
(more frequent than in any other O.T. book), e.g. 2^^- " 4««- 7- w H- 18 56. 8. 10. 11. 15
63.10 ^12.16 ^6.7.9.15 jqI. 2 6. 6. lu. 13 ii4. the frcquent introduction of clauses by
np}*, e.g. 4^^ 5'' 7^ 8313* lo^" 132; verbal apposition, l^ 5^^-^^ 6*, and the fre-
quent use of px (especially with the meaning withotif), 3^- ■* 4^ 5-- ^^ 'f- ^^ 8" 13*.

ic) Hosea's vocabulary is extensive and varied ; though speaking
almost continually upon the same subject, he is ever finding new
words in which to express his thought. Hence the number of
" favorite " words is comparatively small.

Among those most frequently occurring are : cjur (i^ 2* 4^2 5I), njt (i^ 2' 3'

4IO. 11. 12. 13. 14. 18 ^3 610 gl)^ ^p^ (i4 2I5 49-14 gl3 g7.9 12?), •;^^^ (2IO 53. ■*■ 9 6^ 78
82.4 92.7 ii3 124-5), pj,-, (4I 63-6)^ t^Kj (3I 42.13.14)^ pX' (2^5 46 gl* 13'^), NSH

(4T 8" 129 ,32)^ nj<an (48 97-9 io9 1312), iv (48 55 7I 813 ^^-^ iqI* 128 1312),
OB'S* (4I6 515 io2 131 14I), Ncta (58 610 93.4)^ ^on (4I 6«6 1012),

TEXT AND VERSIONS OF AMOS AND ROSEA clxxui

Among the rarer words and forms in Hosea may be noticed those that
occur nowhere else, viz. : -^nh (32), n^cssj (2*), njPN (a^*), nn^Sn (2i5), nnSaj
(212), nnj' (5^^), njpy (6*, in this sense), SSnni (7", in this form), np-ir (7*,
intransitive), ic (7^^, as particle of denunciation), Doatt' (8^), onan (8^^),
HDBa'D (9^), PP3 (iqI, intransitive), u^iMt on*? (9^), «inyi (lo^, in this sense),
'nSj-in (II^ in this form), mnjy (ii*, in this form), nm (13^), ni^xSn (13^),
nuD (13^), am (13"), Nns' (13^^), a^^i^"? (7^in this form), iTZf (lo^, in Po.),
S>3iN (iiS in Hiph.), it (7^^), unn and ijn> (8'), B'ip> (9^), O'lpox (9^*), vmnn

(14^).

Of words that occur not more than three times outside of Hosea there are :
Mf^B-N (3I Ct. 2Sf- 2 S. 6^9 I Ch. i63 Is. 16T), moN (32 Jb. 62' 4080 Dt. 2^),
>iipa' (2T Ps. 102IO Pr. 38), D'jut (i2 2*- 6 4I2 54 Ez. 2311-29 2 K. 922 Na. 3*),
ap-i (512, in this sense, Jb. 132*), nirD (5" Je. 3oi3), ^^L,, (^h pr_ iqS. lo^^
r\y^y-\yv (610 Je. i8i3), nnifl (7" Jb, 52), incD (4* lo^ Zp. i* 2 K. 235), \m
(118 Gn. 1420 Pr. 48), 3p; (i2*«-8 Je. 98 Gn. 2786), onncn (lai* Je. 626 31I5),
mS (9" 2 K. 19^ Is. 373 Je. 1321), i3rD (13!^ Is. 37^ 2 K. 19^), aap (131^
Is. 282 Dt. 3224 Ps. 916), inx (13I6 Gn. 412- 18 jb. 8"), n^j (10^2 Je. 48), ^>J
(1012 Je. 42 Pr. 1323)^ -,^,v (loH Is. 331^ in Hoph.).

Of other uncommon or poetical forms may be cited : the archaic ending |i
(9I6 ii2 132), ^n-)n-zf> (515 63), nDD^D (S^), isti^ (S^), SSdn (4^), ^nanx (10"),

DNp (10"), 1D3 (7* 812 137)^ .-„1,K (io4).

It cannot be maintained that the peculiarities of Hosea furnish
any considerable data toward the hypothesis of a Northern dialect
as distinguished from the Southern.

§ 22. Text and Versions of Amos and Hosea.

I. The text of Amos is as well preserved as perhaps any text in
the Hebrew Bible, the number of unintelligible passages being
remarkably small (cf. 3^*^ 4^ 5" 6^-^ 7^).

The text of Hosea, however, is one of the most corrupt in the
O. T., the number of passages which almost defy interpretation
being extremely large. Among these are 4^* 52.8.U.15 ^3.5.9 ^2.6.120.16

35 a. 10 6 ^8.13 jo5.9.10 j j 2. 3. 7. 9 6. 10 j 29- 12 i 31. 9- 10. 15 j^Si^ HoSCa'S rCpU-

tation for obscurity is due in large measure to the corrupt form in
which the text of his message has reached us. That this corrup-
tion began at a comparatively early date is evident from the fact
that some of the errors of iHflST appear already in 0, e.g. 'j^",
Uatr?, ev Trj OLKorj ; f^, bv ih, eis ovdev ; II^ Ty? NUK, elaeXevaofMU
ets TToA.ii'. For the restoration of the original text much help may

Clxxiv INTRODUCTION

be derived from the versions, but in many cases resort must be
had to critical conjecture.

(1) In the correction of fHST, <5 is most helpful. That the textual basis
of @ is different from ilH® appears from the large number of cases in which
the reading of (& cannot have come from §^VL, e.g. Am. i^^ Ntn, ol lepeis
avTQi'=v:n3; 2^^, D^pi<, €Xa(3ov = n|5N; Ho. 2", mpn, a-^ve<7iv ai/TTJs = nji3n(?) ;
8^°, NtJ'DC, Tov xP^f'" = n!:'DD; 4^*, DXJD id, ypinaev Xavavalovs. @'s render-
ing was evidently made before ilHST had become the standard text. The
character of <S's rendering is in general the same in Amos and Hosea as
elsewhere.* The translation of Hosea seems to be inferior to that of Amos,
but this is probably due, in large measure, to the greater difficulty of the text.
Sometimes (5 is very free, e.g. Am. 39- wu, nuDiN, %'!'/'«'; 5^^> '^J'^ '^'"'^ ^'^>
ov fXT] 6<T<ppav6Cb Ovaias iv rats irav7jy}jpe(Tiv vfiQiv; Ho. 2^, "ipiJ', irAvra 6<Ta /xot
KadriKei; 5^^, nStf^, Kai airicTTeiKev irpi<7^€Ls; in other cases excessive literal-
ness is aimed at, e.g. in Am. ']'-^ the synonyms nSo and Snn are differentiated;
5I8, nr HD*?, iva. tL avTf}; Ho. 2^, nifX mpca, ^v tQ rdirqi oD; the idiom N*?
'ui T'Dix is regularly rendered, 0^ fi^ irpoadrtaw, k.t.X., e.g. Ho. I*' 9^^ 13^, etc.
Inaccurate renderings are of common occurrence, e.g. Am. 6', d'':jnij', e^ovde-
vovffi; 3I2, HiDD nND3, KarivavTi t^s 0uX^s; Ho. 9^°, n-iija;, ws ffKoirbv; 'j^^,
•\Z', deiXaiot.; 5II, S^Nin, ijp^aTo; 7^, ]Z'\ v-jrvov ivewXT^adr].

Occasionally ignorance of the meaning is shown by resort to transliteration,
e.g. Am. i^, anpjj, iv ' AKKapelfx,; and, perhaps, 3^, i:'^;', lepeis.

When due allowance is made for the errors of i3, there still
remain many passages in which its text is preferable to IHST.
In this commentary 0 has suggested corrections of fJl^T in
Am 2''- ^^* ^^- ^ 4.^' ^° '^^' ^ 8"* Ho. 2* 4*- ^^' ^^ K^' ^^" ^^ 6^- ^- ^- ^ 7^- ^- ^'^'- " 8^^

_2. 9. 13. 14 jqS. 12. 136. 15 jj2. 3. 7 J22-3.9 j ,2. 4. 5. 6. 7. 9. 10. 14 j^S. 9_

(2) The remaining Greek versions present the same characteristics in
Amos and Hosea as elsewhere. f (a) Aquila's pedantic literalness is illus-
trated by Am. i'-^, ^pvx'n<^i'ra,i, JXC ; cf. (5 ecpdiy^aro ; 2^^ Kal 6 Kaprepbs
Kapdlav aiiTov iv dwarois yviJivbs (pe^^erai ; Ho. 21^, ex"" M^ = '•'^'J^ ; 5^^
diKaud/Mevov = ^T" ; S^^, Ovaias (p^pe <p^p€ = >3n2n -in^T. His fondness for
transliteration is frequently indulged, e.g. Am. 52^, va^XQv crov, yh^i ; 7^, riji
yd^T]s TOV ^acriXioJS, "Dri V3; 2^2, Nafapa/ous, onnj ; cf. <§ Tjyiafffi^vovs; 6^'^,
Tfffvx'^dVTh xV ''3 on; Ho. 9^ and loi", where n^j^jn is transliterated, though
® translates it in both cases. 'A. also translates many proper names, cf. e.g.
Ho. 4^^ 58- 13 9I3 106. 14. His etymological tendency crops out often, e.g.
Am. 31°, 6p06TTiTa, nn3J ; 7^, 6\f/ifios, rpS. The rendering of Aquila presup-

* See especially Swete, Introduction to the O. T. in Greek, 315-41.
t See Swete, Introduction, 29-58.

TEXT AND VERSIONS OF AMOS AND HOSEA clxxv

poses a text different from fH^T in very few cases, e.g. Am. i^, vjna for Nin;
4!", 'BK3 for 'DN31 ; 8', aX ffTp6<pi-yyes = nn^s, JH® nn^B* ; 8*, ffKeiraa-di^a-eTai
for nnSy; Ho. ii'^ 12^- ^ 13^ The version of Aquila is thus of little value for
the correction of |512C. Readings of Aquila have been adopted only in two
cases, Am. 41° (omission of 1 in aaflxai) and Ho. il^ {b; for 'r; of JHSC), both
of which have the support of other versions.

(6) The version of Symmachus is the very opposite of Aquila's in that
it strives after an expression of the idea in pure and graceful language rather
than an exact and literal reproduction of the Hebrew. Examples of this
freedom may be found in Am. i^ 4^ $^^. While using |fl2C as a basis, S.
shows familiarity with (5, 'A., and especially 0. He exhibits, however, a
certain amount of independence. His rendering involves a different textual
basis from ^IK in Am. i^* 4^° 8^ (all agreeing with 'A., v.s.); 5^, N':i> for
N131 ; 5^8, p:d for m;D ; 6^, 0''3p:n for ijpj ; and Ho. 3I 71* 8^ 1 1*- "^ 12^- ^2 132. 6_
Readings of S. have been adopted in Am. 4!" ^^"'^ 6^ Ho. 11^ (two), in only
one of which, viz. Ho. Il^, ii^?<''^i7I, is any independence of other versions
exhibited.

(f) Theodotion's version is a revision of (5, and of practically no inde-
pendent value for the correction of fHC That he had the Hebrew text
before him is evident from his frequent transliterations, e.g. Am. i^, iv vwKedei/j.,
Dnpj3 ; 7'^, aduvai, "ijiN. In no case does he furnish a text independent
of both @ and fflST. He supports the readings adopted in Ho. 9^^, vn;
106, SjpS ; li'^, Sj;.

(3) The fragments of the Old Latin version are of much value for the
correction of (S. The version is on the whole a literal translation of ©, but
presents many variations in agreement with the recension of Lucian. Its most
significant departure from jUlC and @ is in Am. I^ (^•^'•)- Little use of it
has been made in this commentary, since it was not accessible till the textual
work was practically finished and much of it in type.

(4) The Syriac furnishes a fairly careful and accurate rendering. In
general it follows @, but shows frequent independence, e.g. Am. i^^ follows
fSLVL; i^^ takes aaSc as proper name ; Ho. 3* 2'<>- 2O44 513 6io_ It presupposes
a different text * from JHE and (5, e.g. in Am. i"- " ^- W- 16 32. s. 11. 13 45. 9 5I6

61. 3.7 ^5 gl. 3. 4 Ho. I^ 32 4^- 7- 12. 18 ri. 7 59. 10 y6. 8. II g6 q1 io7- 10 j i4. 8 ijl- 2. 5. 10. 12

1^1. 10. 13, Its readings have been adopted in preference to iHlST or (& in
Am. i" 3" 5I6 61 Ho. 4'- ^^'■■- 19 6^ 76 8^ 9! 1 1* 122- 3. i9,

(5) The Targum of Jonathan is a paraphrase rather than a translation,
and is characterized by its adherence to the letter of the text, and by its
theological point of view, e.g. all anthropomorphisms are carefully removed.
Consonantal departures from fHST are of rare occurrence, variations from the
vocalization of UlST being more frequent. No emendation has been adopted
on the basis of 3E independently of @ and other versions.

(6) The Vulgate follows ilH® very closely, but sometimes borrows Greek

* For details see textual treatment in commentary.

Clxxvi INTRODUCTION

renderings. The literalness of 'A. is sought after at times, but, as a rule, the
translation is made with considerable freedom, and this, together with Jerome's
imperfect knowledge of Hebrew, which not infrequently caused him to err
(^e.g. Am. 5^*, revelabitur, '?jm ; 6", /actio, nnn), and the uncertain state of
H's own text, renders U an unsafe guide to the original text. No readings
have been adopted here on U's authority uncorroborated by that of other
versions.

2. The following transpositions have been made: (l) In Amos: 2^,
3N1D ]>t<-<yz nnn, follows TitrS (2^); 2' follows 2^, and 2^ follows 2^°; 2^1* fol-
lows 2^2 J 2^5, Dion 3D-\, exchanges places with nny in 2^^; 21^" follows dSdi »h
in 2i^*; 3'^ follows 3II; 5^" follows 5I; 53^, Ssntri noS, follows hnd nNsrni;
5*" follows 5*; 5'' precedes 5^''; 5^, iDa* nini is placed at beginning of verse ;
68* follows 6^; 6" 6 follows ^*'; 8^ follows 8^.

(2) In Hosea: 2^^-^^ are connected with 2'; 2^* follows 2P-; 2^^ precedes
2i5. 2I9 is joined to 2^^; 4I'''* follows 4*; 4120-5 precedes 4II; 712 c precedes
yii. 8^* precedes 8^"; 9^ comes between 9* ^'^'i 5; 9!^ follows 9^^; 9^ <^ follows
9IS; 10'' comes between lo^o^^t^Sftj 12I3 is connected with 12^'; 12^^ comes
between 12^'^^^^'^; 14^"^ follows 14^.

3. The errors of ilHST may be classified as follows: (i) Changes in
vocalization: Am. 2' 8*, D^SN^n for a-<Qi<^r[; 2^^", dSd; for bSdi.; 5^6, n-i2p
for n?p; 6^, 1517^ for Cii'^in; 8^, nniu; for nnr, and Ti'''7E'n for ^';:rn; gW,
tt'ijn for r^n, and onpn for D^sn; Ho. 5I1, piB';; for pE'ij?, and Tisi for nn»
513, nnji for nnr; 6^ nn''> for 7\)y_; 76, anos for dhsn; 712c, a-};p^N for d'io^n;
7^S i-iiD> for n^D;; 8*, -iB-y for "'■ibt; 8^ Di33C' >3 for DoaB'^; 8^1, inT.'in for
>nnin; 9^, nax for noi; 9®, innB' for 'inntt'; lo^, p'2n for pSn; lo^, n'lSjyS for
Srj;';', and ??ii' for \j3-i*; lo^ PNan for hn'ot, and S;; for >Sj?; ii^, ix-i;^ for "^ti-^p^;
II*, "'pnpD for anr?, and taxi for my, 11'', "73?. for h'y, and inx'ipi for ■in?<''"i|7:;
12^, n3i> for 1311, and Sai'' for iSa'ii; la^, ijjip for vyr, and mn for Non;
13^, NU': for NiK'j; 13^, inar for D''n;T; 13^, ipafe; for ^''^if ; '3^ ">'"5'¥ for "wyN;
13®. T}^}? for ^nnr; 13!^^ D''nx for ^m, and ro;'.) for v^^^y, and ix'iN for "ixiN;
14^, one for nc.

(2) The consonantal corrections may be grouped under: (a) Incorrect
division of words: Am. 6^2, onpaa for d-' npaa; 72, nSo ox n'>ni for s<n >n'«i
nSoD; Ho. 4*, •'2nc3 idjji for inoDD -"Dyi; 52, o-'taa' nonB'i for oitatyn nnB'i;
68, 1NXD P3J ina'3 for inNxn: p mntro; 6^ iim T'Dsa'D formsD itaott'D; 8^, nis'ja
for icj 13; 8^ Doaty 13 for 0''33i:'3; ii^, onijsD for on ■«jflD; I22'3, 3ni Sai'
for 31-1 iSav.

(3) Dittography and haplography: Am. 5^ trss for trs, and no for ni33;
58, nSiS for nSiSS; 5II, DDDa-n for 03013; 62, osSajD oSi3J for D3S3J 0S13JD;
7', i:n nmn for nnin; 8^, on -\-hv7\ for I'^sfn; 8", "'■\3i for "i3i; Ho. 3^ '■jn for
^jrs; 4^ Diin for ODr; 4^^, i3n i3nK for nns; 4I9, onin3tD for '?DD; 5*, rr-a for
piaa; 8'^'', smS added; 9I, ]JT dittog. of pj; 9*, onS for ODnS; 9I8, Jin Sn
for nj-\nS; ii^, vnj?nt for '•nynr; 11*, Sy for Syc; 12^ p? for |ipS; 12^2, nni8>
for ontt'S; 132, inaj for DntfS Dinar djj; 13^ ^a for 13JN ; 14% otf' for laif-i,
and iipi for vnM.

TEXT AND VERSIONS OF AMOS AND HOSEA clxxvii

(c) Confusion of t and ">: Am. 2^, nnyjn for myjn; 51"^ ■•jin for fJiN;
Ho. 4I8, DNJD ID for a''N3D no; 72, nsK"' for nDV; 7^S amy'? for DmsS; 7I*,
muni for mupi; g% ayni for ay^; 9I', lis*? for tixS; io^^, p-na for iJoia;
12I-, ami? for ana's; 13^, yr\^-\i for ttivi.

((/) Confusion of N and y: Am. 6^, aNHD for aynn; Ho. 5^, nnj; for npN;
72, ncN' for nD>'\

((f) Confusion of x and uf: Am. 56, nSxi for nVc''; Ho. 5^1, is for nib*.

(/) Confusion of c and V: Am. 2\ ^1i;•S for nnirS; Ho. 5^, nioi? for bide*;
pi2c^ mra for mtra.

(^) Confusion of 1 and •> : Am. 5^, f?l3"i for NiJi; Ho. 9^^, mxS for l^xS;
1^10^ "Ii'iODifi for iiLJfjB"!; 12^ and 14^, >h for 1*7,

(/;) Transposition: Am. 3^2, Si3 for laV; Ho. 5^, >jni for pNi; 7', inDsyi
for inB'D''; 10^, niS;' for n^i;; ; 13^0.14^ ,,-,x for nia.

(i) Confusion of 2 and 3; Ho. 7I, iNflia for 1^313; j'^', ysa'a for pau'j;
9*, m>'i for i3i;;\

(y) Omission or insertion of s; Ho. 4^, ^^<DX0N1 for 7DNCN1; ^^^, iDtt'Ni for
ma'''; 8^, nj: for mrN; lo^o, nrj? for ntt';jx; 1 1^, onp for anpN.

(^) Confusion of suffixes; Ho. 2^, lani for njn; 4^^", rt];~r\ for aynn; 8^,
iS for nS; 9^, nj for D3; 12^, IJD3; for ^^2•;.

(/) Omission or insertion of copula: Ho. 4^, \"iim for "\^; 6^, T for ^\^'^',
8^, Nim for '.1; SI'*, ana' for 'fi; 12^, nnai for 'la; 12', ^|1flS1 for '0*^; 12**,
uixai for 'N2.

(/«) Tiieological change: Ho. 7^®, Sj; nS for SpaS; 91", nca for Spa.

(«) Miscellaneous corruptions: Am. 2^, nni for nnn; 36, na for 'js; 4^,
nia-in for ^nainn; 58, ic for las'; 512, aa>nNBn for aa^Nan; 91°, unya for uny;
Ho. i^, aaS for aa^nSN; 4', n>CN for ^•^^^r\^ 4I0, ixno'' for ix-i.ni; 58, -^nnN for
nnnn; 6^, nan for iNan; 6^'', ^t^h mjt for 'k n>jT; 72, aaaSS for ''?a; 7^, nip
for n>'a; 7I*, ania3'.:'D for anina?r;; 81", iSn^i for iSini, and Nirno for na'Dc; 9^
iaSn for la*^', and la'D for iia-x, and 'aS icns for 'a ncnc; g', nxann omitted;
913, nSiPtt' for ^m•; lo^, nia'i for Nuir''; lo^ iS>ji for iSim; lo^ nja-a for nca;
1012, iflS for insS, and nnvi for no; ii^, ijaS for na; ii^ nS for iS; ii^,
ammxi'DD for annxana; ii'^, ^naiarS a-NiSn for vnawca ij^Sn, and nS nn>
BDni for icniS Snn sin; ii^, nun for bin; iiio, nnN -fya for nxa nyr; 12^,
ici for Nitfi; 12^, Sn for nN; 12^ pcyS for apyS; iz^^, lySj bn for 'Sja, and vn
for vi'j?; 132, ajiana for anjrana; 13^ ^a for 10; 131", inp Saa for y-\^ Sai;
1316, D^nN pa for intt b^d paa; 14*, iji for pa mi.

4. The more important special studies on the text of Amos and Hosea are :
Vollers, "Das Dodekapropheton der Alexandriner," ZAW. III. (1883),
219-72; Zeydner, " Bijdragen tot de textkritiek op het O. T.," ThSt. IV.
(1886), 196-207 ; Sebok, Die syrische Uebersetzung d, zw'olf kleinen Propheten
unci ihr Verhaltniss zu Jem massoretischen Text und zu den dlteren Ueber-
setzungen, namentlich den LXX. und dem Targum (1887); Treitel, Die
Alexandrinische Uebersetzung des Buches Hosea (1887; only chaps. I-3);
Idem, " Die Septuaginta zu Hosea," Monatsschrift fiir Geschichte und Wissen-
schaft des Judenthums, 1898; Schuurmans Stekhoven, De Alex. Vertaling van

Clxxviii INTRODUCTION

het Dodekapropheton (1887); Patterson, "The Septuagint Text of Hosea
Compared with the Massoretic Text," Hebraica, VII. (1891), 190-221 ; H.
Graetz, Emendationes in plerosqiie sacrae Scripturae Veteris Testatnenti libros,
secundum veterum versiones nee non auxiliis criticis caeteris adhibitis. Fasci-
culus secundus Ezechielis et duodecim prophelaruni libros etc. continens (1893) >
Bachmann, " Zur Textkritik des Propheten Hosea l,~Wll." Altieslameniliche
Untersuchungen (1894), I-37; Loftman, Kritisk uhdersokning af den Maso-
retiska texten till prof. Hoseas bok (1894); Torrey, "On the text of Am. ^
61.2 72^" jBL. XIII. (1894), 61-63; Idem, "Notes on Am. 7} 610 S^ 98-10,''
ibid., XV. (1896), 151-154; Ruben, Critical Remarks upon So7ne Passages
of the Old Testament (1896); Oort, Texttts Hebraici Emendationes quibus in
Vetere Testamento Neerlafidice vertendo usi sunt A. Ktienen, f. Hooykaas,
W. H. Rosters, H. Oort; edidit H. Oort {\(joq) ; W. R. W. Gardner, " Notes
on Certain Passages in Hosea," AfSL. XVIII. (1902), 178-83; Bewer,
"Text-critical Suggestions" (Ho. 12^ 4*8, etc.), fBL. XXI. (1902), 108-14;
Idem, "Critical Notes on Am. 2' 8*," AJSL. XIX. (1903), Ii6f.; Hirscht,
" Textkritische Untersuchungen iiber das Buch Amos," ZwTh. XLIV. (1903),
11-73; Miiller, "Textkritische Studien zum Buche Hosea," SK. 1904,
pp. 124-26; and W. O. E. Oesterley, Studies in the Greek and Latin Ver-
sions of the Book of Amos (1902); Idem, "The Old Latin Texts of the Minor
Prophets, I." (Yio%e.3.), Journal of Theological Studies, V. (Oct. 1903), 76-88.
These last two studies are of especial value in the effort to determine the
original text of (5, but were not received in time to .be of material assistance
in the preparation of this volume.

§ 23. Literature on Amos and Hosea.

Of the older commentaries the more important are those of
Jerome (1420 a.d.), Aben Ezra (f 1167), Kimchi (f 1230), Luther,
Calvin, Pococke (on Hosea, 1685), Mercerus (1698), Gebhard
(1737), Harenberg (x\mos, 1763), Manger (on Hosea, 1782), Vater
(Amos, 1810); Stuck, Hoseas Propheta (1828); Maurer (1836);
Hitzig (1838 ; 3d ed. 1863) ; Ewald (1840) ; and Umbreit (1844).

From 1845 to 1880 may be mentioned : Baur, Der Prophet
Amos erkldrt (1847) ; Diisterdieck, " Beitrage zur Erklarung des
Propheten Amos," SK., 1849, pp. 869-914 ; Simson, Der Prophet
Hosea erkldrt u. ubersetzt (1851); Kurtz, Die Ehe d. Propheten
Hosea (1859); Linder, " Bemerkungen iiber einige Stellen im
Propheten Hosea," SK., i860, pp. 739-49; Pusey, Minor Prophets,
I. (1861) ; Lowe, Beitrdge zum Verstdndniss des Propheten Hoseas
(1863) ; Ewald, Propheten d. Alien Bundes (2d ed. 1867 ; English,
1875) ; Wlinsche, Der Prophet Hosea Ubersetzt und erkldrt mit

LITERATURE ON AMOS AND HOSEA clxxix

Benutzung der Targumim u. der jildischeji Ausleger (1868) ; Hen-
derson, The Book of the Twelve Minor Prophets (1868) ; Schmoller,
Exposition of Hosea and Amos in Lange's Bibehverk (1872;
English translation of Hosea by J. F. McCurdy, of Amos by
T. W. Chambers, 1874) ; Duhm, Die Theologie der Propheten
(1875), 109-41; Houtsma, "Bijdrage tot de kritiek en verkla-
ring van Hozea," ThT. IX. (1875), 55-75; Hermann, " Exege-
tisch-kritische Bemerkungen zu einigen Stellen aus Hosea," SK.
HI. (1879), 515-7 ; A. B. Davidson, "The Prophet Hosea," ^^/.^
IX. (1879), 241-64; Tottermann, Z>/<? Weissagungen Hoseas bis
zur ersten assyrischen Deportation erlaUtert (1879).

During the last twenty-five years much attention has been
given to the Minor Prophets in general, and more to Amos and
Hosea in particular. The list of works includes : Oort, " De
profeet Amos," ThT. XIV. (1880), 114-59; Nowack, Der Pro-
phet Hosea erkldrt (1880) ; Buhl, " Beitrage zur Erklarung des
Propheten Hosea," ZKW. 1881, pp. 227-35 ; ^- R- Smith, art.
" Hosea," Enc. Br.XlI. (1881) ; Kei\, Minor Prophets, in Keiland
Delitzsch's Biblische Commentar, I. (1866; 2d ed. 1873; transl.
1880, 2d ed. 1888) ; Hitzig-Steiner, Die zw'olf kleinen Propheten
erk/drt (4th ed. of Hitzig's Commentary, by Steiner, 1881) ; W. R.
Smith, Prophets 0/ Israel {i2>d> 2 ; new edition, with Introduction by
Cheyne, 1895 ) ; Scholz, Com??ientar zum Buche des Propheten Hosea
(1882) ; Hoffmann, " Versuche zu Amos," ZAW. III. (1883) 87-
126; Brull, " Beitrage zur Erklarung des Buches Hosea," yb/ir<5.
/. jUd. Geschichte u. Litteratur, 1883, pp. 1-62 ; Cheyne, Hosea,
with Notes and Introduction (Cambridge Bible, 1884) ; Sharpe,
Notes and Dissertations upoti the Prophecy of Hosea (1884) ;
Gunning, De Godspraken van Amos (1885); Zeydner, "Het
Vaderland van Amos," Stemmen voor Waarheid en Vrede, 1886,
pp. 548-53; de Visser, Hosea de Man des Geestes (1886);
Cornill, "Hosea 12^" ZAW. VII. (1887), 285-9; A. B. David-
son, "The Prophet Amos," Exp."^ V. (1887), 161-79; VI. 161-
73; Mitchell, "The Idea of God in Amos," /BL., Dec. 1887,
pp. 33-42; Orelli, Die zw'olf kleinen Propheten (1888; transl.
by J. S. Banks, 1893); Schuurmans Stekhoven, "Het Vader-
land van Amos," ThSt. VII. (1889), 222-8; Sayce, "The
Book of Hosea in the Light of Assyrian Research," JQR.

Clxxx INTRODUCTION

1889, pp. 162-72; Bachmann, Praeparationen zu den kleinen
Propheten (1890); Zeydner, "Nog lets over den profeet Amos,"
Stemmen voor Waarheid en Vrede, 1890, pp. 613-34; Oort,
"Hozea," ThT. XXIV. (1890), 345-64, 480-505; Idem, " Het
Vaderland van Amos," ThT. XXV. (1891), 12 1-6; Kirkpatrick,
Doctrine of the Prophets (1892; 3d ed. 1901), 83-142; Well-
hausen, Die kleinen Propheten ilbersetzt tmd erklart (1892 ; 3d ed.
1898) ; Lagrange, "La nouvelle histoire d'Israel et le proph^te
Os^e," Revue biblique, I. (1892), 203-38; Smend, Lehrbuch der
alttestamentlichen Religionsgeschichte (1893; 2d ed. 1899), 179-
86, 204-18; Michelet, Amos oversat (1893); Mitchell, Amos,
an Essay in Exegesis (1893; 2ded. 1900) ; Billeb, Die wich-
tigsten Satze d. alttestamentlichen Kritik voni Standpunkt der
Pj'opheten Amos und Hosea aus betrachtet (1893) ; Driver, art.
"Amos," Smith's Dictionary of the Bible (2d ed. 1893); Kirk-
patrick, art. "Hosea," ibid.; Beer, "Zu Hosea XH.," ZAW.
XHL (1893), 281-93; Boehmer, "Die Eigenart des Heilspre-
digt des Amos," SK., 1893, pp. 35 ff. ; Guthe, Translation and
notes in Kautzsch's Heilige Schrift d. A. T. (1894 ; 2d ed. 1896);
Valeton, Amos en Hosea. Een hoofdstuk uit de geschiedenis van
Israels godsdienst (1894; German, 1898) ; N. Schmidt, "On the
Text and Interpretation of Am. f^"^;' JBL. XIII. (1894), 1-15 ;
Paton, " Did Amos Approve the Calf- Worship at Bethel ? " ibid.,
80-91 ; Cornill, Isr. Prophetismus (1894 ; English, 1898), 37-55 ;
Skipwith, "Note on the Order of the Text in Hosea i-t,," JQR.
VII. (1895), 480 ff.; Oettli, "Der Kultus bei Amos und Hosea,"
Greifswalder Studien (1895), pp. 1-34 ; Tesch, Setzt der Prophet
Amos autoritatives Gesetz voraus ? (1895) ; Paton, " Notes on Ho-
sea's Marriage," yi5Z. XV. (1896), 9-18; George Adam Smith,
The Book of the Twelve Prophets, I. (1896) ; Loftman, Kom-
mentar till prof . Hoseas bok (1896) ; Nowack, Die kleinen Pro-
pheten ilbersetzt und erklart (1897; 2d ed. 1903); Cheyne,
"Notes on Obscure Passages of the Prophets," Exp!" V. (1897),
41-51 ; Idem, "A New German Commentary on the Minor Proph-
ets," ibid., VI. (1897), 361-71 ; Volz, Die vorexilische Jahwepro-
phetie und der Messias (1897) ; Budde, "Die Uberschrift des
Buches Amos und des Propheten Heimat," in Semitic Studies in
Memory of Rev, Dr. Alexander Kohut (1897), 106-10 ; Driver,

LITERATURE ON AMOS AND HOSEA clxxxi

Joel and Amos (Cambridge Bible, 1897) ; Seesemann, Israel zind
Jiida bei Amos und Hosea, nebst einem Exkurs iiber Ho. 1-3
(1898) ; Hartung, Der Prophet Amos nach dem Grundtexte erkldrt
(1898) ; Volz, "Die Ehegeschichte Hosea's,"Zw77i. 1898, pp. 321-
35 ; Taylor, art. "Amos," DB. I. (1898) j Cheyne, art. "Amos,"
EB. I. (1899) ; A. B. Davidson, art. "Hosea," DB. II. (1899) ;
Vetter, "Die Zeugnisse der vorexilischen Propheten liber den
Pentateuch ; I. Amos," Theologische Quartalschriff, 1899, pp. 512-
52 ; Vienney, Amos de Tekoa, son epoque et son livre (Dissertation,
1899) ; Elhorst, De Prophetie van Amos (1900) ; Giesebrecht, Die
Geschichtlichkeit des Sinaibundes imtersiicht (1900) ; Muss-Arnolt,
"Amos 526(21-27)^.. ^^^6 ij^ (1900), 414-28; Houtsma, ThT.
XXXIV. (1900), 429 ff. (review of Elhorst); W. R. Smith and
K. Marti, art. " Hosea," EB. II. (1901) ; Procksch, Die Geschichts-
betrachtiing bei Amos, Hosea und Jesaia (1901) ; Budde, art.
" Amos,"y<?K/. Enc. (1901) ; Oettli, Amos und Hosea, zwei Zeugen
gegen die Anwendung der Evolutions theorie auf die Religion Isra-
els (Beitrage zur Forderung christlicher Theologie, Jahrgang 5,
Heft 4, 1901) ; Grimm, Liturgical Appendixes in the Old Testa-
ment (1901), 60-78, 88-93; Day and Chapin, "Is the Book of
Amos Post-Exilic? " AJSL. XVIII. (1902), 65-93 ; Nowack, " Die
Zukunftshoffnungen Israels in der Assyrischen Zeit," in Theolo-
gische Abhandlungen (Festgabe fiir H. J. Holtzmann, 1902), 33-
59 ; Riedel, Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen, Heft I. (1902),
1-36; Boehmer, "Die Grundgedanken der Predigt Hosea's,"
ZwTh. XLV. (1902), 1-24; Hal^vy, " Le livre d'Osee," Revue
Semitique, X. (1902), 1-12, 97-133, 193-212, 289-304; Idem,
" Le livre d'Amos," ibid., XL (1903), 1-31, 97-121, 193-209,
289-300 ; XII. (1904), 1-18 ; Meinhold, Studien zur israelitischen
Religionsgeschichte, I. Der heilige Rest (1903), 33-88; Cheyne,
Critica Biblica, II. (1903) ; Marti, Dodekapj-opheton (Kurzer
Hand-Commentar z. A.T., 1903) ; J. A. Montgomery, "Notes on
Amos," JBL. XXIII. (1904), 94-96 ; R. F. Horton, The Minor
Prophets, Hosea-Micah (The New-Century Bible, 1904); von
Ryssel, art. "Hosea," Jew. Enc. (1904).

Literature on the poetical form and the text is given in con-
nection with §§20 and 22, pp. clxv f., clxxvii f.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF ISRAELITISH LIFE AND
THOUGHT DURING THE DIVIDED KINGDOM

Israel's heritage from centuries preceding 933 b.c.

Pre-Prophetic Religious
Activity

Extra Pre-Prophetic Relic-]
Activity

[OUS

The Song of Deborah (Ju. 5).

The Book of Jasher (Jos. 10'^ 2

Nathan's Parable (2 S. 12>-'').

The Book of the AA^ars of Yah^

The Blessing of Jacob (Gn. 49).

21" '•)•

The Oracles of Balaam (Nu. 23, 24).

Jotham's Fable (Ju. 9' '■).

The Stories of Creation, the Deluge, etc.

David's Lament over Saul and J

The Song of the Exodus (Ex. 15, earliest

(2 S. 1" "•)•

form) .

David's Lament over Abner (2

The Patriarchal Traditions.

Early Proverbs (1 S. 10" '•; 24'3)

Traditions of the Conquest.

Popular Riddles (Ju. W*-'«- IS'"}

State Annals.

Ancient Folk-lore.

Traditional Customs.

Ancient Legends and Songs — e.i

The Order of Seers.

Lamech's Song (Gn. 4^^ f-)-

The Nebhi'im.
The Nazirites.

Song of the Well (Nu. 21" f-)-
Ancient Laws (e.g. 1 S. SO^* »■)•

The Institution of the Kingdom.

Religious Institutions — e.g.:

The National, or Patriotic, Spirit.

Sacrifice.

03

The Life and Work of Samuel.

Feasts.

'C '^
S OS

The Prophet Nathan.

The Sabbath.

22m

Gad, the Seer.

Clean and Unclean.

The Oracle, Ephod, Teraphim.

Circumcision.
The Ark.

2 Sf=a

The Priesthood.

Local Sanctuaries.

The Temple.

Ooo

2 I

2 e "^ <u '^

c-5-°.2 ii,

C C ^ +3-'3 .'

•a s<»

2 c3 C ^ — ' C5

O C CD „

-^>'« rt'MlO

xoo<; POO

coH

„Q"

2-1^" CO u '"' -w

c

e-S

~*^ r

c3 g —

rt^

oj

ei?

.a'o

"■- S

O-C S_

■-"3

■ ~ (U C t.

JS^

133

Ph

Kca

CLl

.d

>

o

Si

> 0)

s

a)

■3

C3^

cl

>)!■/}

1^

6

=! a

— , , p in ^ " '»=

feSjs^

C 0)

'^_-c <s » w

a) n „ — x:— 1

-C f^^ S S -73

«« K~ o-S is c

; 30

C V - o .2 J

^ -3 --^ S C 3
13 P^ c o5§ o

Pa O

£X1j 5 £ 2 felt:

"o e-2 3 ^-c a j;

^;«

„j3.

a>^

1 fc£.~

00 0

3 3 c. a^

op 3

9-- S®

IP
> o
a) (u

^30

C3

s

S o

2-S

s

— a)

_ iS _H c _ — K

= Ti :; 3

J a>

' 2 -^ja t. i: t^:3 -^ a C =3-5 =« 03 £

" a;

C3
Wj3

^ s -

, d S 0-5 13 3 H'-: ^^ 5-3 S:5-3 3 ii>>«5«2

3 >.-S-.- a

oi'S

bi o'a3^

t? 0,D-M g^
3 o w^ c3 oj

Lri -H t. y: ■ ^ fc- _.

^ ^

CI -I r-l _

aj-S ajJ

g 3

■3I2

^ -* -* d

_d d d^
o3 d d_c ^•

.CI-JM CO lOlOt^ N>0

3m-;00 O t^ „0«tilM (NO

t^O IN .t>. CO t^W 10>0 kf Kf^'^

S.5 o 3-: ex og.S^S a ^ o o o S^ osC-^tj c.t^.5-^ cut;.2'os c.s.ScQt~ E EPm osw ^ aPnCB S3 a-*^

3-3 w « L^i; 5 JO «2

g-^

«<-•*

o«

o —

3« "^ el-

S

a

W • — —■ M ^

t. c3 c(i ,-,J JS S* H

-< K H^

X v

c«

■S •- .ti Jj

s

^

<

•-1

n,

J3

H

X

.■s

cj

41,

_2 fe'i

lO _C. M

3 2 fe5-§ .S£-^-^2:S^oZggg='s2

3-:: 2=53 ^ula'd'^^^t^ T3.S2-.a^a)°

^ bfi

^

o

m

>o

M

cc

■*

Cr^

•o

loco

lOiN

OX

O'O

Tf

o

w

t^Z^

00

O03

OS

coo

rfTjl

COCO

coco

CO

CO

r>.

1 C^l

X

00 1^

t^

.t~

t-t~

t^t>

t-t-

t-t^

t^

l^

s:*^

»

o

i^

A COMMENTARY ON THE BOOK OF
AMOS.

§ 1. The superscription : Occupation and residence of Amos;
date of his work. i\

The superscription contains the title, the author's name, his
occupation, his home, the subject treated, and the date ; the last
in two forms.* This is the most exact and complete of all the
superscriptions to prophetic utterances. f Although it may well
be supposed that Amos prepared, perhaps in Jerusalem, the
edition of his sermons, which, with some modifications has been
handed down to us, it is improbable that so early an author would
have prepared such an elaborate superscription ; it is better to
understand that it comes from a post-exilic period. \ The editor
evidently makes Amos precede Hosea, since only Uzziah is men-
tioned among the kings of Judah. It is important to note that,
whatever may be the age of the superscription, it is entirely con-

* Uhland, Annotationes, 3-30; Juynboll, Disputatio de Amos, 1-8, 11-18, 27-32;
Ba. 38-110; Oort,"De Profeet Amos," ThT. XIV. 122-7; Matheson, "Studies in
the Minor Prophs.," Exp. III. (1882), 342-4; WRS., Prophs. i2off., 395; Sta.
GVI. I. 562-75; Da. Exp. V. (1887), 161-79; Stekhoven, "Hat vaderland van
Amos," ThSt. 1889, 222-8; Mit. 1-22; Gun. 13 ff. ; Now. 121 ff.; GAS. I. 67f.;
Che. EB. I. 147 ff. ; Dr. 93 ff., 125 ff.

t Ho. gives title, author, parentage, date; Mi., title, author, country, date, sub-
ject; Na., title, subject, author, country; Zp., title, author, parentage (fully), date;
Hb., title, author, occupation (prophet) ; Hg., no proper superscription, the first
verse contains date (to the day), title, author, occupation (prophet), those to whom
his message was addressed ; Zc, date, title, parentage, occupation (prophet) ;
Mai., title, subject (to Israel), author; Ob., title, author; Jo. and Jon., title, author,
parentage.

X So Che. EB.; Tay. DB.; Bu. Jew. Enc. ; Now.; Houtsma, ThT. 1900, p. 432.
6 I

2 AMOS

sistent with the contents of the book and is to be accepted as
historical.

1. onpja n^n ntfN] a gloss; orig. text, words of Amos of Tekoa, cf. Ju. 12^
[Bu. in Kohut's Semitic Studies (1897), 106-10; id. Jew. Enc. I. 530;
Now.; Lohr, 3]; present structure very awkward; but cf. Or. (fol. De.) who
makes ;jl|in . . . iitn a later addition; and Oet. (p. 65) who suggests that in
this case "'JJiprin (2 S. 23^^) would have been used, anpj^] @ iv 'AKKapelfx,
probably for iv "NaKKapelfi, initial v having been lost after iv [so Drusius,
Grotius, Vol. Cf. the suggestion of Hirscht (ZwTk. XLIV. 45) that @ is
based on a marginal gloss □■n^N, added in explanation of D>ipj] ; cf. Nw/ctj^,
2 K. 3*; some codd. of (§ KapLadiapeifi; 'A. iroLfxvLOTp6<poi.s; S. rots woi/xecnp

(^^ herds77ieit); 9. vuKeSel/x. ST pnJ •'■;>r'. 5 IfOJ, merely transliterating
the Heb. 'rsii:'''] (& 'Iepovaa\r)/j., probably confusing similar abbreviations.
,S sons of Israel. Cf. the form of the superscription in IL : — serniones Amos
quos vidit super Hierusalem.

I a. The words of Amos'] The titles of the prophetic books *
generally contain some reference to Yahweh, as the author of the
words spoken, or some technical expression which implies such
authorship (Na. i^ Hb. i^). This phrase (Je. i^ Hg. i'^) con-
tains no allusion to a specifically active human element,! since
the words are recognized as Yahweh's words. Nor does the
plural designate the writing as composed of distinct prophecies, {
since every book is similarly made up of distinct prophecies.
There is likewise no reason to suppose that the original super-
scription was limited to these words. § The Amos of this book
has sometimes been confounded with the father of Isaiah, || but
for the most part tradition has rightly distinguished between the
two. Concerning Amos see Introduction (§ 12). IV/io had been
among the shepherds] v.s. That is, he was one of the shep-
herds in Tekoa ; not with the distinctive use of the preposition,
viz. he was great among them.^ Here one must compare 7"

* Cf. (i) the similar introduction of Je. ; (2) "the word of "' " of Ho., Mi., Zp.,
and Jo. ; (3) " the burden " of Na. and Hb. ; (4) " the burden of the word of '\"
of Mai.; (5) "the vision" of Is. and Ob.; (6) the introductory formula "and it
came to pass " of Ez. ; (7) " was the word of "> by Hg. the prophet" ; (8) " was the
word of -1 unto Z." f Cf. Ba. + Geb. \ Implied by Val. 79 ff.

II Clem, of Alex, and Pseudepiph (see Ba.).

IT Ki., Ephraem ; cf Bu. (in Kohut, Semitic Studies, 20, 106 ff.), who translates:
who had been among the sheep breeders, (a man) of Tekoa; so Che. in EB. I.
147 ; but in Crit. Bib. he treats Dnpj as a proper name.

I.I 3

in which Amos calls himself a herdsman (but see p. 8). Was
Amos an owner of sheep, and wealthy? So most Jewish inter-
preters, who urge that this is implied in the use of the same word
of the King of Moab (2 K. 3*) ; and that if a slave or servant, he
could not have left his work for an excursion of this kind ; but the
fuller description in 7", in which reference is made to his indigent
circumstances, the etymology of the word, and the answer made
to Amaziah (7^^), "Yahweh took me, etc." point to a simple
shepherd. There is no reason to suppose that he was a slave.*
— From Tekoa] This was certainly in Judah, although it has been
placed in Zebulon,! in Asher, % in the south of Palestine, but
belonging to Ephraim, § (/.<?. the ten tribes) . || In favor of
Judah are (i) the evidences elsewhere found that Amos was
of Judah, e.g., the command of the priest ( 7^) to Amos to flee to
Judah ; likewise " the exact scener)' of his visions " which is seen
fromTekoa;^ (2) the references in 2 S. 14- 23^ Je. 6' 2 Ch. 20™
I Mace. 9^. The place lies six miles south of Bethlehem (twelve
miles south of Jerusalem).** The hill, four or five acres, is broad
at the top and not steep. The surrounding country is sterile and
rocky, but rich in pasturage. The wilderness of Tekoa (2 Ch. 20^)
is part of the wilderness of Judah. ff The preposition " from "
indicates that, like other shepherds, Amos came from Tekoa, but
remained in the wilderness or vicinity. {J While the Jewish fancy
that Amos was wealthy has no basis, it is just as unfounded to
say §§ that Tekoa is mentioned as especially poor to show God's
ability to confound the rich with the poor. Was Tekoa too high for
the cultivation of sycamores ? It is reasonable to suppose that the
reference is to some low lying district in the Shephelah owned by
Amos II II at some distance perhaps from Tekoa. — Which he saw']
This word originally marked the method of reception of the

* y. Ba. t Pseudepiph. de vitis prophetarum, 245. J Ki. § Cyril.

II Cf. Har. 45-9, who locates it on Carmel; Graetz, Gesch. I. 403, who identifies
it with Eltekeh of Jos. ig'**, making Amos a Danite; Oort, ThT. XXV. 121-6, who
makes him belong to the ten tribes. II GAS. HG. 315.

** Its ruins, " extensive, but uninteresting," still remain, bearing the name of

Teku'a (c*Ju). /'^-F. 1874, p. 27.

tt See also Ba.; Rob. BR.'^ I. 486 f.; Stickel, Das Buck Hiob, 269-77; Kue.
//Ca2 II. 355 f, ++ Hi. §{ Cal., Os. nil Che. EB.

4 AMOS

divine communication as by vision. The vision may have been
merely a dream, a vision of the night, or a half-sleeping, half-
waking condition, as with the Syrian monks of the present day ;
or the ecstasy or trance. It is impossible, in the majority of
cases, to distinguish between these forms. Such visions came to
non-prophets (i K. 3^ i S. 28*'^) as well as to prophets (i K. 19^

I S. 3^-")^

An earlier and a later usage may be noticed: (i) In the earlier period
nrn (as well as nxi of which it is often the poetic equiv.) marks the
reception of the message, which is seen as well as heard (cf. >n>N-\ Am. 9^
Is. 61; ■'jNin Am. f-^-i 8^ 2 Ki. '&^-^^; this is in accordance with the Arab.

ic^Uil used of clairvoyants, soothsayers, those who can foretell the future
(cf. Hoffm. ZA W. III. 92 f.). At this time N>3) had reference to the speaking
or impartatiou of the communication to others. s<nj is not {a) a passive

formation from a root N3: = J?3j to bubble forth; Arab. Jto to well forth

(Redslob, Der Begriff des Nabi (1839) ; and Ho. j'*'^^, p. 30; Ke. on Gn. id';
Kue. Proph. 42; Maybaum, Die Entwickehcng des isr. Prophetenthums, 1 13;
Baud. Eitil. 314); nor (3) a noun, designating an ordinary speaker from n3J,

cf. Arab. Lo utter a low sound, Assyr. n3j nabA, name, call (Or. Proph. 11 f.;
K6. II. I, pp. 133, 407; BOB.; cf. WRS. Proph. 39of.); but {c) as is seen
from the use of the Niph'al to prophesy, an involuntary speaker, one who
speaks under compulsion that which has been communicated to him
(Hoffm.; Arab. Lo raise up, speak softly, hence sLo soft wine). Per-
haps it is an active transitive (cf. '?''3t; i"'''flN; SiSs; T'Pd; Stii) its object
being dsj, which he apprehends quietly but imparts vehemently with deep
breaths, cf Bewer, AJSL. XVIII. 120. (2) In the later period, the distinc-
tion between nrn (also nxn) and nijj is broken down, the former, as well
as the latter, meaning to utter or announce prophecy (Is. 2^ Mi. i^ (nirn).
Is. 29II 2i2). In this verse, ntn has its later usage; and since the distinc-
tion between revelations " heard " and " seen " is made by the compiler of
the book (cf. chaps. 1-6 with 7-9), the date of the expression would seem to
be still later than the compilation. (Ba., Hoffm. ZA W. III. 95.)

1 h. Concernifig Israel '\ The words of Amos were intended for
the North, viz. Israel, not the South. The Northern Kingdom, there-
fore, seems to have been regarded by him as Israel proper, of which
Judah was a fragment (i K. ii^^-sa 2 K. 17^*).* His utterances

* See Seesemann, Israel und Juda bei Amos und Hosea (1898), pp. 1-17. in
which it is shown that Amos always means Ephraim when he uses the name Israel,
thus following the usage of the old sources of the historical books, e.g. K in

I. I 5

concerning foreign nations, Syria, Moab, etc., like the similar
utterances of Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, were intended for the
ear of Israel. There is no reason to suppose that the outside
nations ever heard them. In a true sense, however, even these
utterances were concerning Israel, since the attitude of God
therein depicted was the same as that assumed by him toward
Israel and Judah ; and the affairs of Israel were so closely woven
with those of the nations named as to make everything concerning
them related in some way also to Israel. The fact that so much
of the prophetic material has to do with the outside nations,
coupled with the probability that no part of this material was
given to them, points indisputably to the opinion here expressed,
and justifies and explains the use of the phrase — concerning Israel.
In the days of Uzziah . . . and . . . Jeroboain~\ In corrobora-
tion of this statement may be cited (i) the plain historical narra-
tive (7^*^) in which Jeroboam plays an important part; (2) the
consistency between the representation made in 2 K. 14^^ as to
the extent of Israel's kingdom and the allusions in Am. 6^'' (the
borders of Ephraim) and 6" (the destruction of Hamath) ; (3) the
consistency between the situation which forms the background of
the discourses of Amos and that which, as gathered from other
sources, existed in the days of Jeroboam, The work of Amos
would fall between 765 and 750 b.c* (see Introduction, § 12, 2).
Uzziah^ The long reign of Uzziah,t during which there was
co-regency with Amaziah at the beginning and with Jotham at the
end, was, in general, a period of comparative peace, and of great
political prosperity. Judah was probably in a certain kind of sub-
ordination to Israel ; \ the Philistines were severely defeated and

1 K. I2l8ff-. Though certainly famiHar with the broader significance of the name
Israel, he probably refrained from thus using it because of Ephraim's unwillingness
to allow Judah to share it, and because after the division of the kingdom, ordinary
usage limited the use of the name Israel to the North, the South being called
Judah.

* For a presentation of the view that the Book of Amos is really post-exilic, see
AJSL. Jan. 1902, an article by Edward Day and Walter H. Chapin.

t According to the old chronology B.C. 810-758; but 791-740, Schra. ; 783(?)-
737, ¥JA. Hist. II. 239 f.; 767-716, Sta. GVI. I. 559; 79o(?)-740, Marti, ^'jS. 1. 795;
790-739, KAT^. I. 320; 783-738, HPM. III. 435.

X Kit. Hist. II. 331; Gu. EB. II. 2242; Paton, Hist. 205, 225 ff.; cf. KAT^. I.
262 f.

6 AMOS

their fortifications at Gath, Jabneh, and Ashdod destroyed ; in the
south the Arabs and Maonites were defeated ; the walls of Jerusa-
lem were strengthened. Uzziah probably accompanied Jeroboam
in his campaigns against Syria and after Jeroboam's death made
an independent expedition there.* He appears about 738 b.c.
as head of a coalition of Syrian states against Tiglathpileser IILf
His name in the Book of Kings and in the Tiglathpileser inscrip-
tions is Azariah. Religiously Judah, while zealous for the temple
ceremonial, was to a large extent under the influence of Israel
and the outside nations. The power of the priests was increas-
ing, and it is probable that Uzziah was brought into conflict with
them and that the mysterious incident (2 Ch. 26'®"^) really means
that Uzziah was deposed and isolated by the priestly faction. \
Jeroboam'] The reign of Jeroboam § lasted about forty years and
was marked by great political prosperity. While many wars were
waged, peace existed during a large part of his reign. In the
wars with Syria much northern territory (the district east of the
Jordan) was recovered. This was accomplished the more easily
because the Syrians were weakened by wars with Assyria. The
limits of the kingdom assumed the widest extent (2 K. 14^^),
though the statement that his dominion extended to Hamath is
thought to be an exaggeration. || The calf- worship was zealously
observed at Bethel and Dan^ and a similar worship at other
places. While this worship was conducted in the name of Yahweh,
it was largely corrupt, including Teraphim, Masseboth, the Ephod,
and the Asherah.** The prophets of the period tell us ft that this

*Kit. //mA n.335f.

t III R. pi. 9, II, Is. 3, 4, and III, Is. 23, 31. But this identification of Azriya'u of
Ya'udi with Uzziah of Judah is called in question by an increasing number of schol-
ars who maintain that the Ya'udi of Tiglathpileser's narrative is a district in Northern
Syria mentioned in the inscriptions recently discovered at Sinjirli. So, e.g. Wkl.
Forsch. I. 1-23 ; Id. KA T^. I. 262 ; W. E. Barnes, DB. II. 512 ; Paton, Hist. 233 f. ;
Gu. Gesch. 188 f. ; Horn. Trad. 319; Kit. Konige, 263; Benz. Konige, 166; G. S.
Goodspeed, History of Babyloniatis and Assyrians (1902), 230 f. ; Smith, O. T. Hist,
(1903), 226 f. ; but V. McCurdy, HPM. I. 413 f. % Kit. Hist. II. 331.

\ According to the old chronology 825-784; but 790-749, Schra. ; 781-741, Sta.
GVI. I. 559; 781-740, Kit. Hist. II. 240; 783-743, HPM. $262; 785-745, KATK
I. 262; 784-744, Paton, Hist. 223, 231. || Sta. GVI. I. 570.

H Ho. 85- 6 io5 Am. 81*. ** Kit. Hist. II. 305 f. ; Ho. 2i3- 17 3* io2.

tt Am. 26 ff- 3I5 4I 57. 10 ff 63 flf s* ff- Ho. 4I f- 11 «■• 6« f- 12^ f-.

I. I 7

reign was characterized by gross immorality, inordinate luxury of
the rich, and by oppression and injustice toward the poor. Two
years before the earthquake'] This phrase, contrary to Keil, is
intended to mark a date. Since earthquakes (the view which
makes it a civil commotion is untenable) are not infrequent in
Palestine,* as may be gathered from their frequent mention in
poetic descriptions, this must have been an especially severe one.
Reference is made to it certainly in Zc. 14^, possibly also in Am.
8^" (an interpolation) and Mi. i^'^.f Tradition, according to
Josephus, X connects it with Uzziah's attempt to act as priest
(2 Ch. 26'®) and with a shattering of the temple in the year of
Uzziah's death (Is. 6^). On closer examination, however, we
may ask. Does the editor mean to imply that this earthquake was
a beginning of the fulfilment of the prediction of Amos ? § Had
there, in other words, been an interval of two years, a period of
repentance, between the last words of warning and this the first
flash of the lightning which consumed them ? || Does this chrono-
logical statement carry with it the implication that his work was of
short duration, limited, perhaps, to the one year, "two years before
the earthquake," If or may it be inferred with Pusey from 7*" 2" '^
that he had a long ministry, and that the discourses were written
out only after a period of at least two years? The answers to these
questions depend partly on one's conception of prophecy, but more
largely upon data which are not at hand. Jerusalem itself seems
seldom to have been affected by earthquakes, and this may account
for the lack of reference to specific earthquakes by O. T. writers,
this being the only case mentioned in O. T. literature.**

DIDJ?] Only in this book, i^ 7^- i". u ga^ @ 'A/uws which stands also for
T'icn; proper names of the same form are piDj:, Ne. 12^- 2O; pus, 2 K. 2i'8ff-;
TiON, Is. i>; n''"'*, 2 K. 15^3; nijr, Jos. if,^; "(i3>', Jos. 7^*; the original vowels
are not a — « (Lag. BN. 28 f.), but a — a (Barth. NB. 41, cf. 59; Lag. BN.
69 f.). This form is found in adjectives (cf. h^-^y, great), abstract substantives
(cf. DiSr, peace) ; with active significance (cf. piU'j.', oppressor; jm = ]p) ; per-
haps never as passive. The etymologies suggested may be classified : (i) djj and

* V. Pu. I. 286; Dr. 172; Che. EB. II. 1150 f.; E. Hull, DB. l.e^^t

t Cf. also Jo. 2I". + Ant. IX. io<. $ Cal. || Pu. H Bl. Einl. 363.

** Hoffm. {ZA W. III. 123) regards this case as an exegetical inference from j^- 6

(cf. 78 82), the thought being that Israel's punishment is twice postponed, for a year

each time; so Che. EB. I. 149; and Marli, EB. I. 776.

8 AMOS

ipic a people put away, populus avulsus (Jer. ; cf. Ba.), (2) connection with
the Egyptian Amasis or Amosis (Ges. Thes. 1044), (3) for Diny, carried (^in
the bosoDi) or for Doj?, carrying, burden-bearer, related to Sd!? (MV.; cf.
Jer. in introd. to Jo.), (4) a hard or heazy people (Jer. in introd. to Is.), or
heavy-iongiied, lisping (Jer. on Am.), used of Am., who according to the
Rabbins used Xh'^l (7^*) for xh^l, cf. Ju. 12^. Of these (i) and (2) are

absurd, (3) and (4) uncertain. The root (cf. ij/j,.» C, to be oppressed ; Phoen.
DDj.', to burden, v. Levy, Phon. Wort. 38), means (a) to lift and carry. Is. 46^
{b) to load an animal, Gn. 44^*. It is probable, therefore, that the word is a
simple adjective meaning heavy (Ba.). — Q'npJ3 T\''r\'\ = -yp\ r\^ry, cf. SiNtP Djn
D''X''2J3, Is Saul also a?nong (one of) the prophets .^ (i S. lo^i), also 2 S. 15^^
Ps. 118''; cf. the iu of *A. and S. vj. The word cnpj is of interest from
every point of view: (i) npn of 7^* is probably a corruption of it; (2) the
Hebrew forms from the same stem, viz. ■(ipj, punctured, nipj, point, Di^l?i_J,
bread-crumbs, indicate a root (not occurring as such in Hebrew) meaning
puncture; (3) the cognate forms. Ass. nikidu (Dl. Pr. j^-] and HWB. 479;

Muss-Arnolt, Diet. 719; Evans, Essay on Assyriology, 74) and Arab. t^LilJ
mean shepherd, the latter (Lane, 2837) being used of a particular kind of

sheep, viz., JJiJ, a kind having short legs and ugly faces, but furnishing
the best kind of wool; (4) Syr. ]|.aJ, shepherd, and Moabitish ipj (Mesha
stone, 1. 30 [reading doubtful] ; v. Dr. Heb. Text of Sam. LXXXV. ff. and in
Authority and Archaeology, 90; Smend and Socin, Die Inschrift des K'onigs
Mesa von Moab ; Lidzbarski, Hatidbucli zur N^ord-Semitischen Epigraphik,
I. 415 ff.; W. H. Bennett, DB. III. 404 ff.), cf. 2 K. 3*; (5) suggestions have
been made : (a) from a root meaning pierce (cf. Jk,iij, used of a bird's boring,
and of the bite of a serpent) from which is developed the idea distinguish,

used particularly of separating good money from bad; hence tXiJ, applied

to a kind of sheep distinguished for choice wool {y.s^) ; hence OLftJ
= "ip^ij {v.s^ ; {b') from a root meaning to puncture explained by " stimulo
hastae utuntur, pungentes calcem et pedes bovum posteriores" (Har.);
(c) shepherd, so called because many of his sheep are iipj (Ki.). — The

idea of c^n], as of its cognates {y*^s (also (jin.t\), Aram. C71, is to
shake, tremble. It is used, therefore, only of noises which are connected with
a trembling or shaking movement, e.g. of the quivering spear, Jb. 41^^; of
the thundering rattle of horses' hoofs, Jb. 39'*; of the roll of wagon wheels,
Na. 32 Je. 47^. Very appropriately, therefore, is it used of an earthquake,
I K. igiif- Is. 29^ Zc. 14^ Interestingly enough the root is not used of
earthquakes in the other Semitic dialects, which, however, employ words of
similar significance (Aram. n>"T, Syr. i^o") (from >'1T, move one's self), Arab.

iU"J\ from 'J'^^'s, move, shake).

I. 2 9

§ 2. The text or motto of the book. i^. When Yahweh mani-
fests his power and majesty, all nature feels the terrible influence
of the manifestation. The essence of the teaching of Amos seems
to be presented in this verse, which serves as an introduction, pre-
pared either by himself or the editor. In any case it is a separate
section and not to be immediately connected with what follows.*
The verse is a stanza of four lines, in trimeter movement.! The
parallelism is exact, lines i and 2 being synonymous, 3 and 4
synonymous ; lines i and 2 synthetic with 3 and 4. The rhythm
of the verse is inimitable : —

jxir' ir:£a ni.T [-itiK"!]

For an interesting theory as to its relation to the following
stanzas, in which it is suggested that Amos went to the head-
quarters of the Northern King, accompanied by a chorus, and
that the entire passage (Chs. i, 2) was presented in strophe and
antistrophe, v. MuUer. J Against the authenticity of the verse may
be urged : ( i ) the phraseology is similar to that found in Joel and
later authors (z^. p. 12) ; § (2) the words suit the context better in
Joel than here ; (3) the tone of lamentation seems inconsistent with
the severe announcements which follow; (4) the extremely fin-
ished and artistic character of the verse {v.i.), in contrast with the
spoken addresses which follow ; || (5) the lack of point in making
Jerusalem so prominent in an address delivered to the citizens of
Northern Israel;^ (6) the hostility, implied toward the high-
places of the North, did not exist until after Amos's time. It is

* So Dat., Ba., Reu., Gun.. We.. Now., GAS.. Dr., et al.

t See my articles in AJT. I. (1897), 140-5, and BW. XII. (1898), 86-9, 179-82,

251-6. 333-8.

X Die Propheten in ihrer urspriinglichen Form (1896) ; cf. Lohr, Untersuchungen
zum Buck Amos (1901), p. 3 ; K6. Stilistik, Rhetorik, Poetik (1900). 348 ff. ; Zenner.
Die Chorgesange im Buche der Psalmen, I. (1896), 5-8 ; Sievers. Metrische Studien,
I. (1901), 134-4T, 472-9; Baumann, Der Aufbau dcr Amosreden (1903) ; and on
Hebrew Poetry in general, Briggs, General Introduction to the Study of Holy Scrip-
ture {1%^^^, 355-426.

§ Che. in Introd. to WRS. Proph. XV. f., and art. "Amos," EB.

II Seesemann, p. 5. H Volz, 19 f.; Bu. art. "Amos," Jew. Enc.

10 AMOS

not enough to claim that Amos uses this utterance earher, because
in Joel the effect of Yahweh's indignation is very much exaggerated
as compared with the effect described by Amos ; * or that the
passage is not hostile to the high-places but implies merely that
Jerusalem is the most prominent of the places at which Yahweh is
worshipped.! The verse introduces the entire book and not the
first chapters.

2. JNti'>] Greek versions variously: & icpOiy^aro; 'A. S. Ppvx'fi<T€Tai;
e. ipev^erai; vifhile WES> translate as future. D^i'i niNj] % habitations of
Kings; U speciosa pastorum ; & oa^^s inhabited by shepherds. '?DiJ."i »"«->]
3r fortification of their strongholds.

2. And he said'\ This phrase is used after "words" of i^ in-
stead of the more common " saying," because of the number of
subordinate sentences intervening ; cf. Ho. i^ Yahweh roars
from Zio7i, and utters his voice from Jerusaleni] This is found
in Jo. 3^®, but in a different connection. The verse is neither
original with Amos and, with what follows, a reflection of his shep-
herd-hfe ; borrowed therefore by Joel who, in this case, lived later ; %
nor is it original with Joel and repeated, somewhat later, by Amos,
because though still unfulfilled he wishes to give assurance of
fulfilment ; § but by the hand of a post-exilic editor who inserts
it here from Joel|| {v.s.). The " roaring " is that of the lion,^ not
that of thunder (as perhaps in Joel and Je. 25^") nor of waves,
though this is found elsewhere, cf. Is. 5^ ; the phrase " utters his
voice " is the Hebraistic expression for " thundering " (Ps. 46^
Jb. 37'*) ; the idea of both phrases is the manifestation of majesty
and power. Zion'] originally applied {a) to the hill Ophel,
{b) to the ridge on which the temple stood, and later (r) to the
entire city ** (so here and in 6^ and Is. 2^, diXid Jerusalem'] of the

* Mit. t Now.

X Cocceius, quoted by Ba. ; We. ; Mit. ; Dr. 75 ; Id. art " Joel," EB. ; Now. ;
GAS. ; Elh. 137.

§ Ba. ; Reu.; Kirk. Doct. 63 ff. ; G. G. Cameron, DB. II. 675.

II Volz, 19 f.; Taylor, Z)i5. I. 86; Che. EB. I. 151; Day and Ch2i\>m, AJSL.
XVIII. 72 f. ; Houtsma, ThT. 1900, p. 432; cf. Bu. yew. Enc. I. 532.

H Ju. 145 Am. 34- 8 Ps. 10421 ; so Dr. ; et al.

** Klaiber, ZDPV. III. 189 ff., IV. 18 ff. ; Riehm, HBA. II. 1839 ff. ; Starck, Pal.
u. Syrien, 86 f. ; Smith's DB'^. II. 1650 f. ; Miihlau. art. " Zion " in Riehm's HBA. ;
BSZ. s.v. jrx.

I. 2 II

synonymous parallelism, are too local to be understood as mean-
ing the mass of the faithful children of God.* To the pure and
devout worshippers of Yahweh, at the time of this utterance {t.e.
after the exile), the place represented by these names was the centre
of the national life, as well as of the theocracy. T/ie pastures of
the shepherds mourn\ The shepherd life of the author (whoever
he was) shows itself in these words, which stand in relation of
consequence to the first half The Targumic " habitations " in-
stead of " pastures " has no basis ; nor is the translation " perish "
instead of " mourn " on the ground of the parallel " wither " t well
taken. The present tensej presents the descriptive idea better
than the future "shall" or "will." The top of Carme/^^ does
not refer to the Carmel of i S. 25^ in Southern Palestine, || the
home of Nabal which, according to Eusebius and Theodoret, was
a village south of Jerusalem, not a mountain ; nor may it be taken
in a general way, " the best of cornfields," * but designates the
mountain ordinarily so called (cf. g'^) on the coast of Palestine,
west of the plain of Esdraelon. The word, being originally an
appellative meaning the garden, like certain other geographical
terms,f has the article. No part of Palestine was more beautiful
or fertile than the ridge of Carmel (S.E. to N.E. 12 miles, 1800 ft.
high at the S.E., 500 ft. high at the N.W.),** The greatest calam-
ity imaginable would be the withering of Carmel, Is. 33^ Na. i^
The prophet speaks of a general characteristic of Yahweh with
special reference to an impending judgment. In semi-proverbial
form we have the essence of the prophetic thought ; the verse
serves also, from the point of view of the editor, as a motto
or text. The chapters which follow are merely the expansion
of this thought, and the explanation of it. There will be locusts
and drought (7^®) ; but the end will come about through Assyria
iff)-

* Geb. t Calv.

X So We. ; Or. ; Gun. ; GAS. ; Now. ; Elh. ; but cf. Dr.

§ Ba. 191-5; WRS. Sem. 156; Badeker, Pal.^ 259; ZDPV.VWl. no; Mit.
55 f. ; Starck, Pal. u. Syrien, 103 ; GAS. HG. 150, 152-note, 337-41 ; Buhl, Geog. 23,
163; Jastrow, 75^:. XI. 115. For the city Carmel in Judah, cf. BSZ. 387 ; Rob.
BR?- 1. 495-8.

II Jer.; Mich.; Justi; BSZ. 387. H E.g. "lySjn, v.2; Jtyan, 4I.

** F. R. Conder and C. R. Conder, Handbook, 209.

12 AMOS

2. nin>] the position of this word makes the first half of the v. subordinate
to the second, the force being, " When Yahweh out of Zion roars, and
from Jerusalem utters his voice, the pastures of the shepherds mourn," etc.;
GK. 1421:; Dr, §165; H. 45, 3, (5. The other alternative, to "treat nini as
emphatic, is scarcely possible. The emphasis rests on ]V!S and aSa'n^ which
stand out of the usual order. A rhetorical climax is seen in both members,
the roar of the lion passing into that of thunder; the waste of Carmel's top
following the desolation of the pasture-land. If we omit ncNii the first word,
and pronounce •'Jin for nini and dS for o^_, we find that 21 of the 28 vowels
in the verse are long (0 (7), a (6), e (3), m (3), i (2)), in other words the
very vowel sounds with the frequently recurring sibilants (5) and liquids (13)
suggest the thunder in its rollings, jn^", jni] (g uses aorist or pf. (v.s.),
STHSi, the impf., the former adopting the gnomic, the latter the prophetic
interpretation; for variation in other Grk. versions v.s. Likewise in the case
of i'?3!<i and trail the same variation occurs. The use of the present expresses
the thought as generic. H. 21, 3; Dr. § 35; GK. 107^. jns", pinj, iSasi,
c^m] The usage of these words is of a late character; Son is used figuratively
as in Jo. i^" Is. 24*'' ^t,^; but cf. Ho. 4^; niNj as in Jo. i^^^- 2^^; coi as in
Jo. ii2; jNiy is used of '1 only in Jb. 37* Je. 2530 Ho, ii^° Jo. 4^^ all post-
exilic passages. Note further the similarity of v.^* to Je. 9^ 23^" 25^" Is. 33^
Na. I*, all post-exilic except the first (v. Che. £B. I. 151, n. 2).

§ 3. Approaching judgments upon the surrounding nations.*

1^-2^ The real work of Amos is to preach to Israel ; he begins his
work, however, by announcing the judgment which is to fall upon
the neighboring nations. In this he has a threefold purpose : —
i) To gain the good- will of those in whose welfare he is inter-
ested, and to whom his words are addressed. In this is seen the
art of the prophetic method. 2) To show that a judgment is
coming, which is to include all nations ; shall Israel be omitted ?
3) To raise the question, whether, if these nations, without the
truth as given by Yahweh's prophets, must suffer, Israel shall not
suffer most of all. The literary work of Amos (though belonging
to the earliest period of written prophecy) exhibits evidence of
the highest poetical skill. A study of the utterances of Amos, with
reference to their original form, discloses some interesting facts.
Since the connection of thought and, in many cases, the very
wording of the text, are largely dependent upon the results of such
study, it will be necessary in each section, or closely allied group

* Ba. 65-110; Ew. I. 151-S; WRS. PropA. 127 ff. ; We. 67-71; Or. 109-12;
Mit. 56-84 ; DHM. Die Propheten, 1. 62-66 ; McC. HPM. I. 337-46 ; GAS. 1. 131 ff.

I- 3-5 13

of sections, to present a reconstruction of the text, including
divisions into strophes, arrangement in lines, transposition, at
times, of clauses or lines, and changes in the reading of words.

Chaps. 1^-2^ constitute a literary unit and present the char-
acteristics of Amos as clearly as any other portion of the
book.*

Its divisions are :

i3-s. 6-8 against Damascus and Gaza, Strophes of 5, 3, and 4 lines.
i9-io. 11-12 against Tyre and Edom, Strophes of 5 and 2 lines.
1I2-15 2I-3 against Ammon and Moab, Strophes of 5, 3, and 3 lines.
2*^ against Judah, Strophes of 5 and 2 lines.

The symmetry of the arrangement is not only striking, but sig-
nificant. The significance of the variation in form in divisions II.
and IV. will be considered in their detailed treatment. The
arrangement of Mtiller f does not bring out all the facts, and his
theory of the poetical form of Amos requires an adjustment of
the material so artificial as to throw the greatest doubt upon the
whole scheme.

I. 3-5. Judgment upon Syria. — In his forecast of impending
national catastrophes, the prophet begins with Syria, and charges
the nation with sins, as a punishment for which Yahweh will send
desolation and captivity.

The strophic arrangement, if the opening and closing words, " thus has
Yahweh said " and " said Yahweh " are included, is 5, 3, and 4 ; the clause
"and I will break," etc. goes with strophe 2, because it completes the thought
of the strophe, forming its culmination ; while the structure of the following
sentence excludes it from strophe 3, including reference as it does to " com-
mon people," " ruler," " whole people." It will be noted that the arrange-
ment of i^* is precisely that of i^-^. Miiller's arrangement, 5, 2, and 5,
ignores the logical connection of the members, and the parallelism of i*-^.
Line 5 of strophe i, and line 4 of strophe 3 are shorter than the rule ; and it
is possible to treat them as parts of the preceding lines, Cf. Lohr, 3.

3. ua^B'N] it here and in v.^^ has fem. suf. earn; so also (S'^. HofTm.
i:rt:'N(?) (^ZAW.YH.^-jyV.i^; Elh.uati'N. — 'ui Dirn] (S eTr/jifoy (= diib'(?))

* For the view that this entire section is exilic, see Houtsma, Th T. 1900, p. 432,
t Die Propheten I. 63, 64; II. nj, ij.

14 AMOS

irptocTLu (riSr)poii rds iv yaffrpl ix'^'^'^^^ '''^^ ^^ FaXoCiS (l Ch. 20^, lim,
® 5Uwpi<T€v) ; the additional words here (and in 3L) are perhaps an inser-
tion from i^^ (Vol.), unsupported by the other versions. — 4. nunnN] @ to.
de/x^Xia; 'A., 2., ^apeis ; 6., rds aiikas ; U domos. — nn"p] @ vlov 'A54p,
readings for final i. — 5. ^m3i^•^] goes with strophe 2 (v.s.'). — ps] ®, 9.,
'flv; S .ol, so U it/o/j,- but 'A. avu(pe\ovs; S., E., dSt/cfas. — ^D^^1] (S cm. —
pj; n'3] & dv8pQv (cf. Ho. i") Xappdv (=:pn); U a'(3wo voluptatis. —
mip] @ €-7rlK\rjTos = H'>-\p (cf. Nu. I^^ l6-); 'A., Kvpi^vri; U Cyrenen.

3 3. T^wj ^a^ Yahweh said'] Usual formula for the introduction,
of each utterance, cf. i^ 9"i3 2^*-^. The tense (pf. not impf.)
implies no particular time in the past at which the revelation has
been given. The imperfect would have suggested a repeated
statement on the part of Yahweh. Amos, like the other proph-
ets, is represented as Yahweh's spokesman. — For three trans-
gressions, yea for four] Compare similar expressions in Je. 36^
Pr. 30^^- ^^-^-^ Ecclus. 26^ The numbers were taken hterally
by the Rabbins, who understood that three transgressions had
actually been committed which were to be forgiven, while the
fourth was of such a nature as to make forgiveness impossible.*
A symbolical interpretation, however, has been generally adopted :
( I ) Four and three added together = seven, a complete num-
ber ; t (2) three, the complete number, four, more than enough ; \
(3) three, representing many, four the thing which calls for
punishment ; § or, as seems most probable, the two numbers
together representing the idea of indefiniteness or lack of Hmita-
tion. II The word rendered transgression really means rebellion
against authority (cf. i K. 12^^ 2 K. i^). — Damascus'] The coun-
try (cf. v.^, in which the city is thus designated) of Syria, or that
portion of it of which Damascus was capital. From the days
of Baasha and Ben-hadad I. (i K. 15^**^) there had been con-
stant struggle between Israel and Syria, in which Israel had
suffered grievously (2 K. 10''^ 13"^)' At this time, however, the
southern territory of Syria must have been in Israel's hands
(2 K. 13^ 14^).

* So essentially Ew. § Dat.

t Cal., Os. II Gun., We., Mit., Val., Now., Marti.

X Pu., Dr.

I- 3 15

The country of Aram (d"^«, Homer and Hesiod, 'Apt/xoi; later Si/p^a and
Zvpos, shortened from ' AaaovpLa ; Ar. (•LiJI, i.e. North-land, as Yemen

meant South-land ; the root [•5-**'. ^i? unlucky, 3d form go to the left, hence,

north) included the territory between the Taurus Mountains and the Arabian
desert, the Tigris and the Mediterranean, except the coast land occupied by
the Phoenicians and Philistines, and the possessions of Israel, Edom, Moab,
and Ammon. The Aramaeans, or Syrians, were closely related to the Hebrews,
and in the earliest times they seem to have lived in close relationship with each
other. The early traditions, as presented in the Old Testament, connect the
two families in the migration from Ur of the Chaldees (Gn. 11^^ 2^^-^ 27*');
represent the Hebrews as coming to Canaan, while the Aramaeans remained
in Mesopotamia ; describe the residence of Nahor in Mesopotamia ; intro-
duce Balaam of Pethor on the Euphrates (Nu. 22^ 23'; Pethor is identified
by Schr., KAT-. pp. 155 ff.; KB. I. 133, with the Assyrian Pitru located on
the river Sagur, near Hierapolis ; this, if correct, involves a slight inaccuracy
in the Biblical statement that Pethor is on the Euphrates; cf. Che. on Pethor
in EB.); and mention Cushan-rishathaim, King of Aram (Ju. 3* ^°). The
Priest-writer of the Hexateuch uses the geographical term DiN x^c (BSZ. 655;
cf. No. EB. I. 278), the field of Aram. Other references of interest are
Gn. 2220ff- 25!'' 28^ (cf. io22ff) 3i47 jg. 36" Ezra 4^«■r!f. e-'ff. !„ the time of
Saul, Zobah had become the centre of Aramaean power (i S. 14*^ cf. 2 S. 10®);
and in David's time the King of Zobah, Hadadezer, was Israel's most dan-
gerous enemy (2 S. S'^'''- lo^***^-). The different branches of Aram, viz.

(l) PSPDI D-\N (2 S. S^^), (2) 3im n>3 DIN (2 S. 10*^ cf. Nu. I32I), (3) BIN

njyo (i Ch. 19^ cf. 2 S. 10'' Jos. 13^'), (4) 3^0 (2 S. lo^ cf. Ju. ii^), (5)iiu'i
occurring chiefly in connection with nayc (Dt. 3I* Jos. 12^ 131^ 2 S. 15*), were
united under Hadadezer, and with the exception of tii^J, all took part in the
war against David. At this time the dominion of the King of Zobah extended
to Damascus and Hamath (2 S. 8^-^ ^^) and beyond the Euphrates (2 S. 10'^).
The capital of Zobah was between the Euphrates and the Orontes (the Saba
mentioned by Ptolemaus; Ew., cf. Ba. ; also BSZ. 696). David defeated
Hadadezer twice (2 S. lO^'- '*) and gained control of the country. A little
later, a kingdom was established in Damascus under Rezon, one of Hadad-
ezer's captains (i K. Ii^^^s^ ju Solomon's reign this new kingdom was con-
tinually at war with Israel (i K. Ii^^). Henceforward Damascus was the
capital city and seat of the kingdom of Aram, the word Aram itself, when not
other^vise defined, being used for this kingdom (i K. 15^^ 2 K. 5^ (fi- 2-* Am. i^).
Only during the reign of Hezion, Rezon's successor, was there peace (i K. 22I).
For the view that Hezion and Rezon are identical, v. Ew. Hist. IV. 24, n. 5;
GAS. EB. I. 990; Thenius and Klo. on i K. Ii^a 1518; and KAT\ 134; but
cf. Che. art. " Hezion," EB. I. ; Kit. on I K. 1518. \Vkl. Untersuch. 60 ff. reads
Hazael on basis of (S*^. Tabrimmon, son of Hezion, seems to have made a
covenant with Judah against Israel (i K. 15^8. i9^_ With Ben-hadad I., the son

1 6 AMOS

of Tabrimmon, the relations became still more delicate. A treaty was made
with Baasha, King of Israel, but afterwards at the request of Asa, King of Judah,
it was broken, and certain cities in the north of Israel were captured (i K.
i^20ff.)_ Ben-hadad II. was frequently repulsed by Ahab, King of Israel, with
whom Jehoshaphat of Judah was allied (i K. aoi^- 22^^- 2 K. 6^-^^; for the
view that the opponent of Ahab was Ben-hadad I. v. Wkl. Untersuch. 60 ff.;
Che. art. " Ben-hadad," EB. ; but cf. Gu. GVI. 154). Ahab, fearing Shalma-
neser II. (860-825) of Assyria, dealt very leniently with Ben-hadad, though
victorious over him, because it was deemed expedient to keep Syria as a
power between Assyria and Israel (F. Brown, Assyriology, 60 f. ; Kit. Hist.
II. 272). When Shalmaneser attacked Ben-hadad, Ahab and other neigh-
boring princes came to the assistance of Syria, but all were defeated in the
battle of Karkar (854 B.C.; see Shalmaneser-Monolith, col. II. 91 f.; Schr.
KGF. 359-64; KB. I. 172; COT. I. 182-90; We. SV. I. 31 ff.; Sta. GVI. I.
528 f.; McC. HPM. I. 272-80; R. F. Harper, ABL. 43). In the year follow-
ing (853 B.C.) Ahab took advantage of a respite from Assyria to make his
fatal campaign against Ben-hadad (i K. 22I"*). Hazael, the usurper, successor
of Ben-hadad II., captured the land east of the Jordan (2 K. lo^-'f- j-jS. 5. 7. 22^
from Jehu and Jehoahaz, and made a campaign against the Philistines (2 K.
12'^*'), in which Jehoash of Judah secured the safety of Jerusalem by giving
him presents. But Hazael's son, Ben-hadad III., was defeated by Joash of
Israel three times, and Jeroboam II. took away from him Hamath and
Damascus, or, at least, part of the territory belonging to Damascus (2 K. 132^
1425-28). Moreover, Adad-nirari III. (812-783 B.C.) of Assyria besieged Da-
mascus and compelled its king, Mari, to pay heavy tribute. In the time of
Amos, therefore, Syria was greatly weakened, but was probably giving signs
of renewed hostility.

3 6, c. / will not revoke //] Cf. Is. 55". The pronoun " it " is
ambiguous here as in Nu. 23'" Is. 43^^ 48^^ ; it probably refers to
the anger of Yahvveh, i.e. the threatening which is involved in the
preceding verse, and in this case the idea is that Yahvveh will not
avert the punishment which he has already threatened.* Others
refer it to the specific threatening which is to be uttered in verses
4 and 5 1 ^ different turn is given to the verb by translating it
" repay," " pay back," \ and making the sentence interrogative,
although without the sign of interrogation. Hesselberg, however,
giving the verb the same force but taking the connection differently,
arrives at this interpretation, " I will not repay Syria for the inde-

* Jus., Hi., Ew., Pu., Or., We., Now., Dr. f Marck, Mau.

X The other meaning of l^vry, revoke, turn, regularly requiring jnn or IN.
So Va.

I- 3 17

finable number of lesser crimes of which she has been guilty, but
on account of her threshing Gilead," etc. Some refer the pro-
noun to Syria, the verb being translated " convert." * Others refer
" it " to some earlier prophecy, the fulfilment of which has been
delayed, but according to Amos will not be revoked. f The
translation " I will not bring them back," J requires a late date for
the prophecy. By a change of pointing {v.s.) Hoffmann trans-
lates, " I will not let them dwell in peace." — Because they have
threshed Gilead ^^ The country, not the mountain, of Gilead is
intended. The word is derived, according to On. 31^'*^', from
the Aramaic words meaning hill (b?) and witness ("i??),|| and
accordingly was used at first as the name of the mountainous
region forming the boundary between Israel and her Aramaean
neighbors. For a good example of this narrower usage, see
Ct. 4*. At an early period, however, it took on a larger meaning
and designated, in contrast with Canaan, west of the Jordan, all
the territory east of the Jordan except Bashan (cf. Dt. 3" Jos.
j^io. u.3if.^_ In Dt. 34^ Bashan seems to be included.^ It stands
specifically for the territory of the two and a half tribes {e.g.
Nu. 32^ ^-^ Jos. 12'^). In I S. 13^ Gad and Gilead are joined.
That Amos used the word in the latter sense appears from
2 K. lo^^*-, although even here it is used in two senses in the
same passage.** — With threshing instruments 0/ iron'\ The read-
ing of # {v.s.) is without basis. References in the O. T. to
threshing machines or instruments are easily classified according
as they speak (i) of the ordinary work of such machines
(2 S. 24^ I Ch. 21^ Is. 28^-^) ; (2) of their use as instruments
of torture (here, and 2 S. 12^^ i Ch. 20^), or (3) in a figurative
sense (Jb. 41^ of the crocodile; Is. 41^* of Israel). To under-
stand their use as instruments of torture we must note the three
forms which are described as still found in Oriental countries,

* Jer. t Mit. + Day and Chapin, AJSL. XVIII. 73 f.

§ Cf. the similar phraseology used by Tiglathpileser III.: "the land Btt-Amuk-
kini I threshed as with a threshing instrument; all its people, and its possessions
I brought to Assyria" {KB. II. 4f. ; cf. ABL. 54).

II Cf. suggestion of Ba. ij? Sj hill of eternity, Hb. 36 (ij? '''T^ji) and On. 49"'26

HCf. GAS. HG. 548 f.. 575-90; S. Merrill, art. "Gilead," DB.; Che. art.
" Gilead," EB. ** Ba.

C

I 8 AMOS

viz. (i) that seen by Niebuhr at Yemen,* a great stone, in
the shape of a wooden drag, drawn over the grain by two oxen ;

(2) that seen by Niebuhr in Syria,t a sledge, made of planks
underneath which are fixed sharp flints, or pieces of sharp iron ;

(3) that described by Girard, J a threshing wagon, consisting of
a square frame of wood across which, parallel with two of the
sides, run two axletrees, on one of which are three, and on
the other four flat iron wheels. § Only prisoners of war were
thus tortured ; the custom was not uncommon of placing them
on the ground hke grain, and driving the machine over them.
Other cruelties (cf. 2 S. 12^^) were practised at the same time.
The cruelties here represented, whether literally or figuratively,
were probably those practised by Hazael (842-802 b.c), in the
incursions during the reigns of Jehu and Jehoahaz (cf. 2 K. 8^
lo^^*'- 13^). — 4. Send a fire'] For fire as a symbol of war, see
Ju. 9^ ; of divine wrath, which frequently finds expression in war,
Dt. 4^* 32^-. The same words are used in Ho. 8" and Je. 17-'
21" 49^ 50^^ It is hardly to be taken either as literal fire, or as
lightning ; || cf. Ju. 20'** and 2 K. 8^^. — In the house of Hazael]
Hazael,^ the founder of the dynasty which sat upon the throne
of Syria in the times of Amos, was a contemporary of Joram
(2 K. 829), Jehu (2 K. lo^^)^ ^nd Jehoahaz (2 K. \-f). His occu-
pation of the throne was foretold by Elisha (2 K. 8^"'^). The
allusion here may be to Damascus, or to a royal palace in
Damascus, as favored by the parallelism, or to the dynasty of
Hazael. In any case the thought is essentially the same. —
The palaces of Ben-hadad] A phrase practically parallel with
" house of Hazael." The name scarcely refers to Ben-hadad I.
(about 900), or Ben-hadad II. (about 874), both of whom pre-
ceded Hazael, but rather to Ben-hadad III. (2 K. 10^ 13^),**
the son and successor of Hazael. The suggestion ff that this

* Reisebeschreibung von Arabian, 158. t Ibid. 158. Post, PEF., 1891, p. I14.

X Metnoire sur l' agriculture, I'industrie et le commerce de I'Egypte, II. 504 f.
(cf. Ba.).

$ Cf. Dr. 227f.; Now. ^rcA. I.232ff. ; "Qex^z. Arch.20^\. ||Schr6. ; GFM. y«. 21.

f Ri. HBA. I. 572; COT. I. 196 ff., 202 ff.; Sta. GVI. I. 540-6, 562-6; Che.
art. " Hazael," EB. ; C. F. Burney, art. " Hazael," DB.

** Or., Dr.; v. GAS. art. " Damascus," EB.; and KAT^. 134, on the question
of two or three Ben-hadads. ft Cf. Mit. ; KA T^. 134.

I. 4-5 19

may be the same as Mari whom Adad-nirari III. (803 b.c.)
conquered is hardly tenable. By some the name is thought
to be a title of Syrian kings as Pharaoh was of the Egyptian
kings ; * others think Hazael and Ben-hadad are used as typical,
representative names of the kings of Damascus.f — 5. The
bars of Damascus'] The bars employed in ancient cities to
fasten the gates are frequently used by synecdoche for the de-
fences of a city (Ju. 16^ i K. 4^ Je. 51^ Lam. 2^), The power
of Yahweh will break in pieces the defences of the city. — An
inhabitant] i.e. the common people ; either so, or with equal
appropriateness, the one sitting on a throne ; the former is favored
by the context which has another term for ruler {y.i.~) ; for
the latter, cf. Ps. 2* 22^ — The valley of Ave n] If the He-
brew text be read with (§ Jis, J instead of pK, and it be remem-
bered that On was the Egyptian name for HeliopoHs, a name
given also to Baalbek, because it was a centre of the sun-worship,
the prophet must have had in mind "the valley of the Lebanon"
(Jos. 11^^ 12"), the Coele-Syria of the Greeks, the modern El-
buka'a. With this may be compared Ezekiel's similar treatment of
the Egyptian On (30^'). If the Hebrew text is retained, the pun
is introduced to bring out more distinctly the idolatry. § The inter-
pretation, valley of idolatry, || presents no satisfactory explanation.
— The sceptre holder] This phrase in Ju. 5" means governor, in
Am. 2^ Judge. % It evidently denotes the supreme officer, whether
king or judge, and is either synonymous with inhabitant of the
preceding member, or in contrast with it. — Frotn Beth-Eden] The
localities suggested for this designation are (i) old Jusieh,-near
Riblah, thirty miles N.E. from Baalbek ;** (2) the modern Jubb-
'Adin, twenty-five miles N.E. from Damascus, perhaps a country
seat of the Syrian kings ;tt (3) 'Ehden or Bet Jenn, near the foot
of Hermon, eastward ; J J (4) 'Ehden, on the N.W. slope of Leba-
non, near the great cedars ;§§ (5) the Eden of Ez. 27^, |||| (cf.

* Jer., Bauer, Schro. ; cf. Je. 492'. t We., Now., Marti,

X See against this view EB. I. 390.

$ So Dahl, Hi., Ba., GAS. ; but v. We., Now., Dr. || F. Os., Gun., Or.
H So Hi. ** Hi., Ke, tf- St. ; Hoffm. ZA W. HI. 97.

IX Ros., cf. Ba. f ^ Bauer.

III! Ri. HBA. I. 176; COT. II. 11 f.; Wkl. Forsch. I. 104; Now.; but v. Che.
EB. I. 551 f. ; Dr. 228 f.

20 AMOS

2 K. 19^ Is. 37^"), which is the Bit-Adini of the Assyrian inscrip-
tions (often mentioned by Ashurnagirpal and Shahnaneser II.), an
Aramaic kingdom, on both banks of the Middle Euphrates. — The
people of Aram'] v.s. under Damascus. — Shall go into captivity]
The word Th"^ meaning to be or jnake naked is here for the
first time used in the sense of go into captivity. The eariier
word n^tr to carry captive is used of captives as individuals, al-
though individuals are, of course, included in a general captivity
(cf. 7^') . nbj, on the other hand, stands for a national captivity or
exile, when a whole nation is deported. Since the Assyrians (under
Tiglathpileser III.) were the first to introduce this policy, the idea
had not existed among the Hebrews before the time of Amos.*
The policy, as history shows, was one which contributed to the
fall of the Assyrian empire. — To Ki?-] The following suggestions
have been made: (i) The original home of the Aramaeans
(cf. 9') ; t (2) the place to which they were afterwards carried
(2 K. 16^); J (3) to be pointed "iip and taken as the name
of the river which rises in the Caucasus and empties into the
Caspian Sea ;§ (4) Cyropolis ; 1| (5) the Syrian province, Cyrr-
hestica;^ (6) Cyrene ; ** (7) Kurenia in Media, cf. Is. 21^
22^; ft (8) Kuris, north of Aleppo ;|| but nothing certain has
yet been discovered. The latest suggestions are to emend "ip
to rip, the name of a nation mentioned in Ez. 23^, corresponding
to the Kutu or Kue of the Assyrian inscriptions; §§ to emend to
"lip and identify it with the Karians whom Arrian (III. 8^) men-
tions in connection with the Sittakenians. || || In the mind of
the prophet the world power by which this judgment was to be
executed was Assyria. This is evident from the historical situa-
tion of the times, in which Assyria, of all the nations, was the
only one capable of accomplishing such a thing ; from the

* McC. HPM. I. 327 f. But cf. GSG. History, 170, 239, who claims that this was
introduced as early as Tig. Pil. I. (iioo B.C.), and developed by Tig. Pil. III.

t Ki., Ba. + Jus.

\ Mich.; Bauer, cf. Jus. ; but the name of this river begins with K not Q, and
the river lies outside of the territory that was dominated by Assyria.

II Struensee, 214. II Har.; Furrer, BL. III. 534. ** ST, 'A, F.

ttBochart, Reise., cf. Ba. %% Socin.

§§ W. Max Muller. art. "Kir," DB.; Wkl. Untersuch. 177; cf. Klo., Co., and
Bredenkamp on Is. 225f. |||| So. Wkl. Forsch. II. 254 ff. ; cf. EB. art. " Kir."

I. 5 21

"deportation" policy referred to in rh: (v.^), a policy peculiar to
Assyria; and from the direct naming of Assyria by Hosea (lo®)
the younger contemporary of Amos. The historical statement of
the overthrow of Syria by the Assyrians is given in the Annals
of Tiglathpileser III.*

3. icn] Indefinite pf. t/. H. 17, 3; Dr. § 9 ; cf. Ko. Sii/. 112 f. — ntt'W hy
'iJi] So also vs.^- ^- 11- 13 2^- *■ ^; for this use of numbers to express the idea of
indefiniteness v. GK. 134 J ; K6. 5/?7. 163 f.; for a similar use of one and /wo,
Dt. 3230 Je. 3I* Jb. 33I* 40^ Ps. 62I2 Ecclus. 38I'; tiw and Z/ir^^, Jb. 33"^
Is. 176 2 K. 9^2 Ho. 62 Am. 4* Ecclus. 13'' 23!'' 26^8 32'^ 502^; four znd ^ve,
Is. 17^; fve and six, 2 K. 13^^; six and seven, Jb. 5^^ Pr. 6^^; j^z^^m and ^2]^///",
Mi. 5* Ec. Ii2; «2«(? and /en, Ecclus. 25''; the same usage exists in Arab,
(cf. Spitta, § 132 i>), in Syriac (cf. No. Syr, Gram. § 240^), in the Tel-
el- Amarna Letters (87, 1. 44; 120, 1. 32), in Greek {Odys. V. 306) and
Latin (Horace, Carrn. I. 21, 13; Virgil, Aen. I. 94). — ^yZ's] a stronger
word than 13>', always containing the idea of wilful opposition, whereas the
latter is the etymological equivalent of transgress, i.e. overstep the limit;
cf. Nijn to miss (the mark). — ij3''trN] It has been urged against the usual
interpretation of this (i) that the suffix cannot refer to 1% since this has
not been mentioned and is not readily supplied from the preceding con-
text, (2) that it cannot refer to the threat in v.2, since v.2 contains nothing
touching foreign nations and, moreover, to represent "> as uttering a threat
and at once declaring his purpose not to withdraw it is to compromise him,
(3) that the suffix is not sufficient to designate an unspoken oracle, (4) that
punishments are always revoked on account of repeiitance, not " on account of
three or four transgressions" as here (so Hoffm. ZAIV. III. 97; Elh. 139).
But the emendations proposed (v.s.) are certainly no less objectionable, e.g.
if it referred to the people the pi. suffix would be more natural, especially in
view of the immediately following DO'n; furthermore ua^u^N n^ is a very weak
expression of the thought of exile. — nixina] The more ordinary word is jniD
with which ^^nn is used as a descriptive term in Is. 41^^; the primary meaning
of y-\n = cut, cf. Assy. harSsu = dig; the fnn is mentioned again in Is. 282''
Jb. 41^"; and possibly in 2 S. I2'*i where it is vocalized V''"?"- The modern
name for the jiiD in Palestine is nattraj, and among the common people
mauraj ; it is still called mbrdg in the Kalamfln mountains around Ma'lfll^

* The passage relating to the conquest of Damascus is badly mutilated ; in part
it reads as follows: "In order to save his life, he fled alone ... I entered the
chief gate of his city; his chief officer I captured alive . . . impaled him and sub-
dued his land ... I captured his city and shut him up like a bird in a cage . . .
his groves which were innumerable I cut down and left not a tree standing . . . the
house of the father of Rezin of Damascus, impassable mountains. . . ." See
\^a.ya.rd., Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Ctiaracter, pL 72, Is. 2-16; COT. I. 252-7;
Rost, Die Keilschrifttexte Tiglat-Pilesers III., I. 34-7.

22 AMOS

{PEF., 1891, p. 114; Dr. 227 f.). The n^jj? jons and in^jy. Sj^j of Is. aS^Tf.
point to the third form of threshing instrument mentioned above {v. p. 18).

— 4. mjD-\N] A poetic word which does not occur in the Hexateuch, Ju., or
S., and is used chiefly in the prophets. It is sometimes considered a for-
mation from Q-\N (BSZ.; BDB.; K6. II. i, pp. 154, 203). It is probably a
loan word of uncertain origin (Ew.^, 496). Its usual meaning is clearly
palace, but it has also the meaning fortress, citadel. Cf. Assyr. ulmanu,
palace, and almattu, <raj-//i? (Muss-Arnolt, ZJ/cA). — ^^^"p] In view of @ vloxi
'Adip, Assy. Dad-'idri, or better Bir-'idri (=(?7«)IM-'idri; Shalmaneser-
Obelisk, 59, 88; JiTB. I. 134; Wkl. Untersuch. 68 ff.; Hilprecht, Assyriaca,
76 ff.; Sayce, art. "Ben-hadad," DB.; Che. art. "Ben-hadad," EB.^, and
the reading ity •\'yr\, (i Ch. i8^ for ijy mn) the proper form is ^^^ p or
better mn 13. The divine name Bir seems to have been confused by the
Hebrew scribes with the Aramaic bar = son, and was thus rendered ben. The
meaning of the name is " Bir is my glory." The name Adores used by Justin
(36, 2) is identified by Noldeke (^BL, I. 392) with our Ben-hadad. On the use
of the name of this god in Syrian proper names v. Sayce, Hibbert Lectures
(1887), 55 f. — 5. 11n] Macrobius (ySat. I. 23) and Lucian {^de Dea Syria, § 5)
state that the worship of the sun at Heliopolis in Syria was derived from Heli-
opolis in Egypt (quoted by Rob. BR"^. III. 518). On the supposition that this
is correct, the name O71 is explained as having been carried over from Egypt
also; cf. Egyptian Atinii. But the statements of Macrobius and Lucian are
without further support and, as Dr. suggests, may be "nothing more than
inferences from the fact of two celebrated temples being dedicated to a similar
cult " ; if so, the name On together with the Egyptian theory of its origin,
must go. In any case On was the secular, not the religious, name of the
Egyptian Heliopolis. We. suggests the possibility that ps" is a corruption of
the name of some god, and doubts whether Heliopolis was an Aramaic city in
the time of Amos (so also EB. I. 390; cf. WTcl. Untersuch. 183 n.; Hirscht,
ZwTh. XLIV. 46 f.; K6. Stil. 297). — D3U' iDini] The Hadad inscription of
Zinjirli, 11. 15, 20, and 25, contains the Aramaic equivalent of this phrase, viz.
Tjn mN (DHM. Die altsemit. Inschriften von Sendschirli (1893), 20 f.; quoted
by Dr.). Cf. the aKi-KTovxo% paa-iXe^s of Homer (//. II. 26; Od. II. 231).

— py n''3c] The Assyrian Bit-Adini was the occasion of more than one cam-
paign on the part of Ashurna^irpal and Shalmaneser II. The latter gives a full
account (Monolith Inscription, col. I. 12-29, H- i~35) of the capture of Ahuni,
the son of Adini, the ruler of Btt-Adini; the inhabitants of Btt-Adini seem to
have been called py ij3; the Assyrian inscriptions likewise speak of Blt-Am-
tndn, e.g. Bu-du-il sar B!t-Am-ma-na {^KB. II. 149, ABL. 86.) while the O. T.
mentions the pny "'ja. The objection that BIt-Adini had long been subject to
Assyria, hence cannot be the place referred to here, seems fatal (Che. EB. I.
552; cf. Wkl. Untersuch. 183; Rogers, History of Babylonia and Assyria,
II. 74; GSG. Hist. 191, 198, 213); Xappdv in @ is due to confusion of t

and -I. — iSji] Cf. Arab. "^^^ uncover, emigrate, and y*^ make bare, go into

I. 6 23

exile ; so Aram, and Syriac. It is applied but rarely to the exiling of indi-
viduals, e.g. 2 S. 15^^, and is sometimes used figuratively of lifeless things, e.g.
Pr. 2"]^ I S. 4^^ ^- Is. 24^^ Ho. 10^. njty seems to have been the earlier word

(cf. Arab. ^jUm, be captured; Syr. \s^, take; Assyr. sabfl, (0 overpower^
attack). nSj does not appear in this sense prior to the coming of the Assyrian
forces westward. — mx] cf. Assyr. Aramu, which is never applied to people
west of the Euphrates, who are always called Hatti. — m^p] W. Max Miiller,
art. " Kir," DB., suggests that m>p dik op iSji is an interpolation based upon
9'; urging that if Kir was the original home of the Aramaeans (9') the
Assyrians would certainly never have deported them thither, but rather to
some strange region.

6-8. Judgment upon Philistia. — Next in order Philistia is
upbraided for the sins of which her cities have been guilty, in
punishment for which the entire country shall perish.

The strophic arrangement of vs.^^ is like that of vs.^-^, viz. 5 + 3 + 4.
The parallelism is exact, if the line, " and I will turn my hand against Ekron,"
be transposed from the middle of v.* to be the last line of v.''. Even a hasty
comparison of the two pieces shows that by this change, the lines of each
piece beginning with " and I will cut off " are brought into the same position;
likewise, in the case of the lines beginning with " and the one holding, etc.,"
while the climactic arrangement of strophe 3 is thus preserved.

6. iJ^iB'x] ® renders suf. a<no<>%. — *?;;] (S ^veKev; cf. dvO' &v in v.'. —
ncW] @ ToO SaXwjUiiv (= nD>r, or an error of a copyist for the transcribed
(ra\r)fia). — i^JDnS] Wkl. treats as a gloss based on v.^ (^Untersuch. 183; so
Lohr.); but onsS cannot well follow om'^jn (Now., Oet.) — 7. noin] (SSST
pi.; but cf. nna, afv, -iDin. — 8. acv] @ pi. — icin] (5 i^apO-^fferai. — d^pcVd]
(5 Twv d.X\o<pij\wv, the regular rendering outside of the Hex. — Tm^BTii] to be
transposed (z/.5.). — nin> unx] (3 Kvpios.

6 a. Gazal As Damascus (v.^) represented Syria, so Gaza, as
the largest city of the Philistines, and perhaps as the centre of the
slave traffic here rebuked, is used for Philistia (v.i.). On this city
v. George Adam Smith.*

The name of the Philistines is similar in all the languages of their neigh-
bors. In Egyptian it is Purasati, and in Assyrian Palastu, Pilistu, and
Piliitu. The Philistines were immigrants into Palestine from Caphtor (Am. 9'
Dt. 223), an island (Je. 47*), doubtless in the Mediterranean. This place has
been variously identified, e.g. with Cyprus, "KapwaBos, and Crete. The last

* HG. 181 ff.

24

AMOS

seems most probable both from its size and from notices in which the Phi-
listines are called D''n^3 ((@ KpTjrwj') and similar expressions (i S. 30^*16
Ez. 251516 Zp. 26; Ba., GAS. HG. 171). The view which places Caphtor in
Egypt (Ebers, Aegypiett u. Biicher Mose's, 127 ff.) is untenable, although pos-
sibly the Philistines dwelt there for a time before their final location (Gn. lo^*).
A Semitic origin has been claimed for them by many (Ew., Sta. GVI. I. 142;
cf. W. J. Beecher, art. " Philistines," Z>j9.), chiefly on the ground of the
proper names. But from part of the names and from their general un-
Semitic characteristics, a non-Semitic origin is more probable (Ba., Wkl.
GI. 1. 216; McC. HPM. § 192). The available evidence indicates that
they were probably Aryan pirates whose first settlement in Palestine was
made about the age of Ramses III. (Ew., GFM. Ju. 80 ; Brugsch, Egypt
under the Pharaohs, 329 ff.; Ed. Meyer, GA. I. 319 f.). Probably in the
patriarchal time they occupied a small territory between Egypt and Gaza (Ba.,
Beecher, Wkl., et al.), since the early references to them are too numerous to
be explained as later additions. They were so formidable at the time of the
Exodus that the Hebrews were not willing to take the direct road to Palestine
(Ex. 13"). They were either partially conquered under Joshua and some of
their cities taken (Ju. i^^), the view of many; or else they had not yet occu-
pied those cities, but toward the close of the period of the Judges were
greatly strengthened by numerous immigrants directly from their original home,
summoned because of their fear of the growing power of the Hebrews (Ba.).
Near the close of the period of the Judges they became so strong that they
invaded the territory of the Hebrews and subdued them (Ju. 14* 15^^). We
have records of their defeating Israel (i S. 4^.), and only in the time of
Samuel were they defeated (i 8.7^ ^- especially v.^*). Saul had frequent con-
tests with them (i S. \^'^^^ iS^ 19* 231^- 29I 31*). After this time, they
appear to have been so far conquered that they are seldom mentioned.
Cf. the view of W. Max MUller, AjiE. 389 f , that the last Egyptian king of the
2 1st dynasty conquered them. This explains why David and Solomon had
little trouble with them (2 S. S^).

Qb. Because they cai-ried into complete captivity\ Cf. Je. 24^ 28^
Ob.-". This has been taken to mean: (i) a peaceful captivity,
i.e. " captivity of those who Hved peacefully with them, and had
not injured them," * (2) a holy or pious captivity,t (3) captivity
of Solomon as in (§, which (although a copyist's error) is de-
fended by Theodoret, j while (4) Jerome understands it to mean
a perfect captivity, i.e. the hardest service \ § but the phrase here
and in v.^ refers rather to a complete captivity, i.e. one of the
whole people, neither age nor sex being spared (cf. Je. 13^^). || Cf.

* Geb., Grotius. f Jus. % Cf. Ba. \ Va. || Cal., We., Now., et al.

I. fr-7 25

the translations of Driver, they carried into exile entire popula-
tions; Ewald, whole villages, and Winckler {v.s.^. — To deliver
them up to Edonf\ Either to deliver up as a fugitive slave to his
master* (cf. Dt. 23^'), or to deliver over to Edom to be resold.
From this reference, and from v.^, Edom, in these early days, must
have been engaged in the slave trade between different nations.f
There seems to be allusion to an historical incident, for the
definite recovery of which the data are insui^icient. According
to Hitzig, the Phoenicians (see v.^) sold the slaves to the PhiHs-
tines, who again sold them to the Edomites, the greater activity
of the Philistines being reflected in the use of mbjn rather than
TJOn, and in the order of the names in vs.*^^", Philistines, Phoeni-
cians, since Jo. 3'' gives them in the reverse order. According to
Baur { the Philistines sold them to the Phoenicians, and they again
to the Edomites, Tyre being the chief slave market. For this it is
urged that mbjn, used of the Philistines, means their actual removal
from the land, while "I'JDn of the Phoenicians refers only to their
dealing in them. Slavery was an essential element in ancient
civilization, and the supply of slaves was in large part recruited
from captives taken in war. The large demand for them under
the ancient regime is evidenced by the gigantic pyramids of
Egypt, by representations on Assyrian bas-reliefs, and by the
legislation concerning them in the Hammurabi code ; cf. e.g.
§§15-20, 118, 119, 175, 176, 226, 227. Does Jo. 3*^ refer to
the same event? and is the event that which is described as
occurring under Jehoram (2 Ch. 21'^) § or Ahaz (2 Ch. 28^*) || ?
It seems best either to understand that reference is made to
both of them and to any other similar event,^ or that there
is no specific reference intended.** Indeed, it is not certain
that mbj refers at all to the Israelites.!! The sons of Javan (Jo. 3^
may refer to an Arabian tribe (cf. Ez. 27'^, v.s.~) rather than to the
Greeks. J I — 7. Gaza'\ Gaza, was the most southern (2 K. 18^)
and important of the five Philistine cities (i S. 6'^). Being the

* Kusznitzki.

t Cf. also Ez. 27I6 (reading 01N (Edom) for DIN (Aram), as do ffi, S, "A., Da.
Toy, Co., Hi., Kraetzschmar, ei a/.). + P- 96; so also Ew.

§ Mit. II Ros., Schro. H Jus. ** Os. ft We.

XI Ba. ; cf. Che. art. "Javan," EB.; Sta. Das Volk Javan (1880).

26 AMOS

last town on the road to Egypt, it was always closely connected
with Egypt.*

Its situation on the edge of the desert made it important to caravans. It
was located on a hill about a hundred feet high, three miles from the Mediter-
ranean, and fifty miles S.W. of Jerusalem. In ancient times it was the centre
of great caravan routes north to Jerusalem, Damascus, Tyre, etc., and south
to Egypt, South Arabia, Petra, and Palmyra. In the Tel-el-Amarna period it
was held by Egypt. Early Israel probably never captured Gaza (Ju. i^^ 3^
Jos. 13'). To the contrary effect are Jos. 15*'^ Ju. i^^ (cf. (5), which are prob-
ably later additions. Gaza (=: Assyr. Ifa-az-za-tu or Ha-zi-ti) suffered severely
at the hands of the Assyrians in the times of Tiglathpileser III. (734 B.C.).
In the Nimrud Inscription, 1. 62, Hanno of Gaza is mentioned as paying
tribute; see ABL. 57; KB. II. 21. In the annals of Tiglathpileser (III.
R 10, 2, Is. 19 ff.) in connection with the attack upon Israel, we read, "As for
Hanno of Gaza [who] had fled [before] my [weapons] and escaped to
Mutsri — Gaza [I captured], its possessions, [its] gods [I carried away]
. . . and my royal image [I set up]." See KB. II. 32 f.; COT. I. 247.

8 c. And I will turn my hand~\ Strike with repeated blows,t
rather than extend in a new movement. % Cf. also Ju. 6^ Is. i^
Zc. 13^ Ps. 81^*. This has been transposed {vs.). — Ekron'] The
northernmost of the four cities named, was of importance because
it possessed an oracle of Baalzebub (2 K. i^), and was on a
good trade route, being on the northern frontier of PhiHstia, nine
miles from the sea, in the vale of Sorek, where a pass breaks
through the low hills to Ramleh. It was on a branch of the line
of traffic. Hence, possibly, it is mentioned only once in the
Egyptian lists, viz. by Thutmosis III. It was thus the nearest
of the Philistine cities to Judah. — 8 a, &. Ashdod~\ Was a well-
fortified city, south of Ekron, 21 miles N.E. of Gaza and three
miles from the seacoast; cf. Jos. 13' i S. 6"^-. It was anciently
of importance as the halfway station on the road from Gaza to
Joppa. It was well watered, and situated at the mouth of the
most broad and fertile valley of Palestine. The cult of Dagon
was especially associated with Ashdod (cf. i S. 5 f. i Mace. 10^
11^). From 3^ it may be supposed to have been in the times of
Amos a place of some repute. — Askelorf^ mentioned as early as

* Cf. the lists of Ramses II. and III. which are treated in RPK VI. 24 ff., 31 fif. ;
W. M. Miiller, A. und E., 159, 164 ff., 227 ff., 393 ; Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, 235-
40 ; cf. Paton, Hist. 78 (map). f Ros., Ba. X Mit.

I. 7-8 27

on Meneptah's Israel-stele, was situated in a rocky amphitheatre
immediately on the coast. It was isolated from the other Philis-
tine cities by its location.

Letters from its governor form a part of the Amarna correspondence
(Am. Tab. 207, 211 f.; see transl. of No. 207 in Paton, Hist. loi; WTcl.
Amarna Letters). It is mentioned as a part of the Philistine territory in the
days of Samson (Ju. 14^^), Samuel (i S. 6I"), David (2 S. i^o), Zephaniah (2*-^),
Jeremiah (25^0 47-5-7)^ and the later Zechariah (9*). Metinti of Askelon is
mentioned among the tributaries of Tiglathpileser III. (Nimrud Inscription,
1. 61, V. ABL. 57).

8 d. The renmant of the Philistines shall perish"] Not the in-
habitants of the cities and villages (including Gath) unmentioned
before* (cf. Je. 39^ Ne. f'), nor the last man of the Philistines!
(cf. nnnx, 4^ 9^), but the remnant of the Philistines wherever
they may be, i.e. all the Philisti?ies. Cf. Ez. 36^ *. Other pre-
dictions against Philistia will be found in Is. 11" 14^*^^ Je. 25* 47
Zp. 2^^ Ez. 25^^^^ Zc. 9^'. — The Lord Yahweh~\ The most com-
mon designation for the deity in Amos, occurring fifteen times.

6. r^rhv mSj dpiSjh Sy] The pron. suf. used as subj. GK. 115//; K6. 229 a';
H. 29, 2 3(l) ; the cogn. ace. GK. W] p,q\ H. 32, 2 ; prep, and inf. expressing
causal clause, GK. 158^; K6. 403f ; lit. because they carried into exile an entire
exile, i.e. exiled company; cf. Is. 45'^, the fem. being used collectively, GK.
122 j; K6. 255 </; so also the other deriv. n^u (cf. Je. 29^). — dhnS luDn*?]
lUD-i is followed by Sn (Dt. 23I6), -\>3 (i S. 23"-i2-20)^ and as here S (Ps.
yg48. 50. 62). ttjis would sccm to be a poetic usage. The Iliph. like the Pi.
= shut 07te up to, deliver over to ; the ace. of the person is omitted here as in
I S. 23^2^ The inf. with *? = purpose ; GK. 114/^; II. 29, 3^ ; K6. 407 rt.

9, 10. Judgment upon Tyre. — The world-catastrophe which
the prophet sees includes also Phoenicia. The relationship be-
tween Phoenicia and Israel had been very close {v.i.) ; but the
threats of destruction here uttered continued to be made to
the very end (cf. Is. 23 Je. 25-^ Ez. 26-28 Zc. 9-*).

The structure of this oracle (and of the following one), viz. 5 and 2, is
very different from that of the preceding. Strophe i is the same including (i)
line I, the divine authority; (2) lines 2, 3, the use of the symbolical numbers,
marking the transgression in a general way, as one often repeated; (3) lines 3,
4, 5, the more specific charge; while strophe 2 is a reproduction of the first

* Jer. t Ew., Now.

28 AMOS

two lines of strophe 2 of the preceding oracles. There is nothing to corre-
spond to strophe 2, line 3, and all of strophe 3, including the closing nin> -WK,
This striking variation of form in the utterances against Tyre (vs.^- 1"), Edom
(vs.ii-^), and Judah (2*-*) is to be explained, not upon the ground of a
desire to condense, in order to avoid too much monotony and repetition,
for it would be impossible in that case to understand why the condensation
is made in one case rather than in another; but upon the supposition, for
which there is other support, that these particular utterances, viz. concerning
Tyre, Edom, and Judah, are not from Amos, but are interpolations from a later
time. The considerations to be noted here are: (i) If the geographical
order prevailed as elsewhere, from N. to S., vs.^11 would have preceded
vs.^^; (2) the charge made here is the same as that made against the
Philistines; (3) the '> idn is lacking here as in the section on-Edom (vs.^i- '^).
Cf. We., Now., Lohr; Che, £^. I. 151 ; Baumann. — 9. is] Wkl (A^'A T.^ I.
147; so Che. Crii. Bid.) -\XD referring to the N. Arabian Mu9ri. — nDSa*] (@
(as in v,6) nbSc'. — ains] S ]Zq«»»]?. — m^S] not oix*^, for Amos would have
said Damascus; Wkl. (6^/. I. 199 note) omits, since it really comes from v.^;
but this is not certain.

9 a. 7)r<?] i.e. Phoenicia. According to the usual view, the
Phoenicians were a Semitic people, who, like the Aramaeans and
Hebrews, formed a part of the great Semitic westward immi-
grations.

That they were originally related to the Hebrews may be concluded from
their Semitic speech, which can hardly have been borrowed by either nation.
They are named with the Hamites in Gn. 10^ for good reasons, as that table
does not contemplate actual relationship but geographical distribution. The
oldest settlement of the Phoenicians was Sidon, The Assyrian inscriptions
mention a great and a small Sidon (Sennacherib, Taylor Cyl, II, 38; COT. I.
87; RFH. ABL. 71), From that point they spread, first to the north on
the coast (cf. Gn. lo^^), and later to the south, where Tyre was founded as a
colony of Sidon (cf. Is. 23^-, where it is called iiTiXTia). Tyre, the prominence
of which dates from about 1197 B.C., was first built on the mainland, thirty
furlongs south of the later island-city, called by the old writers Hakalrvpos (Jos,
Ani. 9, 14, 2; Strabo, 16, 2, 24; Diodorus, 17,4; Curtius, 4, 2, 18; Ba. 239).
Old Tyre is probably meant by is is3d (Jos. 1929 2 S. 24'^). It existed at the
time of the Exodus, but seems to have been of little importance, in view of
the above passage in Joshua, which contains the only mention before David's
time, and represents it to have been conquered by the tribe of Asher, although
other Phoenician cities, as Acco, Sidon, were not so treated (Ju. i^^). Homer
often mentions Sidon, but never Tyre (//. VI. 289; XXIII. 743 ; Odys. XIV,
84; XIII, 285; XV. 425), but both are mentioned in the Tel-el-Amarna letters
(^e.g. Nos. 17 and 18). By reason of their increase, the Tyrians founded the
new city on an island four furlongs from the mainland, and being thus pro-

I. 9 29

tected from enemies they soon rose to importance. In David's time they had
their own powerful king (2 S. 5II), and from that time on are frequently men-
tioned. By the year 900 B.C. they had taken the supremacy of the Phoenicians
away from Sidon, as shown by the fact that in i K. 16^^ Ethbaal is King of
the Sidonians, while according to Josephus (An/. VIII. 13, 2) he was King
of Tyre. On Tyrian coins of Antiochus Epiphanes, we read " metropolis of
the Sidonians," the Phoenicians generally being called Sidonians. Tyre is
often mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions (v.i.). Both Sidon and Tyre
are written with the determinatives for city or for country, but with Tyre the
latter is more common. At the time of Amos, Tyre, the chief city, naturally
represented the whole country. By its geographical position it was more
intimately connected with Israel than was any of the other cities. The
settlement of the Hebrews in Canaan did not bring them into much trouble
with Phoenicia. In the times of David and Solomon Phoenician influence
was great (2 S. 5^^ i K. 5^*^), being seen especially in everything that relates
to art, architecture, and, indeed, the common affairs of life (Perrot and Chi-
piez, Phhiicie-Cypre) . After the division, the intimacy became even greater,
Jezebel, the daughter of Ethbaal, king of Phoenicia (i K. 16^^^, being queen
of Israel, and her daughter Athaliah, the wife and successor of Ahaziah, being
queen of Judah (2 K. 11^). In the times of the prophets, perhaps as early
as those of Amos, there came a reaction against Phoenicia, due, in part,
perhaps, to the character of the two women just mentioned, and in part to
the work of Elijah and Elisha.

9 t>. The brotherly covena?it] From i K. 9", in which Hiram
calls Solomon brother, and from 2 S. 5" i K. 5^"^' 16^' we may
conclude that friendly relations existed between Israel and Tyre
before, during, and after the time of Solomon. A covenant is
mentioned between Solomon and Hiram (i K. 5^, which pos-
sibly contained a provision against selling the Hebrews as slaves.*
This was a spiritual covenant as well as a worldly one, i K. 5'^.t
It may be an objection to this that the covenant was one of
individuals (Solomon and Hiram) and not of the two nations ; X
since it seems quite clear that vs.^-'" are a late interpolation
{v.s.). The reference is not to a supposed covenant between
Edom and Israel which Phoenicia had forgotten, although Israel
and Edom are called brothers in v.", because (i) the relation-
ship with Edom was that of blood, not of covenant ; § (2) this
relationship had long ago been changed to one of deadly
enmity ; || (3) Phoenicia would not be responsible, but Edom ;

* Pu. t Geb. + Diisterdieck. ^ Cal., Ew., Dusterdieck. |1 Ba,

30 AMOS

at all events Philistia would be equally responsible. It has been
suggested * that the slaves turned over to Edom were taken by
Tyre, not from Israel, but from various cities of the Phoenicians
or of the Canaanites. This would constitute the breach of the
covenant. Cf. Winckler's view (v.s.). — 10. . And it shall devour
her {Tyre's) palaces'] Cf. Is. 23 Je. 25=2 Ez. 26^^ «f- Zc. (f^: This
prediction was fulfilled in the relationship which Tyre sustained to
Assyria and the empires that followed.

Up to the time of Amos the city had paid tribute to Ashurnagirpal
{Annals, col. III. 86) and Adadnirari III. who says, "... from above the
Euphrates, Hatti, Aharri, to its whole extent. Tyre, Sidon, the country of
Omri, Edom, Palastu as far as the great sea of the setting of the sun, I
brought to submission, and taxes and tribute I placed on them" (i R. 35, 12;
V. RFH. ABL. 52), and a little later to Tiglathpileser III. v. Nimrud Inscrip-
tion : " I sent my military governor, the chief officer, to Tyre ; from Mitenna,
of Tyre, (I received) one hundred and fifty talents of gold . . ." {ABL. 57;
cf. COT. I. 242).

9. nor nSi . . . dtijoh Sf\ Inf. continued by pf., GK. 114 r, 158 r; Ko.
413 d. — DTiN nna] an attributive gen., v. Ko. 335 c; GK. 128/. Primary
meaning of ninn appears in Assyr. biritu {baru — \i\n^, fetter, also treaty,
covenant (Zimmern, Busspsalmen, 59, 82 ; Dl. Die Sprache der Kossder, 7,
and HWB., s.v^. nna might be made either {a) between men, or {J}) be-
tween God and man. Of the former there were at least two kinds, those
between individuals, e.g. i S. 18^ 20^ 23^* 2 S. 3^-*'^' ; and those between
tribes or nations, e.g. i K. 5^6 15I9 Ho. 12^ Gn. 26^6 ff- 3i44ff.. a divine cove-
nant is said to be at the basis of the great institutions of the O. T., viz.
Israel's claim to the land of Canaan (Gn. 15), the perpetual monarchy of
the Davidic house (2 S. 7 23^ Ps. 89^), and the perpetual priesthood of the
Levites (Ex. 32^9 Dt. 33^ Je. 33^1 Ma. 2''^). The usual expression for making
a covenant is nna mo, the significance of which is illustrated by Gn. 15. The
idea of communion of life secured by eating together seems to have been the
original conception lying at the root of the custom of covenant -making (cf.
Jos. g^**^'); this fellowship might be established by drinking each other's
blood, or by partaking together of the blood of a sacrificial animal, or by eating
salt together, or by eating any food in common. It is probable that the cove-
nant was usually ratified by some distinctly religious rite. The full ceremony
of making a covenant was as follows : {a) a statement of the terms agreed to;
{b) an oath on the part of each party to the agreement to observe the terms
agreed to ; {c) a curse invoked upon himself by each one in case of failure
to keep his agreement ; (</) a solemn ratification of the curse made by pass-

* We., Dr.

I- 9-" 3I-

ing between the parts of a sacrificed animal (probably a later development
of the custom of eating the sacrifice together). The expression D^ns nna
occurs only here, and the covenant alluded to is wholly unknown. On cove-
nants V. Kraetzschmar, Die Bundesz'orstellung im A.T. (1896); N. Schmidt,
art. " Covenant," EB.; Da. art. " Covenant," DB. ; WRS. Sem. 312 ff., 479 fT.;
Val. ZAW. XII. 1-22, 224-60, XIII. 245-79; art. "Bund," PRE?; Giese-
brecht, Die Geschichtlichkeii d. Sinaibundes (1900); H. C. Trumbull, The
Blood Covenant; Id., The Covenant of Salt ; Id., The Threshold Covenant.

11, 12. Judgment upon Edom. — After Syria and Philistia, and
in connection with Tyre, the prophet, according to the present
text, foretells the doom of Edom. This oracle, like those against
Tyre and Judah, is evidently an interpolation from the exilic or
post-exilic period. The specific arguments * are : ( i ) the simi-
larity of structure with 1®^° and 2*^ and the difference of structure
from that of the other fuller utterances ; (2) Petra, the most im-
portant city of Edom in the time of Amos, is not mentioned,!
while the names Teman and Bozrah occur elsewhere chiefly in
late writings \; (3) the vagueness of the description of Edom's
offence ; (4) Edom in early times was subject to Israel, and suf-
fered more from Israel than Israel from Edom. For two centuries
before Amos Edom had been under Israel (i K. 11*^ 2 K. 14').
The cruelty which furnished the basis for the ill feeling on the part
of Israel came with the exile. It was not unnatural, therefore,
that a later writer, devoid of historical perspective, and thinking
that Edom deserved denunciation, should frame a section which
in due time secured a place in the text of Amos. The clause
"and his wrath, etc." (v.") from the point of view of the inter-
polation, is a gloss, merely repeating the thought of the preceding
phrase in synonymous words.

11. vcm pns'i] probably a gloss; <S i\vfn/ivaTo ix-qripa iirl yfis; other
versions follow fH^T. Some codd. of © read fnfirpav for fii]Tipa. Hirscht
accounts for the text of @ on the supposition that din crept in after vcm
by mistake from the previous line and was then read with the preceding
V as oi«a which then went over easily into nnxa. Gr., nsK*) or n^jv) for

* V. We. ; Che. EB. I. 151 f. ; Bu. Jew. Enc. I. 532 ; Now., Lohr, Baumann,
Marti ; cf. GAS., Dr.

tThe Sela, captured by Amaziah (2 K. 140. is probably not to be identified
with Petra, but with some unknown rocky fortress ; so Kit. on 2 K. 14" ; Che. EB,
IV. 4344. :|: But cf. On. 3633f. (J) ; and Che. EB. I. 602.

32 AMOS

nr\af\ — ibX lyS ^na^] @ /cai ifipTratrev eh ixapTipiov ^plKijv aiirov. 'A. Kal
ijypevffev eb Toin alu)vas iv dpy^ avrov ; similarly S., 9. "B et tenuerit ultra
furoretn suum. Si ""Ko* >i-^SN i-^Jo. SS. retain JEST, but connect
liJN with following clause rendering •yy_ booty. 01s. (on Ps. 103^; so also
Gr., We., Gu., Dr., Elh., Oct., Oort Em., Hirscht), ib>i, which is appar-
ently supported by S) and H and favored by the parallelism. — nsj mc^']
® i<p)j\a^ev els vikos ; other versions follow JSl^C. Cf. S aV/i\s\ Marck
andVa., nnipt^; so also J. A. Bewer (A/SL. XVII. 168), but'with a different
meaning (v.i.). 01s., nxj*? idb' (so We., Gu., Now., GAS., Oort £m., Elh.,
Oct., Hirscht) but this is unnecessary. — 12. jdt] 'A., 2., 0., Arab., VL,
south. (SSF follow ilHE. — rnx3 numN] (g OefiiXia recx^wv avTTJs; other
versions treat rnsa as a proper noun. 'A., S., render nuDis by ^dpeis ; O.,
oiKTjffeLS ; H aedes.

11a. Edo)n'\ The traditions recognize the Edomites as older,
so far as concerns national existence, than the Israelites.

Mt. Seir, extending from the southeast shore of the Dead Sea to the Gulf
of Akabah, a mountainous region, seems to have been their first home after
the migration from Mesopotamia. Some think it is the country mentioned in
Egyptian records as Adnia or Atuma, near Egypt, the inhabitants of which
were called Shasu, nomads (Chabas, Voyage, y)"] ; Brugsch, Hist. I. 146,
216; DB."^ I. 855). This region, full of caves, gave them as freebooters
(Gn. 27*'') great protection, and was, likewise, favorable for caravan trade
between Egypt and Arabia, and Phoenicia and Philistia (cf. Ez. 27I8, read-
ing Dix for din; so <BS>, and some Hebrew Mss.). From the table in
Gn. 36, it has been supposed (Ba.) that the Edomites conquered and incor-
porated the Horites (Dt. 2'^'^), also the Canaanites and Ishmaelites. Their
form of government was tribal (Gn. 361^19- 29f-) ; but for all the tribes there
was one king (Gn. t,6^^^) probably elective (Buhl, Gesch. d. Edomiter, 47;
cf, Sayce, DB. I. 645). The cities, in order of importance, were Petra,
where two caravan routes crossed ; Bozrah (Is. 34^ 63I) ; the ports Elath
and Ezion-geber (i K. g''^^). Some suppose them to have been sun-worship-
pers in view of the occurrence of the word ttti (the name of the sun-god)
in their proper names (i K. ii^'^ i Ch. \^ Gn. 36^9; Ba. 100; cf. No. KB.
II. 1 187), but nothing really definite is known of their religion. Edom and
Israel were not always so bitter towards each other as in the later days (cf.

1 K. ii^*'-). While this hostility had some basis in Edom's treatment of Israel
at the Exodus (Nu. 20^*--i Dt. 2^-^ — the two accounts leave this matter quite
uncertain) and in events of the times of Saul and David (i S. 14*'^ 2 S. 8^*),
the ground for complaint was rather on the side of Edom. Edom remained
subordinate to Israel under Solomon (i K. 9^^), although Hadad sought to
throw off the yoke (l K. II^'*"-), and to Judah under Jehoshaphat (i K. 22***-

2 K. S***^-). Under Joram, Edom revolted and then followed a period of

f

i

independence, during which it had a king of its own (2 K. 8^^--) ; but soon
Sela was captured by Amaziah (2 K. 14'), and Elath was restored to Judah
by Uzziah (2 Ch. 26^). For an interpretation of the Blessing of Esau
(Gn. 21^^-, which had its origin about this time) as reveaUng the feeling of
Israel toward Edom, see No. EB. II. 1185.

11 h. Because he pursued his b)-other tvith the sword'\ Cf. Ob.'°.
If this contains a definite allusion, it must be understood, not of
Nu. ao^^^";* nor of Jehoram (2 Ch. ai*-^" 2 K. 8^") ; f but
rather of some incursion of Edom against Israel shortly before
the utterance. J It is perhaps better taken of the general attitude
of Edom towards Israel, shown in the cases cited above and in
many others of which there is no record. § The title "brother"
was frequently thus applied, e.g., Dt. 2* 23^ Ob.^''"^^ cf. Gn. 27*'".
Israel and Edom were more closely related than was Israel with
any other nation, — Afid destroyed his compassion'\ The rendering
of Cyril " did violence to the womb," referring to Esau's trading
his birthright, is fanciful ; likewise that which makes v^nn " his
brother." II The choice must lie between "his compassions," />.,
the Edomites have destroyed their natural sense of compassion or
regard for a brother,^ or "his wombs," i.e., pregnant women.**
Cf. Vater's opinion, which makes van") foetus. This line seems to
be a comment in explanation of the preceding phrase, and its
omission greatly relieves the passage. — And he cherished his
atiger perpetually'] If ^Btl is accepted, "anger" may be the sub-
ject =^«^/ his anger did tear perpetually (cf. Jb. 16^) ; or an
accusative of manner = And in his anger he did tear. In either
case the meaning is the same, viz. that of a lasting hatred of
Edom for Israel (cf. Gn. 2 7''').tt The emendation of Olshausen
(v.s.') here followed, which is based upon the parallelism and
imphed in S and U, and retained his anger (cf. Ps. 103^ Lv. 19"
Na. I- Je. 3'), makes a much easier rendering, but one which is
redundant, unless the following clause is treated as a gloss. — A7id
he kept his anger forever'] {v.i.). — 12. Temaji] Used synony-
mously with Edom in Je. 49^ Ob.^ Hb. 3^ and in parallelism with

*Ra., Cyril. + Ew. || Cf. Ba.

t Schlier. § Cal., Jus., Ros., Dr. H Cal., Schro., Ba., Pu., Ke., Dr.

** ffi, Doederlein, Dat., Jus.; but v. Marti.

ttSo Cal., Jus., Ros., Ba., Pu., Ke., and in the second form 'A., 2., Geb. .
D

34 AMOS

it in Je. 49^. There being no mention of walls, we may, with
most commentators, understand that no "city" is intended. —
Bozra/i] Probably the chief city of Edom. Referred to in Gn.
36^ Je. 49^^ and with Edom in Is. 34® 63^ Je. 49^- cf. Je. 49^ *^'.
So called from its strength ; Is. 34*^. Note the rendering of ®

{V.S.).

Teman was celebrated for its wisdom (cf. Je. 49'' *f-); Eliphaz, one of Job's
friends, came from it (Jb. 2^^ 4^). It was probably named from Teman,
grandson of Esau; cf. Gn. 36^^- ^- ^. Its location is not certain, but Ez. 25^*
mentions " Teman even unto Dedan " as including the whole country, hence,
as Dedan was in the southeast, Teman was probably in the northwest or north
(Buhl, Edomiier, 30).

Bozrah is probably to be identified with the small modern village Buseire
or Busera, meaning, little Bosra, although it has also been identified with the
later Petra (Wetzstein, in De. Jesaja^ 704). Under Joram of Judah, Edom
probably gained its independence (2 K. S^*^*). The text is doubtful, but cf.
Sta. GVL I. 537; Buhl, Edomiter, 64; Kit. in loc. References of doubtful
date to Edom are found in Ps. 608-11 (= Ps. 1088-") Je. 496-22 (cf. also Is. iji*
Je. 9^5 2521), with which are to be contrasted the kindly references in Dt. 2^-^
23'' f-. The kings of Edom before the time of Amos had paid tribute to
Adadnirari III. and soon after to Tiglathpileser III.

11. iBin Sjj] prep, with inf. expressing cause (z'.f.). — nnm] Pf. with 1 cons,
fol. inf., to express freq. action; Dr. § 118; GK. Ii2z, ii^r; H. 25, la; K6.
413^. — vcm] abstr.pl.; GK. 124^; K6.262^. — r|-it3''i] the impf. with 1 cons,
fol. a pf. with 1 cons.; cf. Dr. § ilS. — idn] either subj. or obj. or adv. ace.
according to interpretation. — nsj mott' im3j?i] This, for reasons given above,
is probably a gloss. The usual rendering has been "And his wrath he kept
forever," the a_ referring to '3;?, Mapptq dropped because of recession of
accent, GK. 58 g-, or n_ paragogic (Ros.), cf. Zc. 5II Nu. 32*2 Ru. 2^*. Ew.'s
rendering of ^"JDU' " lieth in wait " (cf. Jb. 24!^ Ps. 56'^) is hardly tenable.
J. A. Bewer suggests a new rendering for this and the preceding clause, viz.
"His anger tore perpetually, while his fury raged forever; " cf. Je. 3^ This
involves a change of vocalization in one word (v.s.), and the giving to nsc of
the meaning rage, not elsewhere found in Hebrew, though quite common in
Assyrian (cf. Dl. HIVB. s.v.) — imapi] casus pendens and chiasm for em-
phasis; GK. 142/ n. I.; K6. 341 ^. — nxj] adv. ace. of time; GK. 118^;
H. 33. 3-

13-15. Judgment upon Amman. — The list of Israel's ene-
mies, the announcement of whose destruction would be gladly
received, included, besides Syria and Philistia (Phoenicia and
Tyre), also Ammon and Moab. These two are the next pair to

I. 12-13 35

serve as the target of the prophet's indignant arrow. Ammon,
because of her wickedness, shall, with the others, perish.

The arrangement of the strophes is 5, 3, and 3, and the general plan is
that of the first two oracles. The clause naiD 0V2 i;'DJ (v, 14) is but a weak
repetition of the preceding clause and there is nothing to correspond to it in
the parallel section on Moab {2^'^), although in every other respect the paral-
lelism is perfect. For these reasons we may regard it as a gloss. While the
first two utterances (those concerning Syria and Philistia) are parallel, con-
sisting each of three strophes with three lines in each, and the third and
fourth utterances are parallel, consisting each of two strophes, one having
four, the other two lines, the fifth and sixth utterances are also parallel, con-
sisting each of three strophes, one of four, one of two, and one of three lines.

13. nnn] Val. n^ns3(?). — oSiaj] F = ''Suj. — 14. ncina] & pi. as in
v.'^; S = nsma. — ipoaj (S Kal o-eiadi^a-eraL (=ij;di). — haid ara] (@ iv tj/j.^-
pais (rvvreXelas air^s (= nC'D ^p^3). Gr. OVD. — 15. D3'?c] @ ol /Sao-tXeij airrji.
'A., S., ,SU = DbSn (so also Gr., Dr., Oort £m., Now.). — Nin] read (with
Gr. and Now.) Vjna, foil. (S, ol iepeis aiiruv; so A., 2., 0.; cf. S >^(no>^SL.SO.

13 a. The children of Ainmon\ It was entirely proper to unite
Ammon and Moab in treatment, because they were closely related
to each other and to the Hebrews.

However untrastworthy the story of Lot's incest with his daughters may be,
the fact which lies at the basis of the story may be credited, viz. that Ammon
and Moab, as well as the Hebrews, belonged to the stock of the Terahites,
who emigrated with Abraham (Kit. Hist. I. 24; Sta. GVI. I. 113). Just as
tradition assigns to these nations a common origin, the law in later times
(Dt. 23* Ezr. 9I Ne. 13*) refuses them admittance to the congregation of
Israel. Moloch of Ammon, as well as Chemosh of Moab, was a man-eating
fire-god, and to the worship of this god Israel frequently showed an incli-
nation ( Ju. 10® I K. n^*"- 2 K. 2313). These nations, according to the tradi-
tions handed down, dwelt together, east of the Jordan, between the rivers
Arnon and Jabbok, whence the original inhabitants, called Zamzummim by
the Ammonites, and Emim by the Moabites (Dt. 2^*'- ^^-'), had been driven
out. But they were subsequently separated by the Amorites, who, coming in
between them, drove Moab south over the Arnon and Ammon to the east and
north over the Jabbok, and established a kingdom in their original territory
(Nu. 21-^*). At the time of the Exodus the Hebrews did not disturb
Ammon, although they conquered the Amorites (Nu. 2i2''f). Ammon, now
with Moab ( Ju. 3^^), and now alone ( Ju. 10^ *^-), laid claim to the land taken
from the Amorites by Israel ( Ju. ii^^; cf. Jos. 13^^^). The contest was con-
ducted on both sides of the Jordan. How much of all this is historically
accurate we cannot affirnu Defeated by Jephthah (Ju. 11^*), they appear

36 AMOS

next in Saul's time, under Nahash their king, at the siege of Jabesh-Gilead,
where they were routed (i S. ii; cf. I4'*"). While at first on good terms
with David (2 S. lO'^; cf. 233^), they later became hostile (2 S. lo^*) and
were defeated by him and treated with terrible cruelty (2 S. S^'^^ 10. 1 22^-31) at
the capture of Rabbah. They do not occupy a very prominent place after this,
but are mentioned as having been defeated by Jehoshaphat (2 Ch. 20) and
as tributary to Uzziah (2 Ch. 26^) and Jotham (2 Ch. 27^). Allusion is made
to them in Is. ii^*. At the time of Amos they were probably independent.

135. Because they have ripped up the wo?nen with child of Gilead'\
This act of cruelty was not uncommon among the Hebrews (2 K,
8^2 Ho. 10" la"' 2 K. 15^" Is. i3i« Na. 3^0 Ps. 137^; cf. Iliad, VI.
57 f., XXII. 163 f.).* The reference is in every way so specific as
to suggest a particular event. This event may have been in con-
nection with the attack of Nahash, the Ammonite, upon Jabesh
Gilead ( i S. 1 1 ) , or a league of the Ammonites with the Syrians
under Hazael (2 K. 8'^ lo'^-) ; cf the league mentioned in 2 S.
lo^^- ; V. also 2 K. i3^'^.t To this interpretation, in general, Jewish
commentators have objected because of the cruelty involved,
and have suggested that ninn be taken as = D'ln ftiountains.
This gives (i) they broke through the mountains of Gilead, i.e.
violated the law of boundaries (Dt. 27^'), or (2) the castles which
were strong like mountains. \ For niin it is also suggested to
change the text {v.s.^ and x&zA fortified places as being more in
harmony with the last clause of the verse. — That they might enlarge
their border^ This was the purpose of the war in which such
cruelties were practised. The Ammonites had originally laid claim
to this district (Ju. 1 1^'') and were always presenting themselves as
claimants for additional territory (Ju. 10^ i S. 11"). — 14 a. But I
will kindlel Cf. / will send, v.*" and previously. This expression
has been thought to mean that the fire is not only sent by Yahweh,
but is also directed by him,§ or that it is a conflagration from
within. II —Rabbah'] This is abbreviated for " Rabbah of the sons
of Ammon " (Dt. 3" 2 S. 1 2-« i f Je. 49- Ez. 2 1™) . The town was

* Cf. Schultens, Monumenta antiquissimae Historiae Arabum, 135, cited in
Michaelis, Comm. on the Laws 0/ Moses, I. 327; Ba.; for Arabic usage We.i cites
BAthir, IV. 256, 1 ; 258,6; 260,20; 262, iiff. ; Kitab al-'Agh. XIX. 129, 12 f. ; XX.
128, 13; Tabard, 11.755, 19.

t Hi.. Ba., Pu. t So Ki., Val. ^ Geb. || Pu.

I- 13-14 37

situated at the head of the Jabbok, about twenty-five miles N.E.
of the Dead Sea, and is to be distinguished from the post-bibUcal
Rabbah of Moab, the biblical Ar.

This is the only city of Ammon of any importance mentioned in the Bible,
though Jephthah is said to have captured twenty cities the names of which
are not mentioned, probably because they were small, all of which is a testi-
mony to the essentially roving character of the people. Rabbah was besieged
and captured by David, but afterward regained its importance,

14 b. With shouting in the day of battle\ The verb here rend-
ered " shout," in Is. 15* Mi. 4^ and Ho. 5^ is used of the cry of those
in distress ; cf. also Nu. 10^"'" Jo. 2^ The substantive, contrary to
Marck, is used only of the joyful cry of victory or attack * (Jos. 6®
Jb. 39^^ Je. 4^" 49^ Am. 2- Zp. i^*' Nu. 10^"). — With a storm in the
day of tempest'\ This scarcely refers to an actual storm,t but
describes figuratively the assaulting of a city. % Cf. Is. 27* 28^§
— And their king shall go into exile"] Upon the basis of S and U,
some would read Milchom, the name of the Ammonitish idol, for
their king {v.s.). Upon the basis of Je. 49^*, where the same
phraseology is used, and Je. 48' (cf. also Zp. i^), where Chemosh
is spoken of in the same connection, others suggest Molkam, the
name of an idol. As opposed to these, and in favor of the ordinary
translation, their king, may be urged the use of " his princes " ;
the absence of any reference to idolatry in preceding passages, ref-
erence being made rather to cruelty ; and the similarity of i°- * and
2* (cf. "judge," a substitute for " king " of this passage). || — His
princes] The meaning will be determined by the interpretation
of the preceding DSbtt, either royal princes, or the princes of
Milchom, i.e. the priests.

The fulfilment of this prophecy against the Ammonites is proba-
bly to be found in their subjugation by the Assyrians. Of this we
know simply that after the invasion of Tiglathpileser they always
appear as tributary to Assyria.^ In the time of Nehemiah they

* Ba. t Marck. + Ke., Dr., Marti. \ Hi.

II Hi., Gu., Val., Mit., GAS., Elh., Lohr, Hirscht, Get., Hal.

H Sanipu, King of Ammon, is mentioned by Tiglathpileser HI. in a list of tribu-
taries, including, among others, Salamanu of Moab, Metinti of Askelon, Ahaz of
Judah, Qaushmalaka of Edom, and Hanno of Gaza {ABL. 57; KB. II. 21).
Sennacherib (Taylor Cyl. II. 47-57) speaks of Buduilu of Ammon, along with

38 AMOS

were still hostile to Israel, They are mentioned in the apocryphal
books (Judith 5. 6. 7 i Mace, s^**"*^) as appearing in aUiance with
the Arabs (i Mace. 5^^), and manifesting the same characteristics
and attitude toward Israel as in the earlier history. They are de-
scribed as numerous by Justin Martyr,* but Origenf states that in
his time they had become merged in the Arabs.

14. nynna] Note the rhythm in the two lines thus beginning, and the
alHteration in the repetition of 2, and in nijiD . . . -i>'D. — -i;'D] Cf. n-iyj' Na. i^;
it is to be compared with Assyrian saru, storm, and siru, to be tempestuous. The
verbal root is used in Hebrew of any violent movement, e.g. Jo. i^i-i^, of a
raging sea. Hence comes for the noun the meaning, storm. — nsiD] Cf.
Ho. S'^ Na. i^; used of the storm-wind, especially of the hot wind from the
south (Ba). Its derivation may be considered doubtful. It is ordinarily
taken from ^ID, to cease, bring to an end, which is not entirely satisfactory,
— 15. nSu] Another formation = mSj (v.^); K6. 244^. — nni] Used to
strengthen the \ ; K6. 375 h.

II. 1-3. Judgment ttpofi Moab. — Ruin will come upon Moab
for her sins ; and the overthrow of the nation will be complete.
Cf. Is. 15, 16, 2510-12 2p. 2^u je^ 48 Ez. 258-" Dn. ii«.

In the text, as reconstructed, the line jnid pNa'3 nm with the i changed to
n, has been transferred to follow line 3 of strophe i, and the last word of this
line, TitrS {to lime (?)), restored to -na''? (cf. Je. 47*), is joined as first word
to the line transferred. This reading, in order to do indignity to the dead
because of violence stiff ered by Moab, or in order to do indignity to the dead in
Shaon of Moab {v. Hoffm.), makes the number of lines in this and the preced-
ing oracle the same; the gloss in i^*, ntjiD DV2 "lyoa, having been omitted,
allows the lines beginning nSoNi and n;jnna to stand together here just as in
the previous oracle, provides a parallel line for the purpose-clause, 'ui tynS;
and removes the inexplicable ^>^''7 from a line to which it does not belong, if
the measure of the v. is to be considered. For a fuller discussion of the line,
v.i. If this is accepted, the strophes have respectively 5, 3, and 3 lines.

1. IDntf] <5 KariKavffav ; so &. VK 3 sg. — TityS] ® els Kovlav. "B usque
ad cinerem. % ^0153 sn^a }iJ"iDi. Gr. "idnS. Hirscht, "vxh "^'rh din mcsj?
(cf. Ps. 106^^; the reading divS was proposed by Zenner, Die Chorges'dnge

Menahem of Samaria, Ethobal of Sidon, Metinti of Ashdod, Kammusunadbi of
Moab, Malikrammu of Edom, and others, as bringing him rich presents and kissing
his feet {ABL. 71 ; KB. II. 91). The same king is included by Esarhaddon in his
list of the twenty-two tributary kings of the Hittites {ABL. 86; KB. II. 149).
Amminadbi, king of Ammon, is included in a similar list occurring in Ashurbani-
pal's Annals {ABL. 97 ; KB. II. 24of.). * Dial. Tryph. t On Jb. i.

I. 14-n. I 39

im Buche der Psalmen 1896, I. 8). — 2. mnpn] @ rO)v Trb\€(i)v aiirijs.

BT N;nr. US proper name. — pna'j] <S iv dSuya/i/^. S i-t^^nN| "1. B" m
sonitu, for this and fol. word. — '^ipj] OS, 3 codd. of Kenn. and 2 of de
R. = Sip3i (so Hirscht). — 3. njnp;:] We. nj-\pc, since Moab is masc;
so also mif (so Now., Elh., Lohr, 0#t,).

1 a. MoaF^ The account of the origin of Moab given in Gene-
sis simply indicates * that the nation was closely related with
Israel, and also with the weaker nation of the Ammonites. Their
language was a dialect closely alHed to the Hebrew. Their land
(called "iW"'an, the level, or p-nr, i Ch. 5^^) was a plateau, fruitful
and well adapted to agriculture (Is. \(>^^- Ru. i^ 2 K. 3^), which
was their chief occupation. Its length was about fifty miles and
its breadth thirty, and it was capable of supporting about 500,000
inhabitants. At the time of the Exodus, the Moabites had an
organized kingdom (Nu. 22''"-^^).t Their religion was henothe-
istic, their only god mentioned in the Old Testament being Che-
mosh (Nu. 21^ Je. 48^®). The form Ashtar-Chemosh also meets
us on the Moabite stone, J perhaps indicating the androgynous
nature of the deity. § Their Baal-Peor, whom the Israelites were
led to worship with unchaste rites (Nu. 25^"'), was probably the
same divinity, known as the Lord of Peor. || It is improbable
that there ever existed any ethical or spiritual movement in Moab
similar to that found among the Hebrews.

Moab's boundaries to the west and south were constant, viz. the Dead Sea
and the brook of the willows, Wady-el-I.Iasy (Is. 15'); but to the east and
north they varied, although usually the boundary was near the river Arnon
(Nu. 2ii3). The country seems to have had many cities. Whether Reuben
and Gad occupied territory belonging to Moab (Nu. 323^-38) js doubtful
(Sta. GVI. I. Ii6ff.). No mention is made of Moab in the Amarna letters
thus far published; but it was probably included as a part of the Egyptian
province of Canaan. In a list of the conquests of Ramses II the name Muab
occurs (Sayce, Pat. Pal. 21, 153). The aggressive character of the Moab-
ites is alluded to in Is. 16" Zp. 21" Je. 4829-^2. The Baal-Peor and Balaam
incidents are of special interest. There were wars with Israel in the time
of the Judges, resulting finally in the defeat of Moab (cf. Nu. 2i2i-3i (E),
Ju. 312-30 1112-28). There was little hostility, with the exception of a war in
Saul's reign (i S. 14*"), till late in the reign of David, when, for some un-

» Cf. Ba. ; Sta. GVI.l. 27 ff. t But v. Wkl. Gl. I. 203 f. t Line 17.

$ Sta. G VI. I. 114. II Sta. G VI. I. 114 f. ; Dr. Dt. 63 f.

40 AMOS

known reason, he subdued them with cruel tortures (2 S. 8^-^ I Ch, iS^-^).
They probably remained tributary till the division of the kingdom (i K. 11^).
For a time they are not expressly mentioned. Then Omri of Israel subdued
them (Mesha stone, Is. 4ff.), and they continued tributary to the Northern
kingdom (2 K. 3**). After the death of Ahab or during his reign (2 K. i^
3^), the Moabites under Mesha revolted and secured their independence
(Mesha stone, cf. Sta. GVI. I. 532-6; English translations of this inscription
may be found in Dr. Sam. pp. Ixxxv-xciv; Bennett, art. " Moab," DB. III.
407 f.; Dr. art. "Mesha," EB. III.; Ball, Light froin the East, 240), which,
apparently, they never again lost to Israel. For the view that the Salman
mentioned in Ho. lo'* as having destroyed Beth-Arbel was a king of Moab,
see the discussion in loc.

1 "b. Because they burned the bones of the King of Edont] The
nature of the act is uncertain. According to iUl9E the words to lime
follow Edom. This has been taken to mean the burning ahve of
the king mentioned,* or the burning of one who had been killed or
buried. t The words to lime are supposed to describe the man-
ner of the burning, as lime is burned ; | or the result, to dust, i.e.
completely ; § or, as many Rabbis, to make lime used as plaster-
ing. II For the reading of Hirscht, v.s. Still more uncertain is
the personal allusion which is intended. Is the reference to 2 K.
T,^'', the son there being rather that of the King of Edom who is
captured by the King of Moab before the battle begins?!" But
{a) a king, not a king's son, is mentioned ; {b) no objection
could be presented to the right of a conqueror to do as he
pleased with a captive taken in war ; {c) according to Josephus,
the Moabite king offered his own son to Moloch.** Or is it to
some incident in connection with 2 K. 3, e.g. the capture of the
King of Edom himself immediately after the event related in
2 K. 3% of which the records do not speak? ft And did the
crime consist chiefly in disturbing the peace of the dead in the
grave (cf. 2 K. 23^*), by burning the body, perhaps, on the grave
itself,tt and scattering the ashes upon water or in the air? Cf.
Jos. 7^^ The Jews, like other nations of antiquity, considered
offences against the dead as most impious acts. \X They identified,

* Os., Geb., Mau. $ Ki., and most modern comm. ** Schro.

t Jer., Cal., Hi., Ke. || So also Geb. ft Hi.

t Ros. t Ki., Cyril, Abar., Geb., Mich.

XX See e.g. Frey, Tod, Seelenglaube und SeelenkuH in alt. Israel ; Schwally, Das

II. I 41

to a certain extent, the grave with the world of spirits, so that
only those buried together could associate with each other, while
the unburied, as with the Greeks and Romans, were considered to
wander as restless spirits with no fixed abode. Hence, cremation
was condemned, while embalming was a common practice. These
ideas may be gathered from various passages (Dt. 21^ Jos. 10^
2 K. 23^*'^* Ps. 79--^ Is. 14^^ 66-* Je. 36'^).* Or was the crime con-
nected with some incident of which no record is anywhere made,
the date of which cannot therefore be fixed, though probably
taking place shortly before this prophecy ? f Or is this merely a
different form of the tradition given in 2 K. 3^, f and was the
King of Moab Mesha, whose character as presented in the
Moabite stone seems to be entirely consistent with the representa-
tions here made ? It has been noted § that the sin is against
Edom, and not against Israel. The entire passage, although it
is the key-note of the piece, is evidently obscure. It is there-
fore suggested that the text be modified as indicated above : In
order to desecrate the dead because of violence dofie to (or suf-
fered by) Moab'] This purpose-clause now corresponds to a
similar clause in i". In one case an act of vandalism was com-
mitted, viz. the ripping up of women with child, the purpose
being, remotely, to increase their territory ; here is another act
of vandalism, the burning of the bones of a royal personage,
and the purpose is to take vengeance, by this desecration of the
dead, for violence done to Moab. Not only is Tirb without sig-
nificance, but also the clause, And Moab shall die in a tumult,']
ordinarily interpreted as a description of the nation's death. —
The Palaces of Keryyoth] Either a name for Kir-Moab, || a city in
the southern part of Judah captured by the Moabites (Jos. 15^') ;
or (since where Ar is mentioned, Keryyoth is not found) another
name for Ar-Moab,*I[ mentioned Nu. 21'^ Is. 15^, not appearing in

Leben nach dent Tode • Matthes, " De doodenvereering bij Israel," ThT. July,
1901 ; Sta. Die Alttest. Vorstcllungen vom Zustand nach dem Tode; Jeremias, Die
Babyl.-Assyr. Vorstcllungen vom Zustand nach dem Tode ; Now. Arch. I. i88 f., 329 ;
Benz. Arch. 165 ff.; WRS. Proph. 398; Jos. Ant. XVI. 7; Griineisen, Der Ahnen-
kultus und die Urreligion Israels ; and the references to Arabic customs cited by
We.l, viz. Kit!ib-al-Agh5.ni XII. 21, 11 ; BAthir V. 178, 12; 203, 23; Mag. V. 47, I.

* Cf. Schro., Hi., Or. ; WRS. Proph. 397 ; Sta. G VI. I. 421 f, f Ew.

X Ba. \ We. jl Jus. H Ew., Mit,

42 AMOS

Je. 48 ; or a place different from both of these,* of which men-
tion is made in Je. 48^*^^ Cf. (3, which treats it as a common
name. The city probably stands for Moab, as Damascus repre-
sents Syria, from which it may be inferred that the city was an
important one. The reference in the Moabite stone (1. 13) favors
Ewald's view that it is another name for Ar.f — JVith sJioiitijig
and with the sound of the trumpet^ Cf. i" with shouting in the
day of battle ; the trumpet is introduced as inciting them on to
conflict (cf. Je. 4^^ Zp. 1^'' Jb. 39"^). — 3. The Judge . . . her princes'^
In the narrowest sense the judge would be the head of the judicial
system ; | but it is rather a word of general significance, apphcable
to the king (cf. Mi. 5^), one of whose functions was to judge §
(2 S. 8^^ 15^ I K. 7^^ Je, 21^^), and is thus used intentionally for
king ; || perhaps, better still, a name for the highest officer (cf. the
Carthaginian Sofetes),\ or regent** (cf. 2 K. 15^) ; or, in the
absence of a proper king, vassal, or prince appointed by the king
of Israel. tt The feminine pronoun must refer to the land, J J
although Wellhausen would change it to the masculine as refer-
ring to the judge, to which word also with him refers. The close
resemblance in thought between 2^ and i^^ should be noted.

Frequent mention of Moab is made in the Assyrian inscriptions,
e.g. that Salamanu paid tribute to Tiglathpileser III.,§§ Chemosh-
nadab to Sennacherib, || || Muguri to Esarhaddon and Ashurbani-
pal.^ll The policy of Moab seems for the most part to have been

* Ba. t Ri. HBA. ; Dr. J Ros. \ Jus., Dr. || Ba., Ke., Now.

H Pu. ** We. tt E\v., Hi., GAS. Jt Hi., Ba., GAS., Mit.

\\ Moab was subdued in the course of the western campaign which resulted in
the estabhshment of Assyrian supremacy over Ammon, Askelon, Judah, Edom,
Gaza, and some Syrian states. See ABL. 57 ; CO T. I. 249 ; KB. II. 21.

III! The tribute of Chemoshnadab was received in connection with Sennacherib's
third campaign, which included the overthrow of Sidon and other Phoenician
cities ; the subjection of Samaria, Arvad, Byblos, Ashdod, Ammon, Edom, Askelon,
and Ekron ; the battle of Eltekeh, and the siege of Jerusalem. See ABL. 71 ff. :
COT. I. 284 ff.; KB. II. giff.

HH Mufuri of Moab is included among the " twenty-two kings of the land of
Hatti, of the sea-coast and the middle of the sea" named as tributary to Esarhad-
don and to Ashurbanipal. See ABL. 86, 96 f. ; COT. II. 40 f. ; KB. II. 149, 239 f.
A successor of Muguri, whose name is quite uncertain, is mentioned by Ashurbani-
pal as having defeated Ammuladin, an Arabian chief: " Chemosh-Astarte (?).
King of Moab, a vassal submissive to me, brought about his defeat in the field of
battle." See G. Smith, History of Ashurbanipal, 288 ; Wkl. GL I. 209.

n. 1-3 43

one of peaceful acceptance of the Assyrian lordship ; at least no
record of any struggle between Assyria and Moab is preserved
other than one in the time of Sargon.*

1. iDity] Inf. cstr. with suf. after Sj? is a favorite construction in Amos;
of. DB-n hy (i3), oniSjn Sy (i6), an^jon-S; (i^), isnV?; (i"), o;p3-Sy (iis),
DDSD'Sv (2*), O-OD"*?]; (2^). The m. sg. pron. is used in two cases with collec-
tive force : GK. 135 /; Ew. 317, l), 2). — nu''?] v.s. Inf. cstr. with '? express-
ing purpose, cf. -\'>jan'? (i^) and a'lmn lyn*? (l^^); but of the other five instances
where the similar construction might have been expected, one (i^) has noth-
ing, while four (i^ i^^ 2* 2*) have synonymous clauses, all of which (except
2^) indicate the state of mind which led to the act of sin, e.g. forgetfulness of
the brotherly covenant (i^), the stifling of compassion (i^^), non-observance
of Yahvveh's statutes (2*). The root -<-<U' with its derivative TC.-, has the primary
meaning of committing an act of violence, despoil, cf. Is. 16* Je. 48^^ Ho.
10". — 2. On the art. in nmp'i] cf. SjSjn and n-l^^; H. 4, 3 <? (4); GK.
126 e; Ew.8 277 c. On identification with -ly v. Dietrich in Merx, Archiv I.
320 ff.; also ZDPV. II. 10. — nm] IK^C for nnn, although 1 might remain in
the sense of even (cf. GK. 154, note i (^)). — JWB'j] £5l2b in a tumult {i.e.
the nation is pictured as dying in the midst of the din of battle, cf. Ho. 10^*
Ps. 74-^) ; so Pu., Dr., Mit., et al. ; cf. emendation suggested above, pNB'j
in return for violence done to, with 3 of price (cf. Gn. 29I* Dt. 19^^), and a
cstr. in objective relationship with a following genitive; H. 8, i <J; GK. 128^.
The objective genitive is common with words of this class, denoting injury, etc.;
cf. Ob.i^ Hb. 2^^. For J'NU' in the meaning, violence, destruction, cf. Ps. 40' Je.
46^^. Or. reads j'lNja = in, or because of, Moab" s pride, cf. Is. 16^, in which ref-
erence is made to the well-known pride of Moab. Some treat \\His as an old
proper name, perhaps of the acropolis of aNiD "ijr, corresponding to 3N10 as
fvx to D''7B'n'; cf. Je. 48*^ Nu. 24I' (nB'=nN2'). So Hoffm. ZAW. III. 97;
but V. Now. Perhaps jinb' is for jnc, a word which, like ^iir^D, seems to
designate the land of Moab in i Ch. 5^^. — nynna] Now modifies nVoN of
preceding line, just, as in i^*. — Sipa] Note asyndeton as in ora (l.^*); the
intended parallelism is evident. — ibtc'] This instrument was a horn; it is

specifically called " ram's horn " in Jos. 6* ^ ; cf. Arab. yil*.Aw, ram^s horns,
and Assyr. sapparu, viountain goat. In early times, according to the Tal-
mud, they were, naturally, crooked; but the modern shofar (used in the
synagogue) is usually straightened and flattened by heat. It is the oldest
form of wind instrument in the world still in use, having been employed in
the Mosaic ritual from the beginning until the present day. The shofar was
probably the earliest kind of trumpet, and was used in war (Ju. 3^^') and to
raise the alarm at the approach of danger (Am. 3^). Later in Israel's history

* See KB. II. 64f. ; Wkl. Keihnschriftliches Textbuck zum A. T? (1903), 41.

44 AMOS

the trumpets were appropriated by the priests for use in worship, in some re-
spects serving the purpose of the modern church bell.

4, 5. Judgvient upon Judah. — As the text now stands, the
climax of Amos's outburst against the neighboring nations, before
Israel herself is denounced, appears in words uttered against
Judah, whose punishment is predicted on the ground of abandon-
ment of Yahweh's instruction.

The form of the piece, if the clause onnriN onox ■laSn-nc'N onijo D'ij;n»i
is omitted as a gloss (v.i.), is identical with that of the oracles relating
to Tyre and Edom, i.e. 5 + 2. Against the genuineness of the entire utterance
it may be urged that the similarity in form just mentioned puts the section in
the same category with i^- 1" and i^i- ^, and any doubt which attaches to these
oracles must attach also to this; furthermore, that the introduction of this
oracle removes entirely the force of the surprise which the Israelites would
have felt; that it is impossible to suppose that Amos would have treated
Judah so cursorily, and in a manner so like that in which he treated the out-
side nations; that the terms of Judah's sin are of a Deuteronomic character
and of later origin (cf. nctt' n'? rpn, Dt. 4^ 6^* 1612 1719, as well as the fre-
quently recurring phrases ^0 observe to do, to observe and do, 4^ 5^, etc.) ; that
the style is tame, vague, and weak; that the term Israel in 2^^^ includes
Judah (cf. 2^°) ; that the concluding formula "> idn is lacking, and that the
sin described, transgression of the " instruction " and the " statutes " of
Yahweh, was too indefinite, not so flagrant as to call for its introduction in
this place, in fact, unlike any charges made elsewhere by Amos, and out
of harmony with the formula, for their transgressions, etc., since it could not
be specified as one of the three or four. So Duhm, Theol. der Proph. 119;
We.; Sla. GVI. I. 571; Val.; Che. in WRS., Proph. XVI. and EB. I. 153;
Oort, ThT. XIV. (1880), 116; GAS.; Volz 19; Now., Lohr ; Taylor, DB.
I. 86 ; Baumann. But note the considerations offered on the other hand :
that Judah is not included under Israel in 2^^ and it is inconceivable that
Amos should have omitted Judah in his written statement, even if, perhaps,
he failed for certain reasons to mention it in his oral statement; that the
phraseology termed Deuteronomic is to be found in Is. 5^* Ex. iS^^; that
though the charges brought against Judah are general they are corroborated
by Is. 2^^' 1^ 20 ^'-24. and Amos may have wished to reserve the more specific
accusations for use against Israel. So WRS. Proph. 399 f.; Kue. Einl. II. 347;
Gun., Mit., Dr. If the passage is genuine, its introduction by the prophet is
due to his desire to prevent the charge of favoritism toward his own people
(Cal.) The reasons for regarding the clause in v.* beginning 'Ui Diyrr'i as a
gloss are : (i) the comparatively late date of the idea contained in it, cf.
Ex. 32^ Dt. 9^2; (2) the use of dot:) to designate idols, a use which is parallel
to that of a'''?jn which appeared after Jeremiah's time (Now.) ; (3) the

II.

45

awkwardness of the syntax as it is here introduced (v.i.) ; (4) the fact that
the symmetry of the strophic arrangement is entirely destroyed.

4. mi.T] (S vlQv 'lovda. — nca* . . . DDNc] U renders both by 3 p. sg
— on^jTs] & om. suff. (§ adds a iiroir)(Tav. U idola sua. — Dnnnx . . . ib'n]
® fol. Heb. idiom, oh . . . owiao} avrwv. — 'ui DU"n''i] a gloss (v.s.').

4. Juda/i] Outside of this oracle the only specific references to
Judah are found in i- 6^ f- 9".* Judah represents the southern
kingdom, including Benjamin, in distinction from northern Israel
(i K. i2^'').t The relationship of the two nations was very close
in spite of the disruption, for however they may have differed
from each other in dialect, in religious ideas or in governmental
sympathy they were one nation in distinction from their Canaan-
itish neighbors. The impossibility of uniting all the interests of
the various tribes showed itself in the earliest times, and it was
only under David and Solomon that a union, even when effected,
could endure. The rivalry between the two kingdoms after the
division was intense and bitter (cf. i K. 12'* ^ii 2Gff j^7 iGff.32 ^ ^i
14*''^). At this time there seems to have been no special cause for
bitter feeling between them. — The law of YahweJi^ Four stages
in the history of this word may be traced :% (i) direction or in-
struction from Yahweh, in general, without any technical meaning ;
cf. advice from elders, Pr. i^, utterances of prophets. Is. i'" 8'^;
(2) technical direction given by the priest on specific matters of
ceremonial observance and conduct, Mi. 3" Je. 2* 18'* Lv. 11^^
15^-; (3) direction as to the general duty of an Israelite as found
in Dt. I* I K. 2^^ 2 K. 10"' 14" \f^ 21^ 22* Je. 16"; (4) the direc-
tion formulated and contained in the Pentateuch, Ne. 8'^ *^'' lo'^'' *'.
The exact meaning intended here will depend upon the date
assigned to the passage. The use in the next member of the
parallelism of the word statutes'] in a measure marks the idea as

* Cf. the query whether the story of the encounter of the prophet of Judah with
Jeroboam I (i K. 13), may not have been worked up upon the basis of the en-
counter of Amos with Jeroboam II. ; Kue. Einl. II. 342.

t Cf. especially Seesemann, Israel unci yuda bei Am. u. Ho.

tDr. Dt. 208, 209, 401 f.; WRS. OTJC? 299 ff., 372 ff., 382 f., 425 f. ; Kue.
Hex. \ 10.4 : Sm. Rel. (v. Index) ; We. ProL, 394 ff. ; McC. HPM., \\ 457, 488, 610 ;
Benz. Arch., 321, 324, 412; Now. Arch. II, 97 f. ; Dr. 230 f; Kent and Sanders,
"The Growth of Israelitish Law," in Bibl. atid Sem. Studies, critical and histor.
essays by the members of the Sem. and Bibl. Faculty' of Yale Univ. (1902), 41-90.

46 AMOS

consistent with the third or Deuteronomic stage described above,
2 K. 1 7^^ This word (sometimes with judgments, also with testi-
monies and com7nandments, prefixed), is especially frequent in Dt.
and in books dependent on Dt. (cf. 4^-« " 5^-^^ 6^''^ etc.), and de-
signates enactments or institutions whether moral, ceremonial, or
civil {e.g. Dt. 7^"^ 12. 14. 16. 17).* This "direction " of Yahweh
and these " statutes," they had rejected, had not obsefved'\, a charge
which accords well with the feeling of the prophets (Is. 5-*), who
narrated the stories of the kings of David's hne (2 K. 17^^'^),
although the charge is of sin against God, rather than against
man. Cf. the frequent formulas, " evil in the sight of Yahweh,"
"provoked him to jealousy with their sins which they committed,
above all that their fathers had done." Judah's rulers might be
classified as (i) the good kings, Asa (i K. 15" 2 Ch. 14"), Je-
hoshaphat (i K. 22*=* 2 Ch. 17^), Joash (2 K. i2-'"- 2 Ch. 242-18),
Amaziah (2 K. 14^ 2 Ch. 25^), who, nevertheless, fell far short of
reaching the standard in the mind of the historian, a standard
(fixed by Dt.) in accordance with which all worship on high-
places was interdicted; (2) the ^^^/ kings, Abijah (i K. 15^, cf.
2 Ch. i3i«), Joram (2 K. 8^« 2 Ch. 2i«), Ahaziah (2 K. 8"^ 2 Ch.
22^), who openly opposed the true Yahweh worship, while Atha-
liah (2 K. 11^ 2 Ch. 22^") actually deserted the Yahweh religion.f
If this representation of apostasy comes from Amos, allowance
must be made for the fact that the general prohibition of worship
on high-places was still a thing of the future (Josiah's reign) ; if
from a later date, the charge may have been made from the point
of view of Deuteronomy. That the accusation in general was true
against the Judah of Amos's time cannot be doubted. The gloss,
And their lies have caused them to err] (resembling Je. 23^^-^-), is
a still later interpolation in the original charge, J whenever made.
These lies, in the mind of the interpolator, may have been the
plausible but false excuses which they offered for their trans-
gressions, § or the false prophets whose activity in later times
was very great, 1| or, better still, their idols, i.e. something which
has no actual existence, and actually deceives ;% for a similar

* Gun.; Lag. BN. 40; Barth. NB. 112, 119; Baentsch, Das Bundesbuch, 32;
Dr. Dt. 62. t See Mit., 81 f. % So Marti. \ Cal., Geb. y Ki., Abar.
IT Jer., Drus., Dat., Schro., Ros., Hi., Ba., Mit., Dr., Now., et al.

n- 4-5 47

idea in connection with other Hebrew words v.i. — After which
their fathers walked'] An expression used of Yahweh worship (Dt.
13^), and also of idolatry (Dt. 4' 8^^ 11-^ 13-). The whole course
of Judah's history was an illustration of this fact. Judgment,
therefore, shall come upon Judah, and shall show itself particu-
larly against the palaces of Jerusalem'], a threat which would
strike terror to the hearts of Israelites, for Jerusalem, even to the
Northern Israelites, represented in a peculiar manner the Yahweh,
in whose worship the two nations united.

According to tradition Jerusalem was in existence before Abraham (Gn.
14!^ Ps. 76'-). At the conquest of Canaan, Jerusalem (on ^he Amarna in-
scriptions, cir. 1400 B.C., Urusalim; hence the original name, Jebus being
used to designate the non-Israelite population, Ju. 19I1, GFM. Ju. 20,
413) was not taken from the Jebusites (Jos. 15^^, cf. the substitution of
"Benjamites" for "Judahites" in Ju. i-^, and note also the spurious char-
acter of l^), but remained a Canaanitish city until captured by David (2 S.
5*^^), who fortified it and made it the capital of the kingdom. Under
Solomon the city was magnificently adorned with buildings, most important
of which was the temple. Between the time of Solomon and that of Amos,
Jerusalem had been captured and plundered three times: (i) by Shishak in
Rehoboam's reign (i K. 1425 f- 2 Ch. 12^*"); (2) by Arabians and Philistines
in Joram's reign (2 Ch. 2ii^''); (3) by Israel under Jehoash in Amaziah's
reign (2 K. I4i3f- 2 Ch. 2523f). — 4. dns] used of rejection of people by
Yahweh (Je. 6'^^ 14^®), as well as of rejection of Yahweh by his people, as
here; cf. also i S. 15^3 2 K. 17^^; cf. in the same sense mr, yxj, 3r>", coj, "iSr.
— mm] from Hiph. of nT> = direction, used with 0''pn (nipn), ctasa'C, and
mixo (Baentsch, Das Bundesbuch, 29-34; Dr. Dt. 62). Note the chiastic
arrangement of r\-wr\ and vpn. The change of subject from bond in the clause
beginning oiyn^l is very awkward and throws suspicion on the connection of
the two clauses. — anijio] their images, cf. jin (Is. 66^), ainSs . . . nS (Je. 5"),
San (Je. 81^), and '?''Sn (Lv. 19*). — itt'N] A good example of a full relative
sentence H. 46, i; GK. 138 «; Ew.8331, c (2). — 5. E'^u-n'] Q^riforB'iItt'n';
cf. Urusalim (Amarna), Ursalimma (Assyr.) (Dl. Par. 288; COT. I. 148 f.;
RP? V. 60 f.; DB? I. 1582; BSZ. s.v.; BDB. s.v.; Grill, ZAW. IV. 134 ff.;
Zimmern, ZA. 1891, pp. 252, 254, 263; Sayce, HCM. 176; Jastrow, /BL.
XI. 105). @ 'lepovffa.\-fifM, class. Grk. 'Iepo<r6'\vfia, Aram. D'^rn\ Other
proper names with the ending ai are : D^jnn, amSa-t, a\^ni?, a^X3p, amn^,

B'lSjy onxn

§ 4. Judgment against the nation Israel. 2^^^ If other
nations are to be punished for their sins, surely Israel must suffer,
(i) Her transgressions are many, and, above all, injustice and

48 AMOS

oppression prevail; (2) notwithstanding the divine purpose to do
for her everything possible, every effort has been rendered futile ;
(3) therefore, now, a destruction shall come from which there
shall be no escape. These three ideas are expressed in three dis-
tinct pieces, each of three strophes, and each strophe, originally,
of four lines. The writer adjusts the form of his language to the
character of the thought, and the logical movement is thus ren-
dered wonderfully impressive.

6-8. T/ie injustice and oppression in Israel. The nation is
guilty of a treatment of the poor and needy so cruel as to be a
profanation of God's holy name.

The three strophes of this piece have the trimeter movement. Each con-
tains a single verse; but vs.'*""^^ have been transposed. V.' is to be placed
as the third strophe after v.^ because (i) the ptcp. o^'flrn is less abrupt, connect-
ing itself with the subject of the preceding imperfects; Torrey's statement
concerning Amos's use of the ptcp. {/BL. XV. 152) is entirely in accord with
this; (2) the order of thought thus becomes more regular; (3) the piece
closes with the climax "profane my holy name"; and (4) the closing line,
just quoted, sustains a striking relation to the first line of the succeeding
piece " and yet I," etc. Cf. my presentation of this point in the Biblical
World, September, 1898, p. 179, and Lohr (1901), who places v.^ between
7o and ''^ and then brings together ^' and i" (v.^ following); on the other
hand Oet. 66, regards the first of these changes as unnecessary, the second as
pedantic.

6. pnx] Gr. D^Si, cf. 8^. — jraxi] ^ connects with p^-^^. — a>Sjjj inya]
ST pjDnn Sn3. Che. {Crii. Bib.^jUh''^. — 7. aiflXiJ'n] read D^D[t<]u'n, from
tliB? (so'jer.," Ba., We., Gr., Now., Torrey /BL. XV. 151, GAs!, Lohr;
cf. Hal.), supported by (S, which connects didnch with D^Sj.':, rendering it
Tct iraTovvra (some codd., tGiv ircLToivriiiv), by S, and U, qui conterunt.
2C perhaps = z^\2-^v (cf. Ez. 16^"; so Hal.). Oet. b'ni Sy ^-iN nsj? didfh
DiSi. — Sy] Elh. SvV, (?) — v\N •\sy S>*] Om. as a gloss, since it is unnecessary, in
itself is very awkward, and altogether spoils the rhythm (so We., Now., Torrey
JBL. XV. 151 ff., Lohr, Marti ; cf. Dr., Elh., and Oct., who are unable to see
how these words could have gotten in the text if they were not genuine; but
V. Torrey's explanation of the origin of the gloss). Oort {Em.) om. the entire
clause, beginning with a'CNiyn. iwl rhv xoCi' t^s yrjs seems to be a later addi-
tion to (5 (so We., Now.). — l^'N13] & om. (SU pi. U seems to om. 3 (so also
Lohr). Hirscht, B^N^a. — T^'^'i] Gr. jm. Oort (^w.), Marti, omv — rv^ay]
(S Kai vlbi. — nnyjn] (5 tt/i' aiir^v iraiblffK-tiv. Read with Hoffm. n-ipin (va.).
Another reading suggested is nnsin, the accursed thin^. — 8. Sji] Oort, fol. ®,

II. 6 49

om. hy (so Now., Elh., Lohr); perhaps (5 read hni. — a''S3n] @ decrfie^ovres
= D'V^'n (Vol.) or QiS^n (Va., Seb., Gr.); so &. Gr., fol. @, adds mvi;':'. —
rj'] Ew. n\ Sta. lys'' (cf. Je. 220). Hal. ib\ — "73] (S om. — oi-j-uj;] <S iK
ffVKO(pavTiQv = according to Hirscht, o^ptry, a corrupt text. & i<P''T'^'J, old,
probably reading a form of IB" (Seb.). Gr. D''!yj oy (?). (g's rendering of *",
KoX Ttt Ifiarla aiirQv decr/jieijovTes axoivlon irapaireTd<r/j.aTa iiroiovv exV^ "■
ToO eva-iaa-TTjplov, according to Ba. = naisS D'l'p'jx lit';? a^V?" Oi!'''!!-?? ^^^i; but
according to Gr. nij;"!'''? D'>'?3n3 onirp onja.

6. Though starting the indictment of Israel with the stereo-
typed formula, /or three transgressions, etc.] this is abandoned
after the first sentence. — Because they sell the righteous for money,
and the needy for a pair of shoes'\ The reference is not to the
righteous and poor in spirit who, because of opposition to a royal
edict, are seized and sold into slavery ; * nor to the corrupt acts
of judges in the oppression of the poor, at first for money, and
later, as they become more corrupt, even for a pair of shoes ; f but
to the unjust and outrageous seizure {^sell here being used figur-
atively) of innocent men by the powerful for debt, and to the
habit of selling the poor into slavery when the debt was only as
much as a pair of shoes ;% cf. 2 K. 4^ Mat. i8-^ The sin of Israel
repeated in different forms is that of injustice, oppression ; cf. the
legislation which touches this, Ex. 23^^ Dt. 16^^-'" Lv. 19^^; and
the attitude of the later prophets, Is. i^ 3"*- ^ lo"- Je. 5^* 22'
Ez. 22^ Mi. 3**"" 1^ Mai. ■^. The phrase for a pair of shoes (cf.
Am. 8®") seems to be a proverbial expression designating some-
thing of the lowest value ;§ cf. Ez. 13*^ A very plausible in-
terpretation II is based on the custom of using the shoe as a
" conventional symbol in legal transactions " (cf. Ru. 4^ Ps. 60*).
One of the commonest crimes of Amos's day was that of land
grabbing (cf. Is. 5*) on the part of the rich, and it is this that
Amos is here denouncing. The judges are charged with receiv-
ing money for the betrayal of the innocent, and not only so,
but also with cheating the needy out of his land. This interpre-
tation is supported by (©'s reading of i S. 12% viz. Ik x"pos nVos
eiXr]<f>a i^iXaa/xa Koi vTroSrffia (from whose hand have I taken a

* Geb. + Os., Va.. Hi., Ew., Ba., Dr.

t AE., Theodoret, Crocius, Ros. § Dathe, Bauer, Jus., Schro., Ros., Mard.

II G. H. Box, Ex/i. Tunes, XII. (1901), 377 f. ; cf. Hoffm. ZA VV. III. 97 ff.
E

50 AMOS

bribe and a sandal?)* — 8. A7id because garments taken in pledge
they spread out'] These were especially the outer garments, or
mantle (Gn. 39^- i K. 22^°),-|- rather than bedclothing (i S. 19^^),+
held in pledge contrary to the command in Ex. 22-^, which pro-
vides for the return of the garment over night, § or taken in pay-
ment for unjust fines. || Garments thus illegally and mercilessly
held, the upper classes spread out, in order to recline upon them, as
upon couches for sleeping,^ or as at banquets in their feasting.**
Cf. Ewald's interpretation, east lots (i S. 14*^). — Beside every
altar] Referring to the sacrificial meals (cf. i S. 3^ 9^"^^ Dt. x^'^'^.,
also Ho. 8^^ lo^-^-* 12"). — A7id the wine of such as have been
fined they drink] That is, wine purchased by money received
through unjust judgment.fl — In the houses of their gods] Not
in the house of their gods, J J i.e. the calves worshipped as gods
in Bethel and Dan; nor in the house of their God, i.e. Yahweh, §§
for this was at Jerusalem ; but in the houses of their gods || || {v.i.).
The whole is a protest of the simple ancient Jewish rehgion against
the metropolitan civilization,^^ carrying with it, as it does, corrup-
tion and greed. — 7. Who tread \_fo the dust of the earth] the
head of the poo7'] Cf. 8* Gn. 3" ; that is, trample the poor into
the dust,*** or, omitting pK ISS? h"^, who tread upon, or crush, the
head of the poor, a reading based upon a slight change of ffl^T
{v.s^. Others have understood the phrase as meaning, "who
desire to destroy the heads of the poor who already are cast into
the dust,"ttt or, "who long for the dust of the earth, i.e. earthly
things, gold, silver, which may be possessed only at the risk of the
heads of the poor," \XX or, " who long for the person of the poor
in addition to his landed property," §§§ or, " who long to see dust
scattered upon the heads of the poor, i.e. to see their misery as
thus indicated," |||||| or, "who long for even the dust sprinkled by

* The correctness of (S's reading is established by Ecclus. 46I9 where the
original text (ed. of Cowley and Neubauer, p. 32) reads: in[np'7 ^d]d Di'jyjl nsD
= from whom have I taken a bribe or a pair of sandals ?

t Jus., Schro., Ba. + Ros. ft Cal., Os.. Ros. HIT We.

§ Ra., Ki., Cal., Os., Jus., Va., Ros. ++ Or. *** Ba., GAS.

II Geb. f Cal., Os., Jus., Va. \\ Crocius. ttt Cal., Jus.

** Ra., Ki., Luth., Geb., Ros. |||| Oort {ThT. XIV. 141), Mit.

X\X Geb., who cites for similar use of 3 2 S. 23!'' D-iiB's^a; i Ch. lai^ ''•C'N'J3;
also Struensee, Mich. \\^ Hoffm. ZA W. III. 99 f.

Illlll Dat., and with slight variation, Ros., Ke., Or., Gun., Elh.

n. 8,7 SI

the mourner (cf. 2 S. i^ 15^^ La. 2^°) upon his head, as indicative
of his grief." * The general thought is the same in every case.
— And the way of the humble they tiir?i aside'] Cf. 5^ Is. 10^
Ex. 23*^ Je. s"*. The word way is difficult to define, meaning
"the judgment"! or "the cause, business "; J better, however,
is " the path in Hfe, the walk by which they are characterized "
(Ps. !").§ The rich and powerful push the humble out of the
path in which they would naturally walk, in other words, deprive
them of the privileges to which they are entitled (Jb. 24* Mat.
i8*'). — A man and his judge deal according to agreement]
So Hoffmann, changing "1 to "i. || This is in better harmony with
the context, which is entirely occupied with the idea of cor-
ruption and oppression. The other reading, a man and his
father go unto the same maid, makes the sin an exaggerated form
of adultery, a father and son going to the same harlot,^ or the
same young wife,** or a girl (the article being generic), i.e. one
of the temple prostitutes t| who were in the service of Baal and
Astarte, and plied their business near the altars and temples
(cf. Gn. 38-^'^^ Dt. 23'^ i K. 14-'') ; or a servant taken as a concu-
bine (Ex. 21* ^, cf Ez. 22" Lv. i8^-'') ; \\ according to Reuss, it
does not mean the same woman, but simply that the father sets
an example to the son ; while Hitzig explains that the expression
fiPiK mu: is avoided, because it might have implied that intercourse
with different maids would not be blameworthy. — And so profane
my holy name] Any act inconsistent with God's character would
be a profanation of his name — a phrase common in the Hohness
Code (Lv. 1 7-26) and in Ezekiel. §§ This would apply equally well
to (i) impurity of life, || || (2) idol worship involving impurity (cf.
Lv. 18-^ 2o^),^i[ (3) corruption in the administration of justice.***
The thought is that this is the real result fft of all such action.
This phrase does not, as Nowack contends, settle beyond ques-
tion that the preceding clause refers to the practices of the temple
prostitutes.

* Va., Schio., Hi., Pu., Hd., Duhm {Theol.), Dr.

t Ros., Ba., Gun. $ Mit. H Cal., Os., Hi., GAS.

t Jus. II ZA W.Ul. 99 f. ** Rabbi Salomo, Geb.

tt Mich., Mau.. Ew., Hd., Ba., St., Now.. Dr., Elh. HIT St. *** Hoffm.
XX Ros. §§ Cal., Os., Ros. |||| Most commentators. ftt Ros.

52 AMOS

6. D"(?n] with i atten. from a, instead of with o, as if the Qal Impf. had a;
so also Ne. 131^; but ni3C, Ex. 21*. Cf. 'ihoi, 2 S. i^" with iSoj, i S. 29*.
r. Earth, iV5. 77 c; GK. 61 3. — iDoa] 2 denotes price, cf. 8^; GK. 119/;
K6. 3320. — pns] Cf. Earth, JVB. 133c; Lag. £N. no; 01s. 185a;
Kautzsch, Ueber die Derivate des St. pis in a.t. Sprachgebrauch (1881)/
WRS. Pi-pph. 72 ; always used of persons except Dt. 4*. For the sense
innocent (cf. "ipj) v. Ex. 23'' Pr. 18^''. — "\i2j;3] May denote price, BSZ., s.v.;
Ew.* 315 c, note 3; but for the sake of {i S. 122^) here and in 8^ gives better
sense. Cf. Ba., who maintains the latter as the only meaning; Hoffm. (^ZA IV.
III. 99) makes 113 v here, 78 and S*" = y-\nr\ in;? (Jos. 5^^), i.e. produce,
secured to the judge by the token of a pair of shoes ; cf. Ru. 4'^. — wh'ii]
= something of the slightest value (cf. 8^ Ez. 13^^; so Dathe, Ea., Jus., Ros.,
Schro., et al.), but cf. Ba., 264 ; ZA. VII. 296; Hoffm. ZA IV. III. 98 f.—
8, Sj;] not a prep, governing Dnj3, but a continuation of Sy with D13D =
because, as in Gn. 31^' Ps. iici^^^; cf. full form, Dt. 29^5. Lohr shows clearly
that S;;i as a prep, is out of place, for Amos uses 23tt' and rr^D for lie and
recline ; (5 om. it; and it is superfluous in the metre of the line. — la"'] by
the transposition of vs.^''"'^' now continues the inf. ai3D (H. 29, 5^; GK.
114 r; Dr. § 118), having in itself and giving to the inf. the freq. force,
H. 21, 2; GK. 107^; Dr. § 33 a ; Ew.'s use of •1B2 = S^sn, cast lots, is un-
necessary and without basis; cf. Is. 31^ Je. 6^, in which r\:2n is used of
stretching out the hand, a sense more easy to harmonize here with its use in
V.'' — inc''] is coordinate with ia\ On the sacrificial meals of the Hebrews,
see Di. on Lv. 3 ; WRS. OTJC.^ 239, 448-51, and Proph. 98 f.; and other
literature cited in my Constructive Studies in the Priestly Element in the
O.T. (1902), 90 ff. — dhihSn pij] = in the houses of their gods, the second
noun pluralizing also the first, H. 3,4; GK. 124 r ; cf. oniaxy ni3, i S. 31^. —
7. 0''i3t:'n] or, QiflNrn (GK. 23^); the article, as in Gn. 49^1 Ps. 49', adds a
new statement, here in a tone of impatience and indignation; (GK. 1263;
K6. 411 e; Mit. ; Torrey, /BL. XV. 151 f ; cf. the frequent use of the ptcp. in
this way, 31° 4^ 5'^ 53. 4ff. 13^ etc.). Against the reading here adopted, Elh.
(cf. Hirscht) urges (i) that in Gn. 3^^, where liiy occurs with irxi, the prep.
3 is absent; (2) that in Gn. 3^° fiVu:* cannot possibly mean tread upon, when
used of the serpent at least ; (3) that it involves the rejection of inx lijp h'j,
the presence of which words cannot be accounted for on the supposition that
they are a gloss (but v.s.); (4) that ilMSC makes satisfactory sense. — !1'n13]
On use of 3 after verbs of touching and taking hold of, GK. II9>^; Ew.^ 217,
3, 2), a) ; but note that in 8* the 3 is omitted after Difla'n. — 'iji d^dn'^'h] <3 rd
TrarovvTa iirl t6v xovv t'Qs7'^s Kal iKovdvXi'^ov eh KfcpaKas TTTwxCiv (cf. S = for
the sake of sandals which tread upon the dust of the earth and who strike the
poor with their fists) is explained as due to a double interpretation of d^anbti,
one rightly connecting it with the subject of the preceding inf., the other
wrongly connecting it with o^Syj; it is as an explanatory gloss to the latter
that the 'nh nsj; Sj? originated (so e.g. Torrey, /BL. XV. 152). The result is
that the two interpretations appear side by side in @ and S, D^axiyn being

II. 9-12 53

represented in each, while UlST presents a mixture of the two interpretations,
'NH -\Dy hy belonging to the secondary one. Hirscht objects to this that @
renders ^Na' in 8* by iKrpl^u ; cf. 2 K. ig"'^ where (3 confuses ^3^^' with ']Yif
and translates it TraT-^/xara, and Is. 25^'' where en is rendered by iraretj'.
Moreover, in Gn. 3^^, 'ir^r is used of an action of the foot, not of the hand
(/covSuX/fw). Hence only iraTovvTa can here be referred to d^sni:', and
since this rendering of D''DNa' made the Hebrew unintelligible, Kai iKov8ij\i^ov
was freely added by the translators after iirl rbv x^'J" '''V^ IV^ in order to
secure sense for the passage. Hirscht, therefore, would retain illSE with one
change, viz., K'K^I instead of rsna, and, by considering TN'ia as the direct
object of 0''i3Na'n and regarding ^'inh noy as an ironical expression for money
(cf, Assyr. " gold, the dust of his land " and " the dust of the earth of Susa
... I took to Assyria," A'B, II. 14, 209), would secure the following inter-
pretation: "the wicked already possess much, and yet it is nothing (dust),
and they ever covet more of this nothing from those who have nothing more."
This is scarcely an improvement upon fHST and, to say the least, makes very
awkward syntax. — ia^] A more usual meaning of 7^ar\ than the above; here
a continuation of the ptcp., as the other, of an inf.; H. 27, 5<^; GK. Ii6jr;
K6. 413/, 368?; Dr. § 117. — n•^•;il^\ Sn laS^" V3N1 C'Ni] In support of this
reading note (l) that |51C is entirely outside of the scope of the author's
thought ; cf. Mi. 2^ in which the casting out of the women is a part of the
picture of oppression; (2) the parallel picture in Mi. 7^; (3) the use of 3«
= priestly judge, 2 K. 621 13" Je. 17" (cf. Gn. 458; GFM. /u. 385 f.), and a
similar usage in Egyptian (ZZ'TI/C. XXXI. 726) ; (4) the similar combination
of nyi: and iSn in 3^ — jvnS] H. 29, 3 a (a); GK. 107 g; K6. 407/; Ew.^
337, 2; expresses a necessary logical consequence but never simply result;
" in rhetorical passages, the issue of a line of action, though really unde-
signed, is represented by it ironically as if it were designed" (BDB. 775),
e.g: Ho. 8*; cf. K6. 396 <». This is the only occurrence of i>'dV in Amos.

9-12. The efforts made by Yahweh to build up Israel. The
present condition of Israel is not due to neglect on the part
of Yahweh, for he (i) had taken Israel out of Egypt, led her
through the wilderness and brought her to Canaan, (2) had
driven out the Canaanites from before her, and (3) had raised
up teachers through whom his will might be made known, — but
all to no effect.

This piece stands in closest connection with the preceding (cf. the contrast
— they had profaned his holy name, when it had been he, who was, etc.), and
falls into three strophes each of three pentameters, or six alternating trimeters
and dimeters ; preferably the former, since the long drawn out lines picture
the historical details given, and form a contrast with the quick trimeter move-
ment of vs.13-15 which follow. It seems right to transfer v.'" to precede v.^

54 AMOS

and make it form the first strophe, because (i) this is a simple historical
statement and the chronological order is self-evident, while (2) nothing is
gained by the explanation that v.^, although later in time, is put before v.^° to
emphasize the greatness of the victory over the tall and mighty aborigines,
which was so remarkable in contrast with the weakness of Israel at the time
of the prophet (Ew.), or to tell first what God did for the nation, and then
what he did to the nation ; (3) the confusion grew out of the fact that both
strophes began with idjni ; while (4) the whole of strophe 2 (v.^) grows out of
the mention of '•-^'^'ats in line 3 of strophe i (v.^'^). Cf. Lohr, Oct., Baumann,
and Marti who makes both ^^ and ^^ interpolations.

10. TiiSjjn ^ajNi] "S correctly renders, ego sufn qui ascenders . . , feci.
Before T^v-h the insertion of aDS>2Ni found in %, and I brought you to this
place, completes the rhythm and furnishes a basis for niyiS. — 9, ^mnirn]
(5 el^pa ; O'^ i^iyetpa, — DHijac] Some codd. D3'>jf3D. — DijiSn . . . Dmx]
<& sg. — -CD!:'**!] (5 i^Tjpapa ; (some codd. i^rjpa) ; 'A. Kal (rvv^rpiipa in second,
but S9 like (S; cf. Ba.'s suggestion that i^rjpava is an early (because followed by
Jer. and Arab.) modification of i^TJpa. to fit the picture of a tree. — 11. aipsi]
(S Kal eXa^ov = npNi (cf. Dt. iS^S). — anrjV] <S afiaffubv = in. The line f\^7\
'1J1 n«T pj<] the concluding home-thrust of the piece — should stand at the
end of V.12, where it belongs logically and poetically (sec Biblical World,
September, 1898; so also Lohr, 6; on the contrary, Oet. 66). — ^Nn] Gr. nbx-.
— PNr] Riedel, n^x nt. — 12. D''nii] (5 ijyiaap.ii'ovs; other Greek versions
Toi)s Na^ipaiovs. — W33n sV Ids';;] S has the third person; these words might
well be omitted as a gloss and the line thus restored to its proper length.

10. And yet it was I who\ Emphasizing, cf. U, the contrast
between the ingratitude and wickedness of the people (v.*) and the
readiness of Yahweh to pour out blessings upon them. For simi-
lar use of the conjunction, which is especially frequent with the
personal pronouns, see Ju. 16^^ Is. 53^ Gn. 26^. — Brought you up
out of Egypt'\ The usual form of expression, cf. Gn. 12^" 26^ 44^^
45^^ 46^, not because Palestine was toward the north,* but rather
because of the local elevation, the mountainous character of Pales-
tine in contrast with Egypt.| The general thought here expressed
is found elsewhere, Ex. 19* Dt. 32^" Ps. 78^^ Je. 2^. For the various
explanations of the present order of vs.®'^", and for the reasons
which suggest a reversal of the order, v.s. — Fo7-ty years\ Cf. 5^
Dt. 2^ 8^ especially 29^ ; a reminder not only of the disobedience
for which the wandering was a punishment, and in spite of which
Yahweh was good enough to bring them into the land, but also of

* Ros. t Hd. ; cf. GAS. HG. 45-59.

II. lo, 9 55

the power of Yahweh exhibited in his gracious act of feeding and
caring for them during all this time. * On the duration of the wan-
dering there is difference of opinion. f For the use of the number
forty in Scripture,! see Gn. f 25-" 50^ Ex. 16^ 24^8 Nu. 132^ Dt.
25^ Ju. 3" 5'' 8^ 13^ I K. 198 Ez. 29^^- Jon. i\— To possess the
land"] Cf. Dt. 6^^ Ho. 13* (RV. fnarg^. This phrase has been
joined (i) to the preceding clause with the idea that this long
wandering was intended to prepare them for driving out their
opponents, § (2) to the whole verse, explaining thus the purpose
of the Exodus as a whole ; || but it is better with S (v.s.^ to suppose
that the words a7id brought you hither~\ were a part of the original
text. — 77ie Amortte'] By whom Amos meant not a particular
people dwelling from the Jabbok to the Arnon on both sides of
the Jordan (cf. Nu. 21-^-^^, nor one (cf. Gn. lo^''") of many Canaan-
itish peoples, used here to represent all^ (cf. Gn. 15''^ Jos. 24^^),
but the whole Canaanitish constituency, described by E (of the
Hexateuch) and by Amos as the Amorite {v.i). — 9. Afid it was
I who destroyed fro JH before thein~\ An emphatic expression as in
v.^", and the usual word for the overthrow of the Canaanite race
(see in E, Jos. 24^ the same phrase), especially frequent in Dt.
(cf. 2^'*^^) and in the later historical books. — The Amorite . . .
whose height was like the cedars^ An hyperbolical description, based
upon the common opinion of the existence of giant nations, in-
tended to magnify the goodness and the power of Yahweh, who
was able to overcome enemies of such stature.** Specific mention
of the gigantic autochthones of the land is made elsewhere, viz.
of the sons of Anak (Nu. 13--^ Dt. i-«); the Emim (Dt. 2^"); the
Zamzummim (Dt. 2-''); the Rephaim (Dt. 3"); cf. also Nu. 13^.
The cedar in the Hebrew mind was the ideal representation of gran-
deur, 2 K. 14^ Is. 2^^ Ps. 80^" 92^^ Ez. 17^^- 31^ Je. 22^. — And he was
strong as the oaks'\ Cf. Is. 2'^ Zc. 11^ Ez. 27^. — But I destroyed
his fruit . . . his roots'] That is, root and branch (cf. Ez. 17* Ho.
9^^ Jb. 18^^ Is. 5^^),tt a picture of complete destruction, XX and not a

* Cal., Ros., Ba., Pu. t Cf. Sta. GVI.l. 132 f. ; Dr. Dt. 32 f. + Cf. K6. Stil, 54.

§ AE., Ki. II Ros. H Jus., Schro., Ros., Ba., Hd., Pu., Or., et al. ** Pu.

tt Cf. Eshmunazar Inscription {Corp. Insc. Sent, i^ p. 19, Is. 11, 12) : " May he
have no root underneath, or fruit above, or any beauty among the living under the
sun." ++ Cal., Jus., Ba.

56 AMOS

reference to different classes, e.g. the fruit being the children, and
the root the stock of the population as that which propagates the
species.* The destruction, here poetically exaggerated, was not
at first represented as so complete, cf. Ex. 2^^-^- 34'^; but in later
times, and especially in Dt. (cf. 7^*'- 20^^*"- Jos. 11^) it is treated as
something practically finished even in the early days. Perhaps the
gradual disappearance of the Canaanites furnished the occasion
for this difference in representation. — 11. Yahweh had shown his
presence and his favor in the Exodus and in the Conquest ; but
when Moses, the great prophet, had died, who, in the divine plan,
should serve as mediator between himself and Israel ? Moreover
I raised up some of your sons for prophets'] (cf. Je. 6^"), and,
through these, the connection of Yahweh with Israel had been
maintained. All this was in strict accord with Dt. 18'^, the earliest
announcement of which formed the constitution of the prophetic
order. Up to this time Israel's prophets, not reckoning Moses,
Samuel, and those sent also to Judah, included Ahijah (i K. 14^,
Jehu (i K. 16O, Elijah (i K. 17^), Elisha (i K. 19'^, Micaiah (i K.
22^, Jonah (2 K. 14^), and the many prophets whose names
are not given (i S. 28'^ Ho. 4^ i K. 13^ 20'"). Hitzig's inter-
pretation, aroused . . . so that they becaine, is not so good as the
ordinary raised up, or ordained. The phrase your sofis limits the
writer's thought to Israehtes,t but " lays no stress upon the fact
that youth is the time of inspiration and enthusiasm " ; J cf. Jo. 3^
Nor does the blessing consist in the fact that their own sons have
been taken as Yahweh's representatives, when angels might have
been chosen. § The usual particle (fp) is here used to express the
partitive idea, sofue of — And some of your youths for nazirites]
Mitchell rightly distinguishes Nazarite from nazirite. The nazi-
rite, as the word "it: signifies, was separated (from men, || or from
winelF), consecrated to God; cf. the Rechabites, 2 K. 10^^ Je. 35^
Ordinarily the vow of the nazirite was made for a definite period ;
but in two cases, those, perhaps, in the mind of Amos, the
obligation seems to have been assumed for Hfe, viz. Samson (Ju.
j^s-T.M jgiT) and Samuel (i S. i"). This has been thought to be
the original form of the vow.** The custom had its origin in an

* Hi., Ke. + Cf. GAS. I. 11-30, 44-58. || Ba. H Jus.

t Ba. § Cal. *« WRS. Propk. 84 ; Gun. 45.

II, 9, "-I2 57

effort to counteract the self-indulgent habits introduced into Israel
by the Canaanites. The law (Nu. 6^^^) provided only for the
temporary obligation, at the termination of which the hair, which
meanwhile had been sacred, should be sacrificed (Nu. 6^^). It
was also understood that the nazirite should abstain from pollution
by contact with death, as well as from every product of the vine
(cf. Ju. 13" Nu. 6^^). The nazirite (cf. also the cases of John the
Baptist, Lu. i^^, and, according to Eusebius,* James, the brother
of Jesus) was introduced not as a reminder of Yahweh's goodness
in establishing the institution as a set way for securing holiness,!
nor because of the similarity of the nazirite's work to that of the
prophet, the former teaching by example, the latter by precept ; f
but because it enabled the speaker to deal a severe blow against
one of the great evils of his day. — 12. Buif'] Instead of observ-
ing the example and obeying the precepts of these divinely
appointed agents, ye made the nazintes drink wine~\ and so
debauched them, a fact which, in view of the nation's degen-
eracy, is easily credible, although no historical allusion to it is
found. The influences used may have been either persuasion
(Gn. 19^--^) § or compulsion (Nu. %^^'^'-)\. — And the prophets
ye commanded, "ye shall 7iot prophesy ^''\ Cf. 7^^. The example
of one class is made null and void, and the utterances of the
other class are prevented, and so Yahweh himself, who had
raised up these messengers, is insulted and rejected. Note the
chiastic arrangement of the thought. Actual examples of the
prohibition placed upon prophecy were not infrequent, e.g. Jero-
boam I. (i K. 13*), Jezebel (i K. 18* 19^), Ahab (i K. 22^ ^'f),
Ahaziah (2 K. i^*'^), Jehoram (2 K. 6^') ; cf. later the case of Amos
(7^^), also Is. 30^"- " and the persecution of Jeremiah. — Is not this
indeed so .?] Will any one deny these accusations ? Is Israel then
not deserving of the punishment which is threatened? This ques-
tion is in a better position here than at the end of v.", and con-
cludes the entire accusation. — // is the oracle of Yahiveh'] The
phrase used here and ordinarily translated saith Yahweh (also in
2I6 2'o.i3.i5^ g^j, -^^ jg j^Q|. ^j^g phrase used in i^* 2^ ^16.17.27^ ^^^ ^ j^ut

one of much stronger significance {v.i.).

• Hist. II. 23. t Cal. X Os., Geb., St. { Ki. || Jus., Ba.

58 AMOS

10. ''3JN1] Emphatic by position and expression, GK. 135 a; K6. 362^. —
iSiNi] Always without •> in i p. sg. with 1 cons. ; GK. 69 x. — -laica] K Baentsch,
Die Wiiste in d. a. Schrifte^i. — t\w a^y^iNJ Sg. of noun with pi. of numeral,
H. 15, 4. — ntt'iS] The inf. with S expressing purpose, GK. 114^ and notes.
— nDNn] According to We. (^Die Composition des Hexateuchs, 341 f.), Steinthal
{^Zeitschrift fiir Volkei'psychologie, XII. 267), Meyer (^ZA W. I. 121-7, 139 ff.),
WRS. {Proph. 26, 379), Sta. {GVI. I. no; cf. also Budde, Bibl. Urge-
schichte, 344-8; De. on Gn. 48-2)^ y}\. {Gett. I. 365), Kit. {Hist. I. 22), Dr.
{Dt. p. 11), GAS., Buhl (art. "Amoriter," PRE.^), and Now., this is a name
current as early as the sixteenth century B.C., and applied to the primitive popu-
lation of Palestine in E andD of the Hexateuch (J using "Canaanite "), and in
Amos, synonymous with Canaanite. Cf. Gn. 48-2 Dt. i?. i9-20^ also Ju. i^*'- 6^*'
2 S. 2i2. McC. {HPM. I. 406 ff.) maintains that " in the Old Testament the
two names answer to two distinct peoples, though it is impossible as yet to say
with certainty how far the one was removed from the other in point of origin,
and date of settlement"; similarly Wkl. {GI. I. 52 ff.). The terms lajid of
Amur, which occurs with landofKandna (Canaan) in the Egyptian inscriptions
(Brugsch, Hist, of Eg'? II. 14 f., 154; Bu., Bibl. Urgeschiclite, 346 f.; Dr., Dt.
12; GFM.y?<. 81 ff.), and Amurri of the Tel-el-Amarna tablets (Sayce, Races
of the O. T. 55f., loi f., 110-17; 'Dr.Dt. 12; GFM.y?^ 83) are probably the same
name. The word occurs frequently in the Assyrian inscriptions, if the name for
Syria, matu Aharri, is to be read main Amurri ; so Delattre, PSBA. 1891,
pp. 215-34; ZA. VII. 2; RP? V. 95 rm. 4, 98 rm. 2; Muss-Arnolt, Did. 30,
61; Sayce, art. « Amorites," DB.; W. M. Miiller, art. "Amorites," Jew.
Enc; Taton, Hist. 16; Wkl. , JiTA T.^ I. 178. —9. ■■n^OB'n] The usual word
for the destruction of the Canaanites, especially frequent in Dt. e.g. i^^ 2^2. 21. 22. 23
etc. — an^jsn] is a sudden change from the second person to the third, K6.,
Stil. 241. — injj . . . irN.] '^fhose height, the full form of the relative sen-
tence (H. 13, i; 46, i; GK. 1380; Ew.^ 331 <r, 3). — xin pn] The unusual
order makes i^v\ (occurring only here and Is. I^^) very emphatic. — D''p^'7N?]
On the generic art. in comparisons, H. 4, 3 «/ (2); GK. 1260. On the
Hebrew idea of giant nations much has been written (cf. especially DB? I.
1 173-6; Schwally, Z>rt5 Z^^^w nach dem Tode, 64 f.; Id. ZAW. XVIII. 135;
Dr. Dt. 40; GFM. Ju. 39), but the subject is not yet entirely clear. The
words Sin (of which the sg. occurs only in proper names), n'^vv, (noun of unity
corresponding to S''n), JiSin, and the differently pronounced hHn and \h^,
though carefully distinguished inlHST, are hopelessly confused in the versions.
In Aramaic this is one word |S\s, meaning great tree. The traditional idea
(Celsus, Hierobotanicon, I. 34 ff. ; J. D. Michaelis, Suppletnenta, p. 72 ff.; Ros.
Bibl. Alterthumsk. IV. 229 ff.; Ges. Thes. 50 f. ; but on the other side Lowth
on Is. i29; GFM. Ju. 121 f.; ZDPV. XIII. 220 ff. ; We. Prol. 248), that cer-
tain two or three of the words were used consistently for terebinth, and others
for oak, is not borne out by the versions, and the distinction could not have
been indicated in the unpointed text. The words signify " in Hebrew usually,
if not exclusively, 'holy tree,' as the place, and, primitively, the object of wor-

II. I3-I6 59

ship, without regard to species " (GFM./m. 121). — ttii'ni] Yea, I destroyed,
a repetition of tic;:'."', for the purpose of adding the phrase which would
characterize the destruction as complete ; on (§ ii,i\pa.va., v.s. Note i in Hiph.
after waw cons., as frequently in i sg., GK. 53 «. — rwni:'] For the same
expression, Is. 5-* 14^ Mai. 3!^. — 11. onijac] The prep, used partitively,
GK. iigw; K0.81; Ew.^ 217, l, i), ^). — 'aj"^] On the use of "?, GK. 119/;
K6. 327 V ^ 2). — 12. ip'""!] With a double ace, H. 31, i ; GK. ii"] cc. In
iH® the waw cons, construction is continued, notwithstanding the break
caused by the insertion of 'ui inh, Ko. 368 b. — a'N''3jn '?;'i] The chiastic order
again, for emphasis and variety; instead of nis with ace. of person (^e.g.
Gn. 26II), the rarer construction of *?)? (still more rare are Sn and S) is used
(cf. also Gn. 2^^ i K. 2*^ Is. 5^ Na. i^*) ; the thing forbidden is here (according
to the present text) introduced by nrJxS (sometimes with S and the inf. eg.
Je. 13®). — 1N3J.-I x':'] In the direct form of one of the "ten words," the negative
separated from the verb by the disjunctive accent, hence dag. lene in r, GK.
21 b; not an entreaty, in which case '^n would have been used, but an absolute
command, as if from heaven itself, II. 41, 1 a, b ; GK. 107 0. — 11 b. Inh]
The interrogative is for rhetorical effect, Ko. 371 ^; ^n (= really) giving
special stress to the following pN, cf. Gn. iS^^. — axj] This word occurs about
370 times in the O. T., being especially frequent in Je. (171 times), in Ez. (86
times), and in Am. (21 times). It is distinctively a prophetic word, appear-
ing in all the prophets except Hb., Jon., and Dn., and occurring outside of
prophetic literature only three times, viz. Ps. 36^ i iqI Pr. 30^. It is followed
by the divine name everywhere except in Nu. 24, where it is used of Balaam;
in 2 S. 23^, of David; in Pr. 30', of Agur (a doubtful text); in Ps. 36-, of
transgression personified; and in Je. 23^1, where it is used as a cognate
accusative, dnj usually comes at the close of a prophetic statement or occurs
parenthetically in the midst of one; it introduces the utterance only in Nu. 24
2 S. 23I Is. I-* 56* Zc. 12I Ps. 362 iiqI Pr. 30^ It is a noun of the form
qiitAl like Si3J, ri3-<, etc. (so Barth NB. 82 e; Ko. II. i p. 501); rather than
a pass. ptcp. (Dr., and most of the older authorities). The root does not
occur in Hebrew in any other form (except Je. 23^1, where it is a denomina-
tive vb.), but cf. Arab, nd'ama = groan, sigh, murmur, whisper, etc. Hence
CKJ probably denoted the divine communication as imparted secretly and mys-
teriously; cf. the phenomena indicated as accompanying the communication
of Yahweh's word to Balaam (Nu. 2i^^- ^^'^■); the phrase "uncover the ear"
used of God speaking to man (i S. 9^^ Jb. 33^^, etc.); and Eliphaz's descrip-
tion of the revelation given to him (Jb. 4^^). axj is the strongest word
denoting prophetic utterance and especially marks its divine character; it is
best rendered oracle. Cf. BDB., BSZ.

13-16. The impending calamity. The charge of wickedness
has been made (vs.^'") ; the futile efforts of Yahweh to save the
nation have been narrated (vs."- ^^) ; the end has now come ; Israel,

60 . AMOS

for her sins, must suffer : (i) Yahweh will bring a great calamity ;
(2) the strongest will not be able to escape ; (3) the swiftest and
most courageous will fall.

This piece, forming the last of the dreadful trilogy, goes back to the trim-
eter movement. The movement then becomes short and quick, as if by its
very form to foretell the coming doom. In view of (i) the difficulties sug-
gested by V.13 (z».i.); (2) the serious interruption of thought between niDj;
and 13N1 (v.i*); and (3) the irregularity of the first strophe as compared
with the peculiar symmetry which elsewhere characterizes the form of these
chapters, there seems to be good reason for assuming the loss of a part of the
text, perhaps one or two lines, of the first strophe. On the other hand a com-
plete strophe of four trimeters may be obtained by dividing as foUow^s : —

Doinnn p^yn

This arrangement would be fatal to Gun.'s interpretation (z'.f.).

13. njn] (5 logically reads pS, Sid tovto, before this, pS having dropped
out, because of the frequency with which njn is employed as an introductory
particle, cf. njn p^^i. Is. 8^. — i">''J?d] @ kvXIo}; (g^. kwXOw; 'A. Tpi^-fjau; U
stridebo ; 5 / will press {%2iXat root as in Hebrew). Hi. |">''0D (so also St.,
Or. (?), We., Gr., Val., Dr. (?), Now., BDB., Elh., Lohr, Oet.). — p>yn] (S
KvXlerai', 'A. rpl^ei; Sb presses; TB stridet. Hi. pi£3n (so St., We., Dr.,
Now., BDB., Oet., et al.). Gr. p^on (so e.g. Elh., Lohr). — n'7j;'n] Some suggest
nSjyn. — nS] Gun. om. as dittograph. — 15 a. ncy-' , . • CflOi] Belongs with
v.^*, in strophe 2; this arrangement is demanded by the meaning, as well as
by the versification. — 14. Spa] (5 iK dpofxiuz; 'A. and 9. Kovcpov; VL S'-Spic.
Gr. a'^DT:. V.^^ is om. in some Mss. of Kenn. and deR., and in the Arabic,
probably because of the similar endings of v.^* and v.^^ as now separated. —

15 &. taSn^] read ^^d\, as in (g Siarwd^, & Jt-^^, 3E 3inu'-, ^J salvabitur
(so Hi., Gr., Seb., Now., Dr., Elh., Oort {Em.), Oct., Hirscht). Zeydner
(^TkSt,, IV. 201 ff.; so also Now.) regards the words from Spi (y}^) to Dni3J3
(v.i^) as a later addition (z'.J.), while Lohr om. v.^^ entirely as late; so
Hirscht (with some hesitation) ; but cf. Je. 46'. Oet. is inclined to om. Spi
Wd: • . . (v.i5); V. Baumann, 31. — 16. 'Ui TiDNi] @ koI 6 Kparaibs oi /xrj
eip-fjcrei rrjj' KapSlav airoO iv Swaffreian, for which Wkl. (^Untersuch. 184 f.),
proposes this original text : rT^maJD i^S noir^ 2S v^cni = "the stouthearted —
his heart will forget heroic deeds." @, according to Wkl., read aV as nS and
gave nor its Aramaic sense, find. — onnja] % = 113J3. (g*. Kal evp-fjaei rrjp
Kapdlav (omitting 6 Kparaibs oil fiTj), similarly (gQr and Syr. -Hex., Ka\ rjvp^dr]

II. I3-I6 6l

i) KapSla ffov; and (^^^'^ om. oi fii]. In view of these facts Hirscht regards
the original text as being NXm which was corrected to ycsi; <S transl. both
and since the result was in conflict with the preceding vs. added the negative
of his own accord. Similarly Vol., but v. Stek.

13. / wi// make you groan in your places just as the threshing
wagon makes the {^floor) filled with sheaves to groan"] This is Hoff-
mann's rendering,* and is the best of the many {v.i.) that have
been proposed. There is nothing in the words themselves, or in
the context, to suggest an earthquake.f The writer's mind is filled
with war, the coming of which (cf 5^^ 6^-" 7^-^^ 8^*^'") shall make
men cry out in their misery. The appropriate manifestation for
such grief would be uttering of groans, which not improperly might
be compared by the farmer-prophet to the creaking and groaning
of the threshing-floor under the weight of the threshing-sledge and
its full supply of sheaves. This does not differ essentially in thought
from the more common interpretation, / will press your place, as
the wagon that is full of sheaves presses % what is under it% or on
the earth ; \ or, / will press that which is atnong you as a wagon
which is loaded (with stones) presses the sheaves ; % or, / 7oill press
down upon you as a wagon presses that is full of sheaves ; ** or, /
will make it totter (p'Btt) beneath you as a cart tottereth that is
full of sheaves (v.s.) . The lack of clearness here is probably to be
explained by the loss of a part of the strophe. — 14, 15 a. Then
shall refuge fail the swift'] Cf 9''. The strophe beginning with
these words presents, in four sharp utterances, the utter lack of hope
of any deliverance. Neither the swift ( Je. 25^ 46*^ Jb. 11^), nor the
strong (Pr. 24^), nor the hero, experienced in war, nor the armed
man, skilled in handling the bow (Je. 46"), shall find refuge, or be
able to assert his strength, or rescue himself, or stand (Ps. 102^
Dn. II®-*; also Je. 46-^ Na. 2*), when the great calamity shall come.
Everything in which men at such times trust shall fail, viz. swiftness,
strength, experience, and skill in the use of weapons of war. —
15, b, c, 16. And the swift of foot shall not rescue hi?nself] Cf.
2 S. i^-^ 2^* I Ch. 12^ This strophe, omitted in some Mss. {v.s.),
repeats the same idea in largely the same words, though differently

* ZAW. III. 100 f. X Crocius, Schr6.,Ges. || Schlier, Ke. ** Ew.. GAS.
t Cf. Mit. 96 f. § So Hd. II Geb.

62 AMOS

arranged. This is not a later insertion (v.s.) ; the poet would
picture again, with monotonous vividness, the impossibility of
escape. Does the phrase shall flee away naked'\ {i.e. having aban-
doned his weapons, armor, or dress which might embarrass him)
contradict what has been said concerning the impracticability of
any effort to escape ? No, for flight here means rout, not escape.
But upon the whole strophe and its correspondence to the pre-
ceding, v.i. — In that day\ The day which was always uppermost
in the mind of the prophet, the day of Yahweh, described more
fully in 5^^

13. ^}yf\ For other cases of njn used to introduce a solemn utterance,
cf. Gn. 6^^ Is. 7^*. — ''djn] Emphatic and in contrast with the suffix in OD^nnrij
otherwise the more common 'Jjn would be used; cf. Gn. 24^* Ex. 4^^.
— p^yn . . . P'j;?] The ptcp. used here of the immediate future, H. 27, 2.c\
GK. 116 d; Dr. § 135, 3. This a. X. has given rise to many and widely differ-
ent interpretations, the chief of which may be classified: (i) Those in which
p-iy is given the meaning of the Aramaic pis press, cf. the derivative 'nji'}
Ps. 55*, npyiD Ps. 66^1 : [a) both verbs taken transitively : / will press
you down (for this use of nnn cf. Jb. 36^^) as a wagoji (or, a cow') presses,
etc. (Doderlein, Ew., GAS. v.s.'); ox, I will make narrow the place for you, etc.

(Riickert) ; or (= Arab. fa.C), Twill cut in pieces, as a threshing roller, etc.
(BSZ. s.v. PV); (^) the first verb trans., the second intrans. : I will press you
down as a wagon is pressed down, i.e. gives way (Va., De Wette, Ros.,
Mau.) ; (c) both verbs intrans. : / am pressed under you as a ivagon is
pressed, etc. (Gal., Ba., Pu.). (2) Those in which piy is translated creak,
groan (cf. Arab. iSiAft), then tremble, totter : {a) I groan under you as
the wagon groans (Os., cf. 'A. and U, v.s^ ; (3) / will make you cry out,
etc. (Jus., Hoffm. v.s^. Against which Now. urges the unsuitableness of
the thought as preparatory to v.^''; the uncertainty of the readings in Ps. 66^^
and 55* cited in comparison; the difficulty of making riNSon an ace, and of
omitting pjn. (3) Those involving change of text: («) / will make it
tremble under you as the zvagon trembles {v.s^, by changing piy to piD (cf,
I S. 2^9, ijdS for ''Djj'?; 2 S. 24^, jss for jy); (Jb) I will make it tremble under
you as the full wagon makes the sheaves tremble, with l^D;? as object, and n?
omitted (Gun.). (4) piy = Arab. t^y^> withdraw, flee away ; I will cause

your place to yield as the wagon breaks down that is full, etc. (Hi.'s later view),
the reference being to the earthquake of i^, though the words were probably not
spoken, but written afterward. The great majority of these interpretations are
based upon the conception of an earthquake (v.s!). (5) pij? = Arab, ^•^j
hinder, I will cause a stoppage under you as the threshing sledge (Is. 28^*^^) stops
{i.e. no longer turns) which is choked with straw; cf. (5^ (v.s.) (Wetzstein, ZAW.

II. 1 6 63

III. 278). — Hal. renders nnn] as "body," citing Hb. 3IS Zc. 6^2. — "^^'^<r] The
prep, governing the antecedent of the relative, not the relative; cf. H. 46, 3 c);
K6. 63; GK. 138^. — p^n] Impf. of indef. freq. action, H. 21, 3; Dr. § 33 3;
GK. 107^. — ^N!:cn] The art. with ptcp. equiv. to a rel. clause, H. 4, 3/; Dr.
§ 135, 7; on the Qal. ptcp. of stative verbs, GK. f,ob, d. — r\^'\ For another case
of ethical dative with ptcp. cf. ^V -vr^l Ho. 8«; H. 11, 2^; GK. 119 j; K6. 36;
Ew.8 217, 2, 2) rt) 3); Dr. Z?/. \of, 16. Note Gun.'s suggestion that nS is a
dittograph of the last syllable of the preceding word (cf. K6. 402/). — "fov]
Either ace. after HN^an, i.e. ace. of spec. (cf. Ko. 327/), or ace. after p^')J^
(Gun.). — 14. p . . - n3Ni] The 1 is consequential, following the ptcp. H. 25, 5;
Dr. § 113 (i); GK. wd'x. 1:: with idn, cf. Je. 25^^ Jb. ii-" Ps. \\2^.—^p^^
Standing alone, even without the article, used as a superlative (so Va.;
GK. 133^). — Dija] So far as form is concerned, either yfi^V// (so Ke., Val.),
the noun with B having the force of the verb, or place of flight, refuge (Pu.,
Gun.), the n denoting place; GK. 85 e; Earth, NB. \boc. — 15 a. r^t^n i;-3h
nby'- s'?] i.e. shall perish, or shall be put to flight. — 15, 6, c. A comparison
of the second and third strophes, "• i^"- ^^^ '^^^e, shows a general purpose on
the part of the writer to repeat the thought with the same words arranged in
a somewhat striking manner. If onj; might be pointed nn;^ {skilled) rather
than ony, and two or three transpositions made, the similarities of the
strophes would become still more striking, the parallelism more perfect, and
a better sense gained. The following is suggested as a plausible conjecture : —

S|iD Dua nasi ^.'73: nS vSjia Spi

ma VDN> nS pim amaja laS vcni

icy mS niypn i^'om Ninn ova du'' didh aaii

Note that after the first clause, those that remain are circumstantial, adding,
in a subordinate way, details to the rriain picture. This may in part be repro-
duced by the use of the conjunction while; H. 45, \ c ; GK. 156^; Dr.
§ 162.

Zeydner (ThSl., 1886, pp. 201 f.) supposes that 2^*-'^^ contains several
glosses, and that, these being rejected, the original text was : —

SpD D1JD 13N1

mi) ym": tih ptni

iB'fij aSa^ nV TI3J1

ibj;^. nS nrpn t's'r\^

Ninn Dig Dir onj?

16. laV V'BSi] T'-^f sloulesl of heart, an epexegetical genitive, really super-
lative; GK. 128 jt; cf. Ko. 336 A. — Dn>'] According to fUST an ace. of state,
H. 33,4; GK. ii8«; Ko. 332^.

64 AMOS

Summary. A judgment on Israel : ( i ) The nation has sinned
grievously, treating the poor and needy unjustly, and oppressing
them beyond all measure ; until her behavior has become in the
eyes of the world a profanation of Yahweh's holy name. (2) This
moral condition is due to no lack of effort on Yahweh's part ; since
he had led Israel out of Egypt into Canaan, had driven out the
Canaanites before her, and had given teachers who should declare
righteousness to her ; but all his care had been without result.
(3) For her sins Israel must suffer, the nation shall perish; none,
not even the swiftest and strongest, shall escape.

§ 5. The roar of the lion ; destruction is coming. 3^-®. The
prophet's first message concerning Israel's future has been de-
livered. The people, very naturally, refuse to credit his state-
ments. Yahweh is not likely, in their opinion, to desert his own
nation. Everything, politically considered, seems to be prosperous.
Disaster of any kind is far removed from their thoughts. The
leaders are blind to the actual situation. To meet this condition
of things, the prophet delivers what may be regarded as the most
striking of all his utterances, viz. 3^"^. The ordinary view * which
makes this passage an explanation of the prophet's mission, upon
the ground that he was compelled by Yahweh's power to speak,
although against his will, does not bear close examination.

The strophic arrangement of 3 1"^ is 2, 4, 4, 4, and 2 lines, each line a pentame-
ter, a movement better adapted to the thought than the trimeter. Strophe 2
seems to have lost one of its four lines, the restoration of w^hich (something
like, But you have forsaken and rejected Yahweh your God) greatly aids in se-
curing an intelligible interpretation. The effort of D. H. Miiller f to connect
these vs. (^■*), as two strophes, with a third strophe (vs.*"^^), in each of which
there is an allusion to the " lion " in the last line but one, seems arbitrary when
one measures the last line of the proposed third strophe, and observes that,
in order to meet the exigencies of the theory, in other words, to get in " the
lion," he makes it twice the length of any other line. Cf. the arrangement by
LQhr which makes vs. ^'^^ consist of three strophes of 10, 6, and 6 lines re-
spectively, involves the omission of vs.^*'**-^'"'"'' ^ and the transposition of ^^
to follow ^''j and disregards the irregularity of the length of the lines thereby
secured. See also Baumann, 35 ff. Marti treats v.^ as a gloss,

* This is held by nearly all the commentators; v. the partial list of opinions
given. t Die Propheteti, I. 70 f.

III. I 65

m. 1-3. A message against the nation which Yahweh brought up
out of Egypt : You were chosen for a special work ; but you have
forsaken Yahweh, therefore you shall be punished for your iniqui-
ties, for there must be agreement between a nation and its God.

1. Strophe l (v.^) is made up of two pentameters, and forms the introduc-
tion.— 'B» ^J3] is really superfluous after 03"''7j7 and before 'Dn"'?3 S3,', and, since
it lengthens the line unduly, may well be regarded as a gloss. — ''ja] Some
Mss. have n'3, so © oIkos, and Syr.-Hex. (so also Oet.) ; cf. 2^^ 3^2 ^s y- y,,\[\i
ji. 2 514 yio g9 — -Q,-, S3 Sj;j @ connects with foregoing by Kal. Lohr and Marti
omit ^* as an interpolation due to a desire to make the following speech refer to
Judah as well as to Israel. In favor of this might be urged (see Seesemann,
Lohr; cf. Baumann) : (i) that the sentence is complete with i"; (2) i*
drags a little; (3) the change of person, from Yahweh to I, is a little awk-
ward; (4) this expresses briefly Amos's theory of divine justice, but this
theory in the vs. that follow is developed and applied only to Israel, not to
Judah; (5) Amos never uses ionS to introduce a divine oracle. But this con-
clusion is not necessary. Amos develops his thesis only against Ephraim,
but it is not impossible that in the theme he has Judah in mind also; by
means of an addition to an address to Ephraim he briefly indicates that what
he is about to say in v.^ applies to Judah as well as Israel. It is not his
function, however, to apply it especially to Judah (so Seesemann). Since v.^
is synonymous with v.^*, this interpretation (v.i.) solving what has already
become a difficult problem (Oort, ThT. XIV., 121 f., 138, failing to find any
connection between v. 2 and v.^, and considering the "particularism" of v.'^
inconsistent with the catholic spirit of Amos, regards vs.'- ^ as an interpola-
tion ; while Now. treats 3*^ as having no logical relation to 3'- 2), in order to
secure a logical antecedent for v.^* and, at the same time, make the structure
of strophe 2 complete, I would suggest that such a line as, But you have for-
saken Yahweh, your God, once formed a part of the text. — 2. pi] @ ttXtji' ;
S. ixbvovs. — \-ij7T'] Gr. ''^'!T-,. — 'JJ'D Soc] Sh precedes this with the phrase
" from all the peoples," which is probably a marginal note, explaining nnecc,
that has crept into the text (so Seb.). — a^Tnjiy] (5 tos afiaprla^ (some codd.
KaKlas); 'A. ivoidas; 2. ddiKlai; 9. iffe^elas; 5 t^ "i «— a^; ST |''3'5''n;
U iniquitates. — 3. nrr] (S iirl rb a&rb Kad6\ov, — nyij dn] @ iAv fxij yvupl-
ffuaiv eavTO'ui (= 1J7^u), so Marti; but 'A. avvrd^uvrai; Q. <rvvi\d(i3<Ttv.

1. The form of statement is intended to arouse the attention
of the people, cf. 3^^ 4^ 5' 8* ; the prophet, according to iUlST, ad-
dresses himself to the so?is of Israel'\ by whom he ordinarily means
Northern Israel ; * but here he adds, as if by an afterthought, the

* So here Cal, Bauer, Schro., Hi., Ew-

66 AMOS

whole family that I brought up, etc.], thus giving to the common
phrase a larger meaning.* A better sense is gained by treating
'tr'' ""ai as a gloss, v.s. Cf. for this use oi family, v.-, Je. 8'^ Mi. 2^.
This phrase " reminded Israel proper that any preeminence among
the nations of which they might boast was the inheritance of all
the sons of Jacob, and it reminded Judah that any danger that
threatened Israel threatened them also, so far as they had been
guilty of similar transgressions."! The word uttered is against']
not simply in reference to the nation Israel ; and here, as fre-
quently among the prophets, there is the fond allusion to the
time when Yahweh brought her up out of the land of Egypt] i.e.
the time when Israel really became a nation. So intense has the
thought of the prophet become that he identifies himself with
Yahweh. — 2. You only have I known] Not, acknowledge \ as of the
elect, nor take notice of= love § (cf. Ho. 13^ Ps. i" Jb. 24^*^) ; with
the following preposition from, the idea is to distinguish from, to
choose, as in Gn. 18^^ Je. i^ Is. 58^ This thought is found also in
Dt. f 142 281-8-13.14 pg_ 14^19. ^'0^ The doctrine that Israel has
been chosen by Yahweh for a particular service to the world lies
at the basis of every expression of Hebrew thought. Nor is it
paralleled by a similar doctrine among other nations ; in any case,
the teaching took a stronger hold of Israel. This thought, car-
ried too far, furnished the basis for a superstition almost as deadly
as any of those which the Israelitish rehgion was to displace.
Against this superstition the prophets contend. The choice of
Israel by Yahweh, they maintain, is not unconditional. Israel must
cherish the right mind toward Yahweh, or punishment will come ;
and when it comes, it will be all the more severe because of the
special privileges which she has enjoyed. Was this idea true? or
was it a fancy of the Hebrew people ? To answer this question is
to place an estimate upon the whole prophetic work. The thought
of v.^" suggests the idea of failure on the part of Israel to fulfil
the divine purpose (cf. Ho. 4^* Je. 5" Dt. 31^'' i S. 15-'' 2 K. 17^^)
because she has rejected Yahweh ; and now / will visit upon you all
your iniquities] (cf. Ex. 20^ Je. 5^-^ ii" 23^, etc.), because, Israel,

* Os., Geb., Ros., Ba., Hd., Pu., Ke., We. % Ke.

t Mit. § Now., Dr., Elh.

III. 1-3 67

you have rejected the unique privileges offered you ; because,
although specially chosen, and given a knowledge of Yahweh's
will which others did not have, you have shown yourselves un-
worthy. Calamity is here, as every\vhere, pictured as a visitation
of God. Too much stress must not be placed upon all, which
does not imply that, while all of Israel's sins shall be punished,
some of those of less favored nations might be overlooked.* Israel's
punishment, declares the prophet, will be the more severe because
her sins have been more heinous ; the " all " refers to the sins of
the nation many times repeated. If, now, Yahweh and Israel
have no longer anything in common, can there be harmony and
cooperation as in the past? — 3. Ca7i {fhey) two walk together, if
they be not agreed ?'\ If, on the one hand, Israel has left Yahweh,
and if, on the other, he is planning for Israel terrible punishment,
what will be the issue ? The prophet sees, what other men of his
times do not see, viz. the dissolution of the covenant relationship
which has hitherto existed between Israel and Yahweh. In the
remaining strophes he proceeds to develop this thought. The
interpretations which connect v.^ with what follows, and make it
to be the thought of the whole, that everything has a definite
cause and works out an ordained result {e.g. that two persons,
seen walking together in the wild moorlands of Tekoa, must have
arranged their meeting beforehand, i.e. have agreed to be to-
gether, cf. Jos. 11^ Jb. 2"),t and that the presence of the prophet
against his will indicates a plan of action formed against them
by Yahweh himself, J proceed from a wrong point of view. No-
tice should be taken of that other class of interpretations in
which a special allusion is found in ni'i: to the agreement be-
tween Yahweh and the prophet, conveying authority to the latter, §
or the agreement between Joel and Amos, || or the agreement
among all the prophets, an agreement which indicated the truth
of their message as coming from the Holy Spirit,^ this assertion
of their authority being rendered necessary because the proph-
ets had been forbidden (2^^) to prophesy.** That the verse

* So Ke. II Munster.

t Va., Schro., Hi., Ew., Mit., Now., G.AS., et al. IT Os.

X St. «« Ros., Pu.
§ Cal., Dathe, Bauer, Ros., Mau., Ke,, Or.

68 AMOS

refers to the relation between Yahweh and his people was rightly
taught by Grotius, Gebhard, Marck, Harenberg, Justi, Schroder,
Henderson, Pusey.

1, nn -i2in"nx lypB'] does not mark a formal division of the matter (cf.
4I 5I ; contra Mit.); the prophet both at the beginning and in the middle of
his utterances frequently uses this, or a similar phrase, to arouse attention. —
-i3i] Pf. of indef. past, H. 17, 3; Dr. § 9. — 3D'''?j?] The prep, is not used
simply as a dat. ( Va. ; cf. Gn. 2}-^'), nor does it mean in reference to (suggested
by Va.) ; the common force against is more appropriate (Ros. and most
comm. ). — nnsB'pn-S^] On Sj totality of, H. 5, i a, (i). On form of 'li-Dn, Earth
NB. 161 a ; used in this strophe in both its narrower and wider sense, fami/y
and nation ; on its derivation from nor poiir out, v. BSZ. 868. — ^n''7j;n] On the
sudden change of person, see Ko. Stil. 249. — D^"!SD T!^?<] Appos, annexion,
H. 8, 3<r; GK. 128/^. — 2. dspn] Emphatic, (i) in standing before its vb.
rather than as a suffix in connection with it, thus furnishing one of the neces-
sary usages of hn, H. II, 24 (i)» GK. 117^; (2) in being preceded by PI. —
\t;-''] Not a stat. pf. do I know, but a pres. pf. have I chosen; H. 17, 2; Dr.
§ 8 ; GK. 106^, an act of the past the consequences of which, at least in
part, continue down to and include the present. — 15"'^>] Implying a statement
of Israel's abandonment of Yahweh. — ipoi^] A future impf. H. 22, i ; GK. 107 «';
Dr. § 29. — nijiy] Strictly error, cf. the vb. in 2 S. 7I* 24^'', etc., and Dr. on
I S. 20^°. — 3. nn^] Fuller vin^ (Je. 46^2. 21 ^^3^ . \^^ ^ i^ j^i^ unities, ace.
of manner (Barth^ 'zDMG. XLII. 356), GK. 1 18 q, 01s. 135 <: ; cf. Gn. 226- 8. —
Dx ''ri'^3] From n^a cstr. with archaic ending t, H. 41 rm. e; GK. 90 w; Sta.
§ 343 ; found in Phoen. (Tabnith inscr. 5) as conj. ; without as, Is. 10*
Gn. 43^; cf. K6. 392(2. — ii^ij] lit. they have made an appointment (cf.
T^ya appointed time).

4, 5. Tlie roar of the enefny may even now be heard ; Israel,
unconscious of the fact, is already within the toils.

In a double figure, that of a lion and his prey, and that of
a bird and its hunter, the situation of Israel, in the prophet's
times, is portrayed. This situation is the result of the separation
of Israel from Yahweh. The difficulty lies in the fact that Israel
as a nation has long been deaf to the roaring of the lion, and
blind to the hunter and his snare. Only the prophet hears and
sees.

The structure of strophe 3 is clear.

4. nyo] © iK To\J Spv/jLoO aiiToO. — inj;jCD] Baumann om. — idS] (S adds rl.
Lohr om. *t>.5h ^s being superfluous both in form and thought. — 5. no Vj?
I'lxn] (S ivl T7)v yrjv, which suggests either the omission of no (so Oort

III. 3-S 69

ThT. XIV. 134 and Em., Gun, Mit., Val., Now., Elh., Hirscht, Lohr, Oct.,
Baumann), as having crept in by mistake from the last clause of v.*, or,
better, the corruption into na of an original \js (Perles). — B'pic] ® i^evroO
(= ty^^ic, or B'|i)'>n Vol.) ; so ,S2C; Mit. B'^i", but cf. Gun. — nSj;'] <3 a-xa-(r6iq(reTai,
U auferetur (=nSj;v-i, so also Gr.). — 'NiTjc] (5 ettI t^s 7^$. — iiaV^ s'^] (g
adds Ti. S cm. and renders nij"?!, |.m)o, but this was not, as Seb., basing his
idea upon a certain conception of the passage, suggests, the correct text ; for
it carries with it lack of rhythm and of good meaning.

4. The prophet is a countryman and deals with phenomena
which are familiar to him. For a long time lions have not fre-
quented Palestine, but the testimony is unquestioned that they
were common down to the Christian era, and even later.* — Does
a lion roar m the forest when there is no prey for hinf\ i.e. Does
he go hunting without securing something? or in declarative form,
When a lion roars, his prey is near at hand ; let it beware. The
second member is only a variation in form of the first : The young
lion does not utter his voice unless he has caught something. In
the prophet's mind the people, destined to suffer for their sins, are
the prey, which is already, in vision, in the possession of the lion,
whose roar, though uttered, the prey has not understood. The
prophet's voice is one of warning ; and, now, with change of
figure we hear it again ; and this time, likewise, it is a figure which^
appeals to a countryman. — 5. Does a bird fall upon the ground,
if there is no hunter? or does a snare fly up without catching
anything ?'\ Here, as Mitchell observes, " the order of thought is
reversed." The prophet, with his keen insight, perceives that
already the bird has fallen, the snare has sprung up. It follows,
therefore, that there is a hunter near at hand, invisible perhaps,
but none the less real. Cannot the people see that they are
entrapped, that they are already within the toils ?

The first couplet (v.*) has been interpreted (l) as one of several illustra-
tions of the principle of cause and effect ; nothing happens by chance ; there
is always a cause (Reu., Val., Now., GAS., Dr., et al.); (2) as describing
Yahweh under the figure of a lion (cf. v.^, also i^, Je. 25^'' Ho. ii^^; and,
on the roaring of the lion, cf. Ps. 104-^1 Is. 529 31* Je. 2^^ Ez. 22^5), i,e.
Yahweh's roar compels me to prophesy (Schro., Hi.), or Yahweh's roar indi-

• Cf. Ju. 145 I S. 1734 2 K. 1725 ; Reland, Palaesthm, I. 274; Van Lennep, Bible
Lands, 247 ; G. E. Post, art. " Lion," DB.

70 AMOS

cates imminent danger (Cal., Os., Pu.). or Yahweh's roar should lead to
repentance (Geb.), or Yahweh does not threaten, and fail to send punish-
ment (Dathe, Jus., Ros.). It is suggested by some (Ba., Hi.) that in the
first clause the roaring precedes and is the cause of capture ; while in the
second, it is a different roar, viz. that which accompanies the eating and so
follows as the result of the capture. According to. Geb. the young lion is the
prophet who joins with Yahweh in threatening punishment ; Hd. suggests that
the subject of 15^ must be nnx, not T'sr, since the young lion in the den
roars only when the old lion brings home the prey ; but the second clause is
generally understood to present the same thought as the first (Ros., Ke.,
ei al.). Even greater difficulty has attended the interpretation of the second
couplet : (i) a bird does not fall upon the ground, unless there be to it, i.e.
the bird (Hi., Mau., Ba.), or the ground (Hes.), a snare (Cal., Os., Dat.,
Ros.), or a fowler (Luther, Ba.); in other words, people do not suffer except
because of sin ; or calamity never comes except by a net which God stretches
(Cal., Os., Dat.), or calamity comes through the snare of Jeroboam's false
worship (Geb.). The ns of v.^ * is " the large net of the bird-catcher which he
has to draw up and which takes a number of birds at once " (Ew.). Hence,
will the net go up, i.e. be taken away (Ew., Hes., Mau.), or treating nSvi
as Hiph., will the fowler remove the net before, etc. (Cal., Geb., Jus., Schro. ;
of. U) ; while many understand it as meaning, the net does not spring up
unless a bird has entered it (Os., Hi., Hd., Ke., Now., GAS., Dr., ei al.). From
one or another of these renderings, the thought is inferred to be : Yahweh
will surely not desist until his threatenings have been fulfilled (Cal., Os., Ros.,
et al.), or Israel is to be captured by the fowler Satan (Geb.). You cannot
escape a punishment which God has announced through the prophets (Dat.).
Just as none of these things happen without a cause, so the prophet's preach-
ing is not without cause — Yahweh has revealed to him the coming calamity
(so GAS., Now., Dr., Marti, et al.).

4. H'-^N, T'fl?] rT'iN and nN, which are but different forms of the same
word (01s. 216 d, Earth, NB. 237), are the usual words for lion. The original
meaning is probably to be seen in the Ethiopic aC*P, wild beast. The Arabic

j^ • N ' , ivild goat, is a different specialization of the same idea. Aram. ^l'\'^,

0 7

Syr. \^h\, Assyr. arfl, all mean liott. It is the usual word in Hebrew ; NoS

(Arab. S*>aJ SLaJ, Assyr. labbu) is the poetic word and does not mean dis-
tinctly lioness (the old view, cf. Ges, Thes. 738) although in some cases it is
feminine. T'pr is the young lion, but old enough to seek prey, thus distin-
guished from -\'\), the cub, usually of a lion. — ■h px IT-?^.] Circ. clause, cf. v.^,
nl;; ps B'i?.''C'i, H. 45, \d; Dr. § 159; GK. 141^. — px] Cstr. before ^S GK.
1520; Ew.* 321^; Sta. § 371a. — iVip jFi"'] Cf. S>p Nifj. — DN ''n'p?] Cf. v.* ;
GK. 163 c. — 5. -ii£3i] Here fern., but masc. in Ps. 102* Pr. "f^ ; cf. K6.
252 a. — nS>"'n] On the various constructions, v.s, — tt'pm] The whole bird-

III. 6 71

net or trap is probably expressed by ns (cf. Pr. y^ Ec. 9I2), consisting of
two frames covered with nets, which fly together, perhaps the lower one
flying up, when the trap is sprung, arpm is either the mechanism by striking
which the bird springs the trap (cf. Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the
Ancient Egyptians, I. ser. iii. 37 f., 46 ; Hoffm. ZA W. iii, lOi ; BSZ.) or,
better still, the bait (BDB., Dr.); in any case not a synonym of ns {contra
Mit. and Hirscht). — iij*^] Inf. abs. prec. the finite vb., intensifying it ; H. 28,
3 a; GK. 113 «, q. On the position of the negative, v. Ko. 352/.

6, 7. The calamity comes /torn Yahweh ; but Yahweh always
warns ; why, then, do not the people tremble ?

Having announced that Yahweh and Israel must now separate
and that the latter is to be punished (strophe 2), that a nation,
even at this time, is ready to pounce down upon Israel as her prey
(strophe 3), the prophet, in strophe 4, asks : Why, when the alarm
has been given, do the people not tremble? This calamity, so soon
to burst upon them, like every such calamity, is from Yahweh. Do
they not understand that Yahweh sends no disaster without having
previously made announcement through his prophets ?

6. The structure of strophe 4 is chiastic, members i and 4 relating to the
alarm, members 2 and 3, to the agency of Yahweh. Nothing can be more
certain than the close relationship of these two couplets. The versions
almost unanimously treat bn as a particle of condition. — i^jra n>n] Hoffm.,
■»';3 nj;-;* {y.i.'). — n;;';'] Elh. njv. Lohr and Baumann transpose v.^" and ^*.
— 7. Variations exist as to the tense rendering of 7\^x . . . nrj.", <5 -iroi^a-r)
. . . d7ro/cXi5i/'7j ; "S facit . . . revelaverit ; S ^^^ • • • U-« • — 'fiD] © iraiSeiai'
(reading a formation from iD', Vol.); the suffix a^roO is present in (S^Q;
'A. a.irbpp-r)Tov ; S. btxlkiov ; 0. tt]v ^ovX-^v; S 01])?. Oort's suggestion
of nb (r/i.T. XIV. 135; adopted by Gun.) or jr (£m..- so also Hal.) for
^3 (v.'') is superfluous. Oet, would place v.'' after v.^ on the ground that
^3 of v.'' finds no basis in v.®; while Lohr, Baumann, Marti, om. v.'' as a gloss.

6. Shall a trumpet be sounded in a city'] as a summons to bat-
tle, or in order to give alarm against destructive animals (Jo. 2^),
or against an approaching enemy (Ho. 5^ Je. 6^ Ez. ZZ^), and
the people not tremble?'] (cf. Ho. ii^"'" i S. 16*). Why, then,
should not the warnings of the prophet be heard and heeded ? —
Can evil] i.e. not moral evil, but misfortune, calamity, disaster
(cf. I S. 6^ Je. i" i8« Is. 45^ Gn. iq^^ 44=** Ex. 32" Ez. 7^),

72 AMOS

happen in a city and Yahweh not have caused it?~\ He is over
all and in all, the author of all fortune, good or ill. — 7. But
(rather than /tr) he does nothing in the way of sending calamity
upon men,* except he reveal his {secret) purpose to his servants,
the prophets^ To the prophets, who are Yahweh's servants (cf.
the frequent use of this expression in Jeremiah's times, e.g.
2 K. 1 7^3. 23 21^ 24^ Je. 7^ 25* 26* 29^^ 35'^) > and as such
represent him in his dealings with men (Gn. 18^'' Dt. 18*^, he
reveals the significance of the calamity, and the purpose which it
was intended to subserve. They are given the knowledge and
are expected to sound the alarm by forewarning and exhortation.
Since, then, every calamity comes from Yahweh to serve a purpose,
and since the prophets, who are the interpreters of the divine will,
have given the alarm, how strange that the people who are in such
danger do not hear and tremble !

6. dn] better understood as an interrogative (= mwi; so many, e.g.
Har., Jus., Ros., Ew., Hd., Pu., Reu., Or., We.) than as a conditional part.
(Schro. apparently, Mit.); rarely (cf. Gn. 381^^ i K. \^ Ju. 5* Is. 29I6) at the
beginning of an interrog. and still more rarely, as here, repeated (cf. Je. 48^
Jb. 6^2). cf. H. 42, 4 a, b; GK. 150/;; Ew.^ 324 c, (<r)). — mm nS d>'i] Circ.
clause ; note use of nS (not |''N, see vs. ^-^ ; cf. nt:>y nS ninn), because the vb.
is finite; GK. 152a, b; Dr. § 162. — T'PJ n;?-^] Hoffm.'s reading, (i) nj?i
(fem. of yT = nynn; cf. Ex. 321^), and (2) np, through a watcher, i.e. a
prophet, is, as Gun. (pp. 59-61) has said, open to the following objections :
i) The word n>n cannot be shown to exist; in Ex. 32^^ it is either to be read
■i^^n with Q'^r!, or njji, with a fem. suffix, with Di. 2) j;?. is not identical with
nvn.i, but means, in accordance with the original meaning of the root,
a tumultuous noise rather than a warning cry (Ex. 32^^ Mi. 4^ Jb. 36^).
3) The reading ip for I'jj'a is very questionable. No text is known in which
1J7 has the meaning proposed, synonymous with prophet. 4) The inference
which Hoffm. draws, that " false prophets do not warn," i.e. false prophets
sleep while the true are wakeful, is not warranted by the facts. 5) The
connection with 'r\t'-'i x*? n^n^i would be difficult, and Hoffm. does not ex-
plain it. — r\iv^'\ The 3rd pers. is resumed here; cf. v.^*; Ko. Stil. 256. —
7. ^2] Does not mean here for (to be joined with v.^; Schm., Or., Dr.),
nor namely (Hi.), nor surely (Geb., Hd., BDB., Now.; cf. GAS.), nor is
Oort's suggestion of a change to n^ or \p_ necessary; the preceding sentence
is virtually a negative sentence, and ''3 = but{W\.\..), H. 44 rm. (</); GK. 163 b;
Ew.8 354a. — ni;'p] Indef. freq., H. 21, 3; Dr. § 33 (3); GK. 107^. — sV

* Cal, Geb., Ros.

III. 6-8 73

-131 . . .] A usual form of expressing nothing (cf. Ex. 9* I K. 5" lo^ Is. 39^);
cf. also '?3 . . . n'^, no one; H. 14, id; GK. 152 f. — ax >?] except =
imless previously, H. 48, if; GK. 163 c; K6. 372,^. — n'?j] Fut. pf., H. 19, 3;
Dr. § 17. — it'd] The old derivation was from nD', to establish, hence a de-
cree, counsel (Jus.; Ges. Thes. 602 ; Hd.). It is now usually assigned to the
root 11D of uncertain meaning (BDB.; K6. IH. p. 49; cf. Horn. ZDMG.
XLVI. 529). Similar is Syr. JOJO JOQJC, secret conversation, td has the
meanings, (i) confidential discourse, (2) counsel, (3) secret, (4) assembly, here
probably secret, secret counsel, cf. Je. 2318- '^'^. Lohr {v.s., following Duhm,
and Che. EB. I. 154) urges against the authenticity of v.'^ (i) the difficulty of
explaining ■'3; (2) the phrase a''Ni3jn vi3>' belongs to Je., Dt., and later litera-
ture; (3) niD occurs nowhere prior to Je.; (4) the poetic structure differs
from that of the context, hence it is to be regarded as an interpolated expla-
nation of v.**. But an argument from language is at best unconvincing; the
■■r can be satisfactorily disposed of as above; and the v. fits well in the strophic
structure here presented.

8. TTie enemy having manifested his presence, let every one fear ;
Yahweh having spoken^ let every one recognize the coming calamity.

The utterance is the last of the rapidly rising climax, and sus-
tains a close logical connection with what has been said; both
members are thus connected with strophe 2, the first, also, espe-
cially with strophe 3, and the second with strophe 4 In view of
the decision to punish Israel for his sins (strophe 2), a movement
has been inaugurated which makes Israel, though seemingly un-
conscious of the fact, the prey of a mighty nation (strophe 3) ;
the Hon has roared, let every one fear (strophe 5 a) ; Yahweh is
the author of this situation, and has through his prophets an-
nounced it, though without effect (strophe 4) ; the Lord God hath
spoken, let every one hear and see beforehand the coming disaster
(strophe 5 F).

8. The parallelism is complete and synonymous, although " the lion " and
"the Lord God" do not have the same reference. — jnt] <5 and U render
by futures, ipev^erai, rugiet, & and C by pfs., >09iJ, onj. — For I3"t] all
have pfs. — »d] (5 Kal tIs in both cases. — N3J'] We. T\n'> (so also Now.) ; and
Che. (^EB. I. 154) 3N3^; but no change is necessary.

8. The prophet, as has been seen, recognizes in the tramp of
the Assyrian army, which his ear has been quick to catch, the fact
that the lion has roared'], and, himself hearing it so distinctly, he

74 AMOS

does not understand why others should be deaf to it. — W7io is
there that does not fear /] The purpose of the roaring was to occa-
sion fear ; why is it that every citizen of the kingdom is not terror-
stricken and penitent before the approach of this terrible army
from the north ? — The Lord Yahweh hath spoke7i\ and the words
have no uncertain sound. The message given, as always, through
his servant, the prophet, and given for the purpose of carrying con-
viction to the hearts of those who would not see, has been uttered ;
who is it that c an Jiot prophesy ? *'\ Who is there so bUnd as not to
see this coming misfortune and proclaim beforehand its terrible
significance ; in order that, if perchance Israel should hear and
repent, Yahweh might order otherwise ? This was the purpose of
all prophecy.

8. JXE* i^.l"'??] Circ. cl. with vb. in pf. {the lions having roared) preced-
ing the principal sentence, H. 45, ^b; Dr. § 165; GK. 1560'. — Nni> nS ip]
i.e. who should not fear ? or who is there that does not fear ? or let every one
fear. On the force of the tenses here and the conditional nature of the sen-
tence w.GK. 159/2; Dr. § 154. — ^s?^^'.] It is not necessary to suppose (Schro.)
that there is here a reference to the event described in 7^^^ and that conse-
quently that event took place before the utterance of this passage. The sub-
stitution of mni for N2r {v.s^ is too prosaic, but harmonizes with the general
interpretation adopted above.

§ 6. The doom of Samaria. 3^-4^. In still another form the
prophet delivers the message given him to proclaim, (i) So great
is the wickedness of the capital city, Samaria, that even Egypt
and Philistia, called upon to look within Samaria's walls, are
astonished at what they see. (2) But an enemy is coming who
will quickly lay waste this beautiful and luxurious city. What
remains will be as nothing. Even the altars of Bethel will be in-
cluded in the dreadful destruction. (3) The women of Samaria,
because of their debaucheries, must share the punishment. They
shall be carried away captives through breaches in the wall.

This piece, which is entirely separate from the preceding and following,
originally consisted of six strophes, each containing four pentameters. To
restore this, certain minor changes in the text are necessary as well as
the transfer of v.^^ to follow v." (see BW., Sept. 1898, pp. 179-82; so

* Geb., Ros. ; cf. GAS. " who can but prophesy? "

III. 8 75

also Elh.; cf. Ldhr who places v.12 after vs.i^-^-andi*; and Baumann who
places V.''' between v.^*^ and v.^^). Here again Miiller's arrangement of
strophes {^Die Propheten, I. 71) fails, because he has not observed that
d^-^ belongs with 3^^^ and, indeed, forms the climax of the piece (so We.,
GAS.) The first line of each strophe, as rearranged, contains a statement of
proclamation or assertion on the part of Yahweh, thus giving great intensity
to the whole passage. Still further, the six strophes logically divide them-
selves into three groups, each of two, and in the first strophe of each group
reference is made to Samaria, Strophes i and 2 (vs.^- ^*', vs.^i- ^^) present a
judgment scene. Samaria is accused of tumult and oppression. Outside
nations are summoned to witness her wickedness and to testify against her.
The decision is rendered — punishment, viz. destruction by a foreign foe
who will lay waste the whole city. Three clauses are probably interpola-
tions: (i) iiSNi (v.^) merely repeats the idea contained in rp^qt'T) and,
although in the form 'inN'^. it would be common, may be thrown out; (2)
n3">p3 D''ipiB'j;i_ (v.^) is very awkward, meaning, not oppression, but the op-
pressed; does not join well with nininc; is superfluous in view of nir (v.^");
and entirely spoils the measure of the line (see BIV., Sept. 1898, p. 182; so
Lohr). (3) n\n^ dn: (v.^*) does violence to the measure and is tautological
after the same phrase in v.^^, which constitutes the first member of the strophe.
The transfer of v.^* to follow v.^^ is justified by the demands of the strophic
arrangement, for otherwise all would be confusion; by the closeness of
thought in vs.^^ ^"'' ^^, everything having to do with houses (palaces, winter
houses, summer houses) ; and by the fact that in its present position it makes
an anti-climax, while by its removal v.^* furnishes, in the destruction even
of Bethel's altars, the highest point yet reached in the description.

9. nijmt<] ® xi^pais (= nimN; so also Elh.), or nii'-jN (Vol.), so in
y%p- 11. — nni:'N3] (S iv'Aaavplois {= niCNa, so also Gr., Wkl. Untersuch. 185,
Val., Oort Em., Oct., Marti) ; Elh., mtrs;:. — '?> 1] Elh., ^i'l, omitting a nusnN.
— ansD V"*^] <5 Tijs kli<nrrov, probably an error for 7^s A^7', which appears
in 22 Mss. (so Hirscht). — ncxi] Baumann om. — nn] Read in sg. with (5S
and Syr.-Hex.; cf. 4I 6^ (so Oort, ThT. XIV. 129; We., Now., GAS., Lohr,
Elh., Oct., Baumann) ; Gr. ny. — ncinc] S sg., (S davixaffrA, reading incorrectly,
mmnn, pass. ptcp. of nnn (Drusius, Ba.), S. axopraalas, — naipa . . . nsina]
Oort ( 77^ 7". XIV. 129) nanpa . . . noma. — naipa a^iiryi] om. as a gloss upon
nninc, which unduly lengthens the line {v.s.). — 10. U'T'] ® sg. — nn^j niifj?]
@ a fo-Tttt ivavrlov avTTJs (= nnap . . . irN, Va.). — nn^:] S IZn 1 wnSo,
(connecting with ny, Seb.), ^ H-'^ytt. — "> Dw] Lohr removes to the end of
the v.; Baumann om. — 11. y^nn 3'>3D1 is] (S Tvpos KVK\6dev i) yij crov iprjfiujd-^-
(rerai, vocalizing "is, taking ffov from fol. line, dropping •>, and adding the vb.
U tribulabitur et circuietur terra. Read 33b; with S (adopted by St., Gun.,
Seb., We., Gr., Val., Now., Dr., Lohr, Elh., Hirscht, Oet.) ; this is better than
3p2 (Ba.), or aop: (Bauer); cf. Hoffm. and Gu., 3^30-; Jus. aOD ns (but v.
Gun.); Oort (^Em.~) 331D1; Rahmer s^jd (cited by Hirscht), a dialect form

"^^ AMOS

for 30B' —flame ; Va. a^^D lis; Gr. msr, for ix, on basis of 0; Hal. ti;x^ is.

— Tiim] % — -nTn, with fol. suffixes in 3 sg. fem. (S Kard^et. We., Tvini (so
also Gr., Now., Lohr, Elh., Oet., Hal.). — iDc] Hal. noc. — it3ji] Oct., 113^31.
— 15. \~'';ni] @ (ri;7xf'^ '^*^ Trard^w, explained by Vol. as a double
rendering based on a reading, nidh or imnn; cf. (S's rendering of qdh^
in I S. 7^°. — i5Di] @ wpoffTedriffovrai = isD'' or isDi: (Va., Oet.) or 10DN (Vol.),

— a"'2"\ DTii] (5 irepoi oIkol iroWol ; (B^*^ oTkoi 'irepoi. iroXKol. There is no need
to suppose, with Oort (TAT. XIV, 128), that JHST is corrupt; cf, Baumann,
jm '>na. — nini d«j] Lohr om. as a later addition (z^.^.),

9-11. Samaria's wickedness astonishes the neighboring nations.

9, The opening words accord with the oriental usage of sum-
moning assemblies by proclamation. Proclaim'^ i.e. let it be
proclaimed, the word being used indefinitely,* and not addressed
specifically, either to the prophets t (for Amos seems everywhere
to be standing alone in his work), the hostile nations, J or any
general messenger. § — Over the pa/aces'] Because either the
upper classes are addressed, as corresponding to the upper
classes of Samaria, upon whom judgment was coming, || or the
palace is the natural place from which proclamation is dissemi-
nated,1[ — Ashdod . , . Egypt'] The prophets not infrequently
represent pagan peoples as morally superior to the rebellious
people of Yahweh, because the former sin in ignorance, but the
latter with full knowledge.** These two names are representative,
Ashdod standing for Philistia. In explanation of the selection of
these, it has been suggested that they, of all nations, rejoiced
most over Israel's humiliation ; If that these two in contrast with
Edom, Ammon, Moab, Syria, and Phoenicia, stood apart from
Israel ; J that they were the nations whose unrighteousness Israel
had experienced ; J J that " even the chief cities of the Philistines
and Egyptians, who indeed are not weak and can tolerate much,
would be amazed, if they saw the mad extravagance and the
injustice in Samaria ";§ § that Ashdod especially was chosen be-
cause of its similarity to "W, the word used in v.^^ to denote the
violence of which Amos accuses the people. {| || — Gather ye tipoji
the motmtain of Samaria] If the plural is read, the reference

* Ros., Mau., Mit., Dr. $ Hd, ** Cf, Hal, §§ We.

t Hi., Ke. II Hi., Mau., Ke., Mit, ft Ew. |||| GAS.

X Ba, H Mercer, Ros., Ba. ^ ^^'

III. 9- 1 1 yj

is to the mountains of Ebal and Gerizim, from which may be
seen the mountain or hill on which Samaria is built and on
which the witnesses might stand and look down into Samaria (cf.
I K. 1 6-*) ;* but the better reading is "n, i.e. the mountain or
hill of Samaria (cf. 4^ 6'). — Samaria'] is declared to have been
founded by Omri (i K. 16-''). It is on a hill about three hun-
dred feet high, surrounded on three sides by mountains, but
open toward the west. Later it was fortified, especially by
Ahab, so that it was strongly defended. It took a siege of three
years for Assyria to capture it. From that time on it was of
little importance. — Atid see the manifold tumults therein] In
other words, the turbulent and voluptuous Hfe of the nobles
(Pr. i5^®),t including oppression, J confusion and overturning of
justice, § arbitrary deeds of might, || strife of poor and rich,^
terrores.** — 10. And {how) they know not to do good] The igno-
rance carries with it indifference and hostility (cf. Je. 4^). The
emphasis is on know, all ideas of right having been lost. ft The
reference is, of course, to the wealthy Samaritans. — These who
treasure violence and oppression] That is either (i) store up
money and goods which are the fruit of violence (cf. 2"'), J J or
(2) heap up oppression as one heaps up treasure. §§ — 11. There-
fore] Because of the iniquities which have been mentioned, for
the existence of which there is ample evidence, an adversary shall
surround the land] An etiemy, \ || rather than affliction,^^ in view
of the following phrase ; in any case, the invasion is one which
Shall include the whole country. — And he shall strip from thee thy
strength] The subject is the adversary of the preceding clause ;
this is better than to treat the verb as impersonal, one shall strip***
or to make it passive, thy strength shall be stripped from thee,^\^\
or to understand the subject to be Yahweh. ftt — And thy palaces
shall be plundered] The beginning of the more detailed description
of the results of the invasion, the principal effect of which is seen
in the destruction of the more prominent and splendid buildings

* So Cal., Jus., Schro., Ba., Mit., Dr. t Hes. + Cal.

§ Jus.. Schro. II Va. H Ros. ** Mich. ft We.

XX Dat., Va., Schro., Ros., Ba., Hd., Gun., Now., Dr. \\ Jus.. Pu., We.

nil Cal., Geb., Mich., Mau.. Hd.. Ke.. Gun.. We., Now., Elh.
f H Jer., Hi., Has., Ba., Dr. *** Hi, tit Ba.

78 AMOS

of the city. This is continued directly (according to the re-
arrangement suggested above) in v.^^. — And I will smite the
winter house together with the swnmer house~\ The older opinion,
that the winter and summer houses were distinct, being built and
arranged differently, although close together,* seems to have little
support. They were rather different parts of the same house,t the
upper story, if there were two, or the exterior, if there was but one
story, being used for summer. Cf. Ju. 3^ Je. 36". An inscrip-
tion recently discovered at Zinjirli, dating but shortly after Amos's
time, furnishes an interesting parallel to this expression. Bar-
rekub. King of Sham'al, a vassal of Tiglathpileser III., relates his
activities in decorating his father's house in honor of his ancestors,
the kings of Sham'al, and says, " and it is for them a summer house
and a winter house." \ — The houses of ivory\ That is, houses
adorned with ivory (cf. Ps. 45* and Ahab's house, i K. 22^^), an
evidence of great luxury, for ivory was costly (cf i K. 10^*). All
these were houses of nobles rather than of kings. § — Many houses
shall perish"] According to some D''31 may be translated great, cf.
Is. 5^ ; II but the more natural idea is that many houses (cf. 6" Is. 5^
2 K. if*^'), even those of the common people, shall be destroyed.^
The writer sees a great catastrophe, the destruction of every struc-
ture in the city.

9. S;r] According to Massora Magna (cf. Mercer, Ba.), here and in twelve
other cases, jjctr with Sy instead of Sx. — in'^'Nj] On prep. 3 after noun in
cstr. state to define more closely the force of annexion, H. 9, 2^ ; GK. 1300:;
Ew.* 289 3; K6. 336 «; cf. also X-\H2. Against f{l2C and in support of his own
reading (f.i.) Elh. urges (l) that the coupling of a Philistine town with the
great land of Egypt is unlikely ; (2) that one would not expect only two people
to be summoned to witness Samaria's corruption, but rather the whole world;
(3) that the reference to "palaces " is strange; it is not uncommon to speak
of the land -when the inhabitants of it are really referred to, but "palaces" is
never used for the people of the land ; (4) (S's reading nimN; consequently the
reading, " Proclaim to the lands, from Assyria to the land of Egypt," etc., was

* Bauer, Ros., Dr.

fVan Lennep, Bible Lands, 115; Thomson, LB. I. 478; Ri. HBA. I. 574-80;
Reu.; GFM. Judges, 96 ff; DB."^ I. 1403-8; Benz. Arck. 111-24.

X Quoted by Dr. from an article by Sachau in Sitzungsberichte d. Akademie d.
Wissetischafi, Berlin, Oct. 22, 1896, p. 1052.

§ Gun., We., Now. || Ki., Cal., Geb., Bauer, Mau., Hd.

IF Hi., Ros., Ba., Ke., Or., Gun., We., Gu., Mit., Dr., Now., GAS,

m. II 79

probably the original one. But (i) the plural mn"i« occurs only once, Ps. 49I-,
and there not in the sense of lands, countries, but as denoting the landed
possessions of individuals ; (2) Ashdod, a representative town of Philistia,
and Egypt are summoned as tv/o of the lands most closely concerned with
Israel's affairs ; (3) " palaces," a favorite word with Amos, are mentioned as
representative of the ruling classes. — iBDxn] Niph., with its original reflexive
meaning, GK. 51 c. — ''in"'?>'] The difference between the sg. n.i and the pi. nn
is important ; if in is read, the outside nations are invited into Samaria
itself (cf. 4I 6^, V.S.). — S;] here and 2 S. 17^^ 2 K. 22^0, instead of *?!< after
r|D.s, according to Massora Magna (cf. Mercer). — piDB'] The name of the
city is in Aram. t'lCU' in Syr. f- v^ *.-, Assyr. Samerina. It probably means
watch-tower, from ipr. Cf. however, Sta. ZA VV. V. 165-75 J GAS. HG.
346-9. — nmnc] Cf. Pr. 7^^ 20^. The pi. may intensify the idea (GK. 124^) or
represent a condition finding frequent expression (GK. 124/) ; according to
Hi. made pi. by the proximity of the pi. a^-iiw*;'; elsewhere (i S. '^■^^ la^'^ Zc.
1413) in sg. — a^'pir;'] Taken (i) as a pass, ptcp., those oppressed, calumniam
patientes (Jer., Va., Ros.) ; (2) as connected with ncinc as a case of hendiadys
= the great cry of the oppressed (Geb.); (3) as a ptcp. used as a noun (Jb.
35^ Ec. 4'), cf. Sn:, njiSn (Hd., Ba.); (4) as a noun, oppression (Jus., Schro.,
Mau., and most modern comm.), used collectively and then abstractly, GK.
I24<r; K6. 261 d ; but evidently here it is a gloss {y.s.'). — 10. ijni nSi]
Grammatically dependent on ini (v.^), see . . , and how they do not know (cf.
Ho. 710 Je. 2i9 Ec. 610). cf. GK. 157; Ew.8 351 b ; K6. 413/5, and Sti/. 259.
— nirj?] The inf. as obj. of verb (cf, I K. 3''; Is. l", etc.) ; cf. H. 29, i d;
GK. 114^; K6. 399 i. — nn^j] Fem. for neut., cf. nj,n, Gn. 502'; nSpj, Je. 6'*;
njoj, Ps. 5I'' ; cf. H. 2, 2 <5 (2) ; GK. 122 ^. — onxN.-i] Cf. construction of
a^ONi:'n (2'^); K6. 411/; GK. 126/^. — 11. 3>3D1 is] Besides the textual
changes above, the following constructions have been suggested: (i) the
supplying of Nb; (Ros.); (2) a^JD = Pi3''3D used as a prep., Ps. 50^ (Hi.);
(3) supply nx nin> after i (Ros.), the 1 = and indeed, cf. Je. 15I8 Ez. 137-22
(GK. I54<^); (4) 3>2D = -S33; cf. 2 K. 176 (Hd.); (5) 2^20 = h 2-20; cf.
Ex. 1 61* 40** Nu. i^^ S here omitted on account of the sententious brevity
of the message (Ba.,), cf. K6. 319 y, 375 </. — ""i^^ll i written defectively;
for subj. have been suggested, "Mf (Mau.), Yahweh (Ba.), 'T'TDt (Hi.), H. 37,
2c; GK. 144 d,e; Ew.* 294^ (2); cf. v.* Is. 63^; We.'s reading -'•^ini is
suggestive, but not really necessary. — ■'jp lor] A change in the suffix from
the 3d m. pi. to the 2d f. sg., i.e. to the city of Samaria or the Israelitish
nation, GK. 122A ; Ew.^ 317'^; ^V = might, with the idea of glory (Ke.),
not fortresses (Ew.), which would require a more specific word (Ba.); cf.
•\^22, mxsp, Ps. 29I 96" 1328. — vibi] On form, GK. 67/. — 15. ^n>3ni] The
use of the ist p. is no more striking after nil (v.^) than, according to IflST,
after . . . iSon lyiiji (v.**) ; on •>_, instead of •<_, GK. 75/ — Tinn pij] On
annexion as a substitute for the adjectival construction, H. 8, 3 d; GK. 128 ^ ;
here used collectively. — hy'] together with = and, cf. Gn. 32^2 28^ (Ros.,

80 AMOS

Mau., Or., We., Mit., Now.), not upon, i.e. the stones of one falling upon
those of the other (Ba., Ke., GAS.). — V?,t\ ^nn] On ^^3 = bSt-te, GK. 96;
Sta. § 187 a ; BSZ. and BDB. s.v. ]tJ'n (also i K. 10^8. cf. Ez. 27!^) is for the
fuller ao^rL^', tooth of elephants (cf. i K. 10^2 2 Ch. 9^1) . For further allu-
sion to houses of this kind, see i K. 22^3 Ps. 45^. — lopi] Pf. 3 pi. of ^iD, cf.
Is. 66" (BDB.), or of nsD, cf. Je. 12* (suggested by Ros., cf. BSZ. where it is
assigned to both roots!). — a^a^ DTia] Singularly like the Ass3-r. bitu rabA,
the ideographic equivalent of the word ekallu, "^t^, which has gone over into
Heb., Aram., and Syr. The Assyr. ekallu is itself a loan-word, being the
Assyrian form of the Sumerian e-gal = great house. The phrase here may
then be equivalent to d^Sdih = palaces.

12-14. Nothing will be left to Samaria's luxurious nobles ; and
even the altars of Bethel will be destroyed.

These strophes furnish pictures in detail of the coming destruc-
tion, the first, of its effect upon those who have been living lives
of luxurious ease ; the second;, of its effect upon the religious
institutions of the period.

12. Sia] Hoffm. {ZAW. III. loi f.) -i?'^. — iSsr] S) ,p^hl = shall be
carried away, which makes better sense, unless with We. we understand the
last part of the line to have been lost, e.gfrom the invading enemy. — pinco]
Oort {ThT. XIV. 128; so Baumann) om. as a later insertion. — hod pnoj] (&
KarivavTi ttjs 0i;X^s (explained by Hirscht as = ntaa nNlp"?; by Oort, loc. cit.
as = "a "'JD3; cf. Stek. 102) ; cf. 0. Kar^vavri KXl/jLaros; & '\,jlAi ^^? Vfi'^ "^
(= nan DNns2, n and n having been transposed, a beinga dittograph; Seb.);
K laSia' r|ipn3 = in the strength of pozver. Oort, nan 'ne'p? (so also Val.);
Hal. 'D PpD3; Marti, niflS cushion. — !;'i>'] (5 tepets; against the explanation
of Jer., adopted by most critics, that (S did not understand the meaning of the
word and so merely transliterated it, epes, and that it was afterward modified,
Hirscht rightly urges the fact that in &■* (5 renders !in>' correctly; (@Q'"S, S., 0.,
and Syr.-Hex. have Kklvq, and some codd. kKIvsi, following AafiaiTKCfi. & has
|.Laii (= I'in), which may be a part of the translation of pu'Dna-i, as it was
vocalized (Seb.), Jiny being wholly omitted. SC I''>"'n-; = trtest, which points
to a different reading from fH2C, since in 6* t:n>' is rendered correctly. On the
basis of (S's rendering, and the supposition that (SS^T all point to a word
ending with a, while IK seems to have read a word beginning with ;, Hirscht
proposes D^tpp (^— their confidence). H has Damasci. Hoffm. 's proposal to
read Damascus, and to connect ^2*, beginning OOil^n, with v.^^, does not
commend itself. We. suggests that \>Z'^a^^ is a corruption of some word corre-
sponding to HNS. Lohr om. '\x\ o^att'in as a gloss combined from 3^ 4^ 6*. Elh.
proposes anp pU'DT i33i, the construction being like that of nin> n>3 mnn ^Sd
in 2 Ch. 361". Get. ri;? ■'la-inai, cf. Pr. 7I6. Gr. ir-iy npijprai, cf. Ju. 4^*.

III. 12 8i

Margolis {A/SL. XVII., 1901, 170 f.), trny p-'trat, translating: "So shall the
children of Israel that dwell in Samaria rescue the corner of a couch and the
leg of a bed," regarding i as dittog. of 2, and c as dittog. of !:■, and treating 3
as 3 of accompaniment, 3 '?^j, meaning " escape with, rescue." Che. (^EB. I.
149) substitutes Jairn for pa'm; Duhm and Marti, nubi. — 13. •'n'?N nini •'jin
niNaxn] @ Ki/ptos 6 debs 6 wa.vT0Kp6.Twp, omitting ''J^^(; so also U. 5 "the
Lord of Hosts, the Mighty One, the God of Israel," reading apparently ''J^^{
Sunty^ •<rhn nit<3S nm^; probably the hn-w^ mSn is a gloss explaining ni,-i>
niN3xn (Seb.). Lohr om. the whole of v.^^*, 'ui mi bnj, as a later addition
having no place in the original strophic structure. — 14. ninarn] Oort naxn
{ThT. XIV. 142; so also Val., Elh.; cf. Stade and Marti). We. om. v.'**
as a later addition which is wholly foreign to the context (so also Now., Lohr;
Che. EB. I. 154; Bu., art. "Amos," Jeto. Enc), but v.i,

12. As the shepherd rescues from the month of the iiofi]. The
mind of the prophet reverts to his own experiences,* and not sim-
ply to a popular saying f (cf. i S. 17^*- Is. 31*). The shepherd
(cf. Ex. 2 2^^^) was accustomed to produce the remains of a beast
as evidence. Amos's references to lions are not infrequent ; cf.
^4.8 gi9 'pj^g force of the comparison Ues in the insignificant
character of what is rescued, viz. ttao legs or a piece of an ear\
the merest remnant, something, indeed, not worthy of mention.
Some X think of an allusion to a variety of goat with exceedingly
large ears, which would be of sufficient value to account for the
shepherd's rescuing them at such danger to himself; but this is
unnecessary. — So the children of Israel shall be rescued"] There
is to be added, perhaps, /r(?/;/ the enemy (v.s.) ; cf. the rendering
rescue themselves ; § in other words, practically none of the Is-
raelitish voluptuaries described shall be saved, there being no
possible reference to the remnant referred to in 9**, an idea so
cherished by Isaiah (6^'^).|| — They who sit in Samaria on the
corner of a couch, on the damask of a divan] One may put aside
without much consideration most of the interpretations proposed
for this passage, e.g. (i) the inhabitants dwelling in two particular
streets in Samaria, viz. Peath Mittah and Demesek Eres ;% (2) by
hypallage, for in a bed of extremity,** i.e. brought from afar,
and in a couch of Damascus,tt i-^- covered with Damascene

* Ros., Schro., Hd. t Hi. + Jus.. Hd. \ Ew., Ke. || Contra Ba.
H Based upon the use of E^3v'> rather than a''3Di;' (Drusius, cited by Geb.).

** HNfl nacD. tt pa'DT cnya. '

G

82 AMOS

stuff; * (3) those few should be saved who had crept into
beds for safety, into couches covered with Damascene stuff; f

(4) in Samaria, that is, in the corner of a bed, etc., the city
being thus compared to a bed from its geographical position ; J

(5) there shall be saved only the sick lying on couches ;§ (6) shall
secure themselves with the corner of a couch, etc., connecting
'ISI nSM with 1'7lt?^ II We have a picture of Samaria's nobles lying
free from care on soft couches (6^) -IF Perhaps there is contained
a thrust at the new court method of sitting on the corners of sofas
instead of lying on them.** — 13. Hear ye\ Addressed, not to the
Egyptian and Philistine nobles who are thus commissioned by
Yahweh to make to his people the announcement of their doom,tt
nor to Israel herself, \\ nor to the few faithful, §§ nor to the proph-
ets (z'.i-.) ; II II but for rhetorical purpose, to individuals among
the people, or to any who might hear.^^ — And testify against]
Meaning more than declare unto, cf. Gn. 43^ Dt. 4^® 30^^*. — The
house of Jacob] i.e. the house of Israel (cf. 9" with 9^); but the
writer means not all Israel (3^), who would have an interest in and
be witnesses of the sin and punishment;*** but rather the ten
tribes (7^''),ttt ^.s is indicated by the mention of Bethel. — The
declaration of the Lord Yahweh, the God of Hosts] Cf. similar ex-
pressions in 5" 6" Ho. 12^ Is. i^-^*, here either wholly or in part a
gloss ; v.s. for the great variations of the versions. — 14. That]
What follows is an object clause after testify against (v.^^) ; cf. the
renderings, for,ll\ surely. § — In the day that I visit the trans-
gressions of Israel upon him] i.e. when the threatened disaster
comes. — / imll inflict punishment upon the altars of Bethel]
Pecuhar sacredness attached to the altars (cf. 2*) at Bethel, for
here Abraham and Jacob had erected altars (Gn. 12* 35'^)) and
here sacrifice had been offered in all later times (i S. 10^). Allu-
sions to the worship at Bethel are found in i K. 12^*^^ 13^'^
Am. 9^ Ho. 4^^ lo'-^ ^ The destruction of these altars meant in
reality the entire abolition of Israel's worship, and was the great-
est blow which could be struck. Wellhausen argues that v."*

*Geb.

II Gun.

tt Cal., Ba.

*** Ba., Ke.

t Jus., Hes.

1 Schro., Hi., Ew.

\\ Geb.

ttt Mit., Seesemann.

X Ros., Pu.

** Hoffm.

nil Ros., Gun.

XXX Ros.

\ Hd.

ttHi..Mau.,Ke.,Reu.

HH Mit.

III. 12-14 83

is an interpolation, because (i) not the altars but Samaria's aris-
tocracy are the sinners, (2) the sins of Samaria's aristocracy
could not be visited upon Bethel's altars, and (3) in the preceding
verses and in v.^^ Amos speaks of Samaria's excesses ; but this is
not convincing, for (i) just as the punishment threatened, takes, in
one case, the form of destruction of dwelling houses, so it takes
here the form of destruction of religious structures ; (2) Bethel is
described by Amaziah as a sanctuary of the king and a royal resi-
dence (7^'^, and its destruction would mark the humiliation of the
royal house, as well as the disappearance of the last refuge of the
people (i K. i^ 2^) ;* (3) as has been shown above, v.^^ is to be
taken with vs."' ^-, and this utterance is the highest yet reached in
the prophetic climax. — Horns of the altar] An important part of
the altar, since they were needed for the performance of a certain
part of the ceremony (Lv. 4^.t

12. S^S'] Impf. of def. freq., H. 21, 2; Dr. § 33 {a) ; GK. 107 §-. — . . . r\y-\T\
<TNn] On the use of the article, GK. 126 r. — ^7'Z''\ On form, GK. 97 a, note;
Sta. § 361 b. On use of the numeral with the dual to express a certain emphasis,
GK. 88/"; K6. 257 a'. — it<] Used especially in legal expressions. — S-^d] Only
here; cstr. of S^n, a piece, from "r^s, in Hiph. divide, ■= "lUP, lobe of the ear,
Ex. 192''; but note the suggestion of i3^ {v.s.) ; of. Is. 26^^ (cf. Gun. per contra).
— a'3'.:"n] Hoffm.'s conjecture that with this word v.^^ begins, 0 yc who dwell,
etc., etc., hear, has nothing for its support; it goes better with what precedes.
The ptcp, with the art. = rel. clause, GK. 126^. The usual objections to
the |fl2r of this clause are: (i) on the basis of the rendering Damascus,
(a) that the presence of Israelites in D. is inexplicable, {i>) that some word
corresponding to nNsa is necessary before im>; (cr) that it requires a change
of pointing, viz. pt'^l; (2) on the basis of the rendering damask, (a) that in
the time of Amos Damascus was not renowned for the manufacture of
the material now named after it, (d) the old versions are all against it,
(c) in Arabic the name of the material (dima\<s) differs from that of the city
(Dimaksh), so that it is doubtful whether there really is any connection
between the two. Cf. Frankel, Aratnaische Fremdworter im Arabischen, 40,
288; K6. StiL 26 f.; BDB. For the various attempts to emend the text v.s.
— 13. niN3xn ^nSs nin^ ij-in] This is the only occurrence in the O. T. of this
full title. Other combinations with msax in Amos are PiN2xn >nSN mn% 6^*;

* Mit.

t On an Aramaic inscription from Teima, to the S.E. of Edom, an altar is
represented with horns, curved like those of an ox, rising from the corner. Perrot
and Chipiez, History of Art in Sardinia, Judaea, etc., I. 304.

84 AMOS

@ has niN3S also in 96- ^^ Other divine titles used in Amos are : mn>, 54 times;
nini 1J-1N, 19 times; ■'J^^*, 3 times; and a\n'?N, once, viz. 4^1. Lohr (p. 58)
maintains (i) that of the titles in which nixjx appears, the oldest one is
niK3X nin>, a form not appearing in Amos, but especially frequent in Is., Je.,
Hg., and Zc; (2) that mxjx was not used at all by Amos, but is to be
ascribed to later editors wherever it appears in the book; (3) that the earliest
passage in which niN3X appears is 2 S. s,^^, which belongs to the 9th century,
and shows that the name has been long familiar to the people; (4) that the
earliest use of ms'jx that has come down to us was that which denoted
Yahvveh's warlike might, and (5) that later it came to denote Yahweh as the
ruler of the powers of nature. The title is distinctly of a prophetic character,
occurring only in the prophets, the prophetic histories, and in six Psalms of a
prophetic tone. For other discussions of the meaning and use of the name
see De. ZLT/i., 1874, pp. 2171?.; Schra. /FTL, 1875, pp. 3i6ff.; Sm. /^e/.
185; Kautzsch, Z.4 fr. VI. I7ff., 260; Dr.; BDB. — 14. D^a] in cstr. rela-
tion with the following inf., which serves as protasis, H. 29, i,d; GK. 114^.

— irni^oi] The i marks the apodosis, H. 25, 2a^; GK. 112 mm; Ko. 3672;
ace. to Ew. the protasis includes all of v.^*, the apodosis beginning with v.^*.

— n'ljip . . . iTinajn] PI. fem., referring to inanimate objects, H. 2, 2i> (i);
GK. 1 22 m, n.

rV". 1-3. The wojnen of Samaria who by their debaucheries
have oppressed the poor will be carried away captive through
breaches in the walls of the city. The fifth and sixth strophes
close the piece and present in form and thought an almost
perfect climax.

At first sight the pentameter seems to have been abandoned; but a study
of the double strophe, as a whole, shows a purpose in this on the part of
the artist. One serious difficulty remains, however, upon any hypothesis of
construction, viz. the evident shortness of strophe 5, line 2, [nDD* nna nrx (4^).
It is probable that a word like yz'i?^ has dropped out after "^v^. The tetram-
eter of lines 3 and 4 is explained by the evident desire for double phrases
ending in ni and a^-, by the length and full sound of two of these phrases thus
brought into juxtaposition, and by the preparation of the poet for the climactic
effort which is to be made in strophe 6. This last point will perhaps also explain
the shortness of strophe 6. Having now used every art at his disposal with which
to prepare for the final scathing words of taunt and rebuke, line 3 is drawn out
with words long and strong sounding, while line 4 is still longer and stronger,
a fitting expression of the terrible thought which has been accumulating.
Isaiah, in later times, adopted not only the idea of reaching a climax, in the
description of a coming calamity, by charging the women with responsibility
because of their debaucheries, but also the use of words ending in ni and D^

IV. 1-3 85

for the effect of the sound, Cf. Is. 3^-^, in which this method is developed at
great length and most skilfully.

1. jB'an] "S pingues ; C N^Dpj; S. ai ^oes €ijTpo<poL; other versions treat
as proper name. — aninxS] We. J^•'J^^<'?; so also p^S;? and pnN (v.2) (so
Now., Elh., Oct., Lohr). — n^ian] (5S pi., and add io us (=iji^); this, if
original, would make five words in this line. — 2. nin> >j-in] @ om. one
of these titles, having merely Kvpios. — wipj] 0 Kara twv aylojv. Gr, iB'ijja,
cf. 6* Je. 51I*. — '•DJ Baumann om. — NB-ji] i§ Kal X'/ififovTai; similarly 5iF.
We. wt'i] (so Gr., Now., Elh., Oort £m., Oct., Hirscht). — n^jxa] 6 iv
tfirXois; ' A. iv Ovpeoh; 0. iv d6pa<ri; & ) 1 i] *^ ; U in contis ; K pn^onn Sj;.

— ]3nnnNi] (5 Kal rotis /j.eO' vixdv; ^ ponj3i. — run nn-'Di] ® eis \i^7]Tas
iiTTOKdioiiivovs ifjL^aXova-iv t/jLirvpoi \oi/xol, of which, according to Vol., et'y
X^/37>Tos is the translation of ptt'Dj, inroKaiofi^povs an explanatory addition,
i/j.^a\oG(nv a vb. supplied from the context, and ep-wvpoi XoifioL ( = burtthtg
plagues) an erroneous translation of njn. @a.q oni, iiiroKaio/xdvovs in^aXoOffiv;
7 codd. om. e/jiirvpoi Xoi/jloI; hence Hirscht regards <S as containing a double
rendering of njn, which was either unknown to the translators or else illegible.

— nn'D] S Mfff-o. — njn] Gr. nn, on basis of 'A. IxOvUwv, and ^ Ir-t?. —
8. mjj n^N njxxn D'XIoi] (5 Kal i^evex6ri<re(Tde (= nj.sxim) yv/j.vai Karivavri
6.XX-fiXwv, of which yv/ival KaTivavri is probably a corruption of yvvciiKes evavri
(so Va., Ba., Hirscht), or perhaps yvfxval = rnsna, cf. Lv. 13*5 ]^u_ ^8
(so Vol.). Gr. QisiD 'IN, Hal. mj:i 'n njNxn 'oi. — njnaSa'n] @ diropKp-^-

ffeffde; so U, reading hji-idSd'h; cf. S ^J^^-fcJo. — njimnn] (5 e^s t6 6poj
rb 'Pop-fidv (= njimn in); 0. e^s t6 v\l/-r)X6v 6pos; "E in Armo7i ; 'A. 'Apfiova;

•* S' O 6.

S. eJs 'Apfievlav; 2C ''jcin; ^ .tTSn?|» |jQ_^. Many emendations have
been suggested for these last two words, e.£.: Hi. njin "^nn ]^^2^t'n^ (njiD
being a contraction of njij;c) = and ye shall be cast out on the mountains
as a refuge. Ew. njiDi "^ryn = and ye shall cast Rimmonah to the moun-
tains. Ba. pon Tin ins^K'ni. New. njmnn nj>noStt'ni = and I will cast it
forth utterly destroying it. Doderlein and Dahl, ]^D-)n, the former trans-
lating " Schlachtbank," the latter " Verweisungsort." Meier (S/T., 1842,
pp. 1028 f.) HMD -tnn njHD'^iJ'rii = and ye shall cast (each one of you) on the
mountain her false god, njiD being derived from pc = divide, decide (cf.

Arab. /jUo, to lie), and meaning an image, an idol; cf. njinn (Jb, 4I6 Dt. 4^^
Ex. 20^). Gr, n:iD"\!< n-\n njPDSrni. Ko. (H. i. p. 459, N. 5), njiDin mnn.
Hi. (ist ed.), nroT "i"in paStt'ni (so also St., Gun.). Elh. n:imnn fnpSni (so
also Gun. T/iSi. XVIII, 218), Get, ^J^D^^ pn ninaSiym (cf. Or. njnaSa'ni

y T • T T V : - : ■ ! ^ • :

^y1D■^^). Lohr, piDC pudin pn iiScni, Oort, njimnn, Mit. pm mn
= toward the highlands of Ramman, i.e. Syria. Che. (EB. H. 1966),
n''B'3;53 njSjc'pi. Hal, ^5570^ (cf. Is. 201° Je. 221^). Marti, P'^D^jJ., The orig-
inal text seems to be beyond recovery (so We., GAS., Now., Dr., ei a/.).

86 AMOS

1. Ye kine of Bashan'\ The attention of the prophets is not
infrequently turned to women (cf. Is. 3^^ 4^). The women of the
times are here designated by a figure strikingly appropriate.
Bashan * was the northernmost of the three great divisions of the
mountainous range east of the Jordan, reaching to the Yarmuk,
south of which were Mt. Gilead and Ha-Mishor, and was known
for its oaks (Is. 2^^ Ez. 27® Zc. 11^), \is pastures (Mi. 7" Na. i* Je.
50^^, and especially its cattle (Dt. 32" Ps. 22^^ Ez. 39^^, which are
represented as being both fat and ferocious. The allusion is not to
the men,t especially judges and counsellors, called co2vs by way of
contempt, which supposition would explain the mascuHne form of
luaiy ; but, in view of Dne, Je. 50^ Ps. 22^, where men are intended,
and the feminine forms occurring so frequently in the passage, to the
noble women and princesses % who are now rebuked because of their
sins. — Who . . . in the moimtain of Samaria^ Cf. above and on
3^. — Injure the poor and crush the needy\ Not directly, to be sure,
but through their husbands'} (cf. 2' 8^, not the rich, § of whom
the rulers ask bribes, for oppressing the poor ; nor the kings and
princes || urged to intemperance by their counsellors ; nor the king,
the plural being a plural of excellence (cf. Gn. 40^ 2 S. 10^),
but the lords, or husbands of the debauchees^ (cf. Gn. 18^^
I K. i^^^- Ps. 45'^), the masculine suffix being due to careless-
ness, to whom they say bring that we may feast}, i.e. the
husbands are induced to deal oppressively with the poor in
order that they may procure the viands needed for their wives'
debaucheries (cf. Is. 28^ ''^), which, from the general character of
the language, may be understood to have included drinking,
feasting, and wanton luxury of every kind. — 2. The Lord Yahweh
hath sworn} Cf. similar expressions (6^ S'). — By his holiness}
Not by his sanctuary, § the temple at Jerusalem by which,
as the symbol of his holiness, he may swear ; nor by his holy
name** (Je. 44^^; but rather by his majesty,tt "his sacred awe-

*Wetzstein, Hauran, 39-42, 83-6; Gu. ZDPV., 1890, 230 ff.; GAS. HG. 53,
549 ff. 575 f., and art. " Bashan," DB. ; Dr. art. " Bashan," EB.
t Jer. (fol. K), Cal., Os., Mercer, Har., Dat., Hd.

t Gab., Jus., Va., Hi., Ba., Ke., Gun., We., Now., GAS., Dr. § Cal.

II Ros., Mau., Hd.
11 Geb., Jus., Va., Ba., Hi., Ke., We.. Dr. ** Va. ft Jus., Schro., Ros., Now.

IV. 1-3 8;

inspiring personality,"* with the implication that he will vindicate
his holiness by inflicting punishment for sin.f — Days are coming
upon you\ The sad and serious forecast of gloom and wretched-
ness so common in prophecy (cf. 8" 9^^ of the bright future, i S.
2^^ 2 K. 20^^ Is. 39^ and fifteen times in Je., e.g. 7^^ 16"). —
And ye shall be taken with hooks'] The translation shields j gives
no sense here ; the same is true of thorns ;% the figure is that of
fish (no longer cows) caught by hooks. || This is better than to
understand the representation of animals led by rings in their
noses. IF — Even the last of yoti] That Amos does not mean here
\hQ\r posterity** (cf. Je. 31" Ps. 109^^ Dn. 11^) is clear from 7^', in
which he looks forward to an immediate destruction. In the
synonymous member, for the sake of emphasis, he adds that even
of those, if there are any, who may be left, the last without excep-
tion shall suffer in like manner, viz. be carried away with fish-
hooks'] thus interpreting the expression already given. ff The
older interpretation pots was strange enough in connection with
the word .1311, fish. Calvin's idea, that though they thought them-
selves so large they should be carried away by a very small instru-
ment (fish-hooks), and Gebhard's, that the instruments were poles
sharp like thorns, which were to be used for rescuing the women
from fish-ponds into which they had fallen, are equally absurd ; cf.
the view of G. A. Smith that, the hooks ordinarily used for such
purposes having all been used on account of the great number of
captives, fish-hooks will be used for the last of them. The correct
idea is the same as in Hb. i"\ i.e. that of women as helpless as
the fish in the hands of the angler (Mitchell) ; cf. also the usage of
the Assyrians in leading captives by ropes fastened to rings in the
under lip. J { — 3. And through breaches] Emphatic by its posi-
tion; these could hardly have been prepared beforehand for secret
escape, §§ nor were they made by the people themselves in their
hurry to escape ; || || but were those made by the enemy, and,
according to the picture, are so many as to furnish the easiest
exit from the city ; cf. 2 K. 1 7^*, also On. 38^. — Ye shall go forth]

* Mit. t Os., Hd., Ke. J 'A. : CS weapons. ^ Doderlein.

II Cal, Ros., Schro., Mau., Pu., Gun., Mit., Now., Dr.

If Jus., Hi., GAS.; cf. Duhm and Marti. ** Geb., Hi., Ba., Gun., Elh.

tt Ros., Hi., Ke. JJ Rawlinson, ^«t. M9«. 1.243. §^ Hi. |||| So apparently Cal.

88 AMOS

Direct address ; not escaping as fugitives,* but carried away as
captives, f — Each wotnan straight before her'] i.e. not one after
another ; J nor each caring only for herself § (cf. Jos. 6^- -" Is. 47^^),
nor each one alone, unaccompanied by a man, || nor each one
in a captive state, not permitted to turn to the right hand or
the left ; ^ but each one straight forward " from the place where
she is captured,"! ^•^- through the breach which is directly before
her ** (cf. here also Is. 47^^ Jos. 6^- ^) . — And ye shall be cast] The
passive is easier than the active with the object supphed, " ye shall
cast yourselves." — Toward Harmon] In favor of understanding
this word as the name of a place, however uncertain may be its
exact significance {v.i.'), may be urged (i) the general testimony
of the versions, (2) the weight of interpretation, (3) the demands
of the passage, and (4) that this piece, like other pieces of Amos,
might be expected to close with a statement of the place to which
Israel is to be sent captive ; cf. 5-'^ 6".tt

1. ij^ce'] Masc, though women are addressed, because standing first (cf.
Is. 32^^) GK. 144^, Ko. 205 f. — jtt'nn ni-\5] m? for ms, hence _ unchange-
able, even in cstr., GK. 25 f; the art. used in junn regularly in historical
statements {^e.g. Nu. ii^^ Dt. i* Jos. 17I but not in i Ch. 528), and fre-
quently, though not in the majority of cases, in poetry; it is present, e.g., in
Is. 2" Je. 222>, but lacking in Ps. 22^^ 6816- 23 is. 339 Ez. 278 3915 Mi. 7"
Na. I* Zc. ii2 ; cf. Dr. Dt. 47 ; GAS. HG. 549 ; it is the distinctive art., as
ii^ X}yj}i GK. 126^. — ni|iB'>'n] Art. with ptcp. = rel. clause; p^r'y is very
general, including the doing of an injury whether open or secret ; while
yxi refers rather to open attack and assault (Ho. 5^^ Ju. 10^); both words
are found together, as here, in Dt. 28^^ i S. I2^'*. ngr indicates a more
entire destruction. — niss^n] Note asyndeton in case of the ptcps. with
the art. — anijiN'^] an is either an error in grammatical usage (Ba.), or the
masc. because the cows (fem.) are used to represent men (Ros., Mau.),
or a copyist's mistake {v.s^, or the masc. used, as including the fem. (Schro.),
cf. oa^*?;", ODHN (v.2) with the use elsewhere of the fem.; see GK. 135^;
Ko. 14. — ^^'3n] Sg., although addressed to ^^1J^^•; to be urged perhaps
in favor of interpreting nnij-ix king (Ros., Mau., Hd.); on He cohort.,
GK. 48 i ; Sta. § 595 b. — nnrji] The simplest expression for purpose, H.
26, 2a, Dr. § 60, GK. \oZd. — 2. nt-)\ Pf. of indef. past; H. 17, 3 ; Dr.
§ 9; GK. lodb. — 'p3] This 3 falls under the general head of means or in-
strument, cf. its use in OB^a (Dt. 6^*, etc.); as here in Jos. 2^2 and fre-

« Hi., Or. t Mit. + Jus. § Ew. 1| Geb.

II Hd., Dr. ** Ros. ft Hoffm., ZA W. HI. 102; but cf. Marti.

IV. 3 89

quently, Is. 62^5 cf. Arab, v«_) which must be used in swearing rather than •

or C, before a pron. suf., and when, as here, the vb. is expressed (Wright,
Arab. Gram. II. § 62). — v;] Either a part, of asseveration, surely, or equiva-
lent to quotation marks (Hd.), GK. 157^. — N'iJ'P]] Shall it be taken (i) as
a Niph. pf. used impers. (Hi.), cf. Gn. 11^ Ex. 13'^ Is. 23I, H. 25, 2d,
or (2) as Qal. impf. i pi. (sugg. by Va.), or (3) as Pi'el pf, (GK. 75 00)
with ^vxi understood as subj. (Ke.), or used impersonally, cf, i K. 9^1
(Schro., Ba., Ke.), or (4) with the text changed to yaz'i (v.s.)? Preferable
is (3) or (4), On pf. with i cons, here, GK. 112 j; ; Ko. 361 c. — . . . n-'jxa
nn^p^]. This is the only case where i^D has the meaning ^ooi, its usual
sense being thorn, and the only occurrence of the fern, form of the plural.
r\ri_ also is found only here, the usual form being omx, pi. of \i. The
primary force of both words, as also of n^n, is brier, thorn (cf. Pr. 22^ Jb. 5^
Is. 34'* Ho. 2^ 9^), and the meaning hook is of later origin ; cf. Assyr. hahin,
hihinu, thorn. Hal, urges that usage of the kind here described was
never accorded to women, but only to dangerous prisoners, and that njNxn
of V.' shows that women go forth voluntarily, hence that the statement
is made not of living women but of the carcasses of women that are
dragged out and cast upon the dung heap. — J3~''')nN] Stronger than n>-iKr
(Ew). — 3. a''S-iDi] Ancient interpreters (so Dat., Jus.) seem to have read with
3 = through; but it may be the ace. as obj. of Ni"' (Va., Schro., Ba.); cf.
Gn. 44* GK. 118 a^; K6. 2\\d; on position, Ew.^ 309 a, i. — -"ik'n] As dis-
tributive pron. GK. 139 b. — ^i'??'rv'?]] Read by (5 and other versions {v.s^ as
a Hoph. ; otherwise with an obj, supplied (Geb.), the n_ is either due
to the influence of the last syllable of nixxn (Ke., Mit.); or to be taken as
n paragogic, though rare in pf. (Va., Ros.), cf. Is. 7^ 28. i^*; or, better,
as a case of dittography, GK. 44^ {v.s^. — njimnn] In addition to the
explanations of this term involving emendation of the text (z'.J.), the fol-
lowing renderings may also be cited: (i) pmn has been regarded as a
stronger pronunciation of pens and interpreted (a) of the king's palace,

(3) of the fortresses or palaces of the enemy (so Jus., Schro., et al.') ;
(2) it has been identified with Armenia (so SST S., Jer., et al.') ; (3) high-
lands which had to be crossed on the way to Assyria (so Hes., Mau.) ;

(4) the name of the mountain on which Samaria stood, or some portion of it
(AE.); (5) Mt. Amanus (Luther); (6) pride (Rashi); (7) it has been

connected with Arab. (•■jJ* and referred to the harem of a hostile king. It

is regarded as inexplicable by many (so We., Val., Dr., Now., GAS., et al.).
It is to be taken, in any case, as a place-name, and We.'s objection to this,
that such a name would be suitable if the people as a whole were spoken of,
while it does not suit where the women in particular are mentioned, does not
hold in view of the preceding njNxn d^xidi. All efforts to discover such a
place as Harmon have thus far failed.

90 AMOS

§ 7. Israel's failure to understand the divine judgments. 4^"^^.
The occasion is perhaps a festival.* The prophet in an ironical
vein exhorts Israel to continue in the formal ceremonial worship
— the cultus at Bethel and Gilgal — but it is all an illusion, and
displeasing to the very God whose favor they thus seek to gain.
Again and again Yahweh has indicated his displeasure with their
conduct in drought, in famine, in blight of crops, in pestilence
and war, and in earthquake ; but alas ! they have not turned back.
It remains, therefore, to inflict upon them, — what? In any
event, " Prepare, O Israel, to meet thy God ! " Who is he that
speaks thus? The God of creation and history.

This piece, though very different in movement and structure from any that
has preceded, is none the less artistic. The arrangement presented here appeared
in BW., October, 1898, pp. 251 f. In its original form the piece consisted of
nine strophes, each containing four trimeters. Of these, i and 2, vi'hich form
the introduction, are closely connected, likewise 8 and 9, which form the con-
clusion. Strophes 3-7, each of which is introduced by a vb. in the first per-
son Q^ and *" are a gloss), and characterized by the refrain Bttt you did not
return to me, saith Yahweh, make the body of the poem (cf. below on strophes
4, 5). Miiller's arrangement (^Die Propheten, I. 68 f.) of this section, in-
cluding 4!'^, is arbitrary and artificial. His attempt to secure strophes of
54-4-f-3-f2+i, and refrain, i.e. 16 lines, with an introduction of 8 lines
and a closing strophe of 8 lines, is an utter failure. One need only examine the
lines to see that they have been arranged to meet the demands of the theory.
It is important to note the more serious changes of text involved in the
reconstruction here adopted. These will be discussed in detail in their
proper places : —

(l) the rejection in v.^" of the gloss D"'tt'in na'Str 11^3; (2) the rejection
of v.^* and all of v.^, except the refrain, as a gloss; (3) the rejection of
the gloss DDiDiD iJB' o;r; (4) the treatment of v.i'' as a later addition, although,
if the line icir niN3S ihSn mni might be fitted into strophe 8, the place of a
lost line would be supplied in that strophe and an extra line avoided in
strophe 9.

The arrangement proposed by Lohr (in 1901) has much in common with
the present reconstruction, viz. (i) the rejection of vs.'-^ as a later addition
(so also Baumann) ; ^^ S'', however, are regarded here as genuine; (2) the
treatment of vs.^-*- ^^ as an interpolation; (3) Lohr finds in vs.'*-^ and^^i six
strophes identical with strophes 1-3 and 5-7 of the present arrangement (ex-
cept that he makes two lines out of the refrain instead of one, as here, and
retains D3^DiD ^iv D}'). But Lohr differs also in connecting 3^*'' 9' (as far

*We.

IV. 4 91

as O'SDn) and 9^ with the present piece, which he regards as only a frag-
ment of the address against the sanctuaries at Bethel and Gilgal, the begin-
ning and end of 4*"^" being lacking.

4, 5. Continue, O Israel, your efforts by sacrifices to secure
YahweK's favor, — but it is useless.

The strophe consists of three couplets, each containing an ironical command
relating to the cultus, with a fourth couplet explaining Israel's strange conduct,
viz. their love for all this empty show. The structure is perfect, every line
being regular in length.

4. SjSjh] S and % precede by a. — lain] Oort, 131m {ThT. XIV. 143;
so also Gun., Elh., Oct.). — 5. niin ynnD lOpi] (Sxai a-viyvwaavi^w vbjMv — ^■iK-\p\
niin v^f^Pj 2r = Dan:; (so also Hirscht) ; Ew., n:cpi (so also Gun., Oort Em.,
Elh. and Oct., who omits conj.) ; cf. Margolis {A/SL. XVII. 171), who suggests
min yina w\pi, Call out in the streets, Thanksgiving ! — n''3"ij iNipi] (5 In
iKoKiaavTo = wnp; S \>f^ oJCplo (= 'i fr^Ji). — VCtfn] © joins to fol. cl.,
while S> translates nVi\fc.o = icVri.

4. Go to Bethel and — transgress!] It is only necessary to read
the whole phrase to see that the prophet is not serious ; " going
to Bethel " carries with it transgression, the two are synonymous.
The tone of voice, doubtless, indicated the irony of the expression.
The transgression was not (i) the worshipping on high places,
a violation of the law of the central sanctuary at Jerusalem
(Dt. 12*''),* for that law had not yet been promulgated; nor
(2) the- changing of the details of the ceremonial by adapting
them to the heathen worship outside of Israel ; f rior (3) the calf-
worship which was in vogue at Bethel (cf. Ho. 4^'* 8^ *) ; \ nor
(4) the failure to give Yahweh a proper place in the worship ; §
nor (5) the fact of engaging in worship though morally unfit, || —
but the fact of engaging in any kind of ceremonial worship for
the purpose of finding Yahweh, when, indeed, the more zealously
they observe the cultus, the farther do they remove themselves
from Yahweh.^ — In Gilgal] For situation and description,** cf.
Jos. 4" 15^^; for the place which it had occupied in Israelitish his-

♦ Cal. t Geb.. Os. + Jus., Hd. § So apparently Pu. || Dr.

H We.; WRS,, Proph. 94-99; Now., Mit.

»* Gender, Tent Work, II. 7 ff. ; Rob. 5/^2. I. 557; GAS. Z^G. 494; Bliss, art.
"Gilgal," DB.; GAS. art. "Gilgal," EB.\ Marti.

92 AMOS

tory, cf. Jos. 4^^^ 5^^" i S. f^ io« 11" is^"*^- 2 S. 19^^ Ho. 4^^ p^*
12". The site has only recently (1865) been identified * as Jiljul,
4^ miles from the Jordan, \\ miles from Jericho. — Afid bring
every morning your sacrifices^ The ironical vein still continues ;
the sacrifices were those which were offered annually (i S. i^'^-^i) ^
the worshipper is invited to offer them daily instead of annu-
ally ; t the exaggeration does not consist in offering instead of a
usual morning offering an earlier one ; \ nor is the sense satisfied
by understanding the invitation to be merely the description of a
custom, viz. that of making an offering on the next morning after
arrival at the sanctuary. § — Every third day your tithes^ The tithe ||
was differently administered at different periods. According to the
regulations of Dt. (14-* 26^), which seem earUer than those of P
(Nu. 18-^"-^), the third year was the tithing year Kar elox^/VjIf be-
cause only in this year was the whole tithe given away, the offerer
himself and his family eating it in the other years. In strict
parallelism with the preceding line, the prophet urges the wor-
shippers to offer their tithes every third day instead of every third
year.** Note, however, should be made of the renderings, every
three years, d'to^ = year ft (^s in Lv. 25^ Ju. 17^" 2 Ch. 21^^), on
three days (=at the times of the three great feasts, which, it is
claimed, lasted originally each a single day) , \ \ every three days, i.e.
frequently, §§ and especially, on the thi?-d day (after arrival), |||| on
the ground that Amos is exaggerating nothing, but as above, describ-
ing the custom of the visiting worshipper at Bethel, who offered
his sacrifice on the morning after arrival and his tithe on the
third day, a supposition for which no one offers a good reason.
— 5. And burn of leavened bread a thank-offering'] The prophet
exhorts the people still further to increase their zeal by burning

* By Zschokke ; but Schlater {Zur Topogr. u. Gesch. Palastinas, 246 ff.) ; Buhl
{Geogr. des alt. Pal., 1896, pp. 202 f.) and BSZ. identify this Gilgal with Jul6jll.
opposite Ebal and Gerizim, east of the plain.

t Mit. X Ba. \ Os., We., Now., Dr.

II Hermann, Gottesdienstl. Alterth. d. Griechen, §20, 4; Ri. NBA. II. 1792-7;
Di. on Lv. 2733; Ryssel, PRE.^ XVII. 442 f.; We., Die Composition des Hexa-
teuchs ; WRS. 5f»«. 244-54; ^sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, 175.

m Dr. Dt. 173. XX Oort, Th T.XIV. 143 f.

** Ros., Ke. §§ Schro.

tt Cal., Va., Hd., Pu. |||| Os., We., Now., Dr., Marti.

IV. 4-5^*>i«2lL'I£Sli>^ 93

{i.e. turning into sweet smoke) what ordinarily was not burned,
viz. the leavened bread which formed a part of the thank-offer-
ing. Amos does not here refer to the transgression of any law in
existence {e.g. Lv. 2" 7^) ; but to a new custom, just now
being developed, the thought being that a thank-offering prepared
with yeast or grape-honey (Ho. 3^) would be more acceptable.
This use of leaven (cf. the raisin-cakes of Ho. 3^) was probably
regarded as pleasing to the Canaanitish deities,* hence in later
times it came to be forbidden (Lv. 7'- Ex. 23^^). The transla-
tion of 9r, from violence = that which is gained by violence {v.s.)
seems to relieve a serious difficulty, but like the rendering without
leaven^ is quite far-fetched; cf. (§ {v.s.^. — And proclaim free-
will offerings, 7nake them known"] The freewill- offering (cf.
the later regulations Dt. 12"- "Ex. 35^ Lv. 22^*--^) was intended
to be given as the freest possible expression of the heart's feeling.
The irony, which still continues, lies in the prophet's urging the
people, not the priests, J to publish far and wide § their voluntary
gifts, an action which was directly contrary to the spirit of such
gifts. The language does not convey the idea, ordinarily assigned
to it, of a command to the priests to make freewill offerings
compulsory.il — For so ye love to do] Cf. Je. 5^^ The prophet
has described a tendency, indeed the fundamental error, of the
Northern religion. This fault, which has now become an organic
part of the national system, is not that the offerings, correct in
themselves, were made at the wrong place,^ but that Israel is
laboring under a delusive idea ; for outward forms of any kind,
however zealously executed, will not take the place of the essentials
of religion.

4. '^x\ Skp'S w3] The parallelism rules out the rendering, " Go to Bethel,

and transgress at Gilgal," etc. (Hi.). — Sn n^a] Ace. of direction after in3, GK.
118a'. — Sj'^jh] This might be taken (i) with mn = place in which, GK.
Ii8(/; cf. the 3 of the versions (GAS., Dr.); (2) with in3 of prec. member,
or with a verb of motion supplied = ace. of direction (Jer., St., Or., Gun., We.,
Mit.,Now.,Elh.); (3) = ace. of specification, "as far as concerns Gilgal " (Ba.)
GK. 118^; (2) is preferable. The name is a reduplicated formation from SSj

* Cf. WRS. OTJC.^ 434 and Sem. 220 f. § Ba.

t Oort, ThT. XIV. 144; but cf. Gun. || Schro., Hi., Pu., Ke.

X Os. IF Cal., Os.

94 AMOS

and means the circle, the reference being probably to a circle of sacred stones
(cf. Jos. 4° 8-3 '"'•); for a similar formation, cf. ir3 from -no; the art., which
is always retained, except Jos. 5^ \2^^, is an indication that the appellative
force of the word was long felt; cf. K6. 295^. — ;TflS mn] Lit., multiply in
transgressing, inf. with *? having the force of the gerund, H. 29, 3 e\ GK. 1 14 0;
K6. 399 m. — ip^S] Distributive, cf. Je. 21^2 ^byj jje^e -^p-^^ may = in the
morning, early), Ex. 29^^-^^ i Ch. i6^°; K6. 331/'; cf., however, Now., who
maintains that for the expression of the idea, every morning, every third day,
there would be used either the pi. (cf. Ps. 73^* Jb. 7^^), or a repetition of
the word (cf. i Ch. 9-^); GK. 123^. On the force of the art., z^. K6. 3001J.
Giesebrecht (^Die hebr. Praeposition Lamed,'^. 23) makes "ipaS = early every-
where except PS.49I5. — ni:nj, min, tdh, nap, ODimiivs, OD^nai] This vocabulary
of religious worship is noteworthy for its size and scope, its definiteness, and
the peculiar connection in which it is introduced. If this passage is genuine,
and no one doubts this, it must be conceded (i) that a fully developed cultus
was in existence at this time; (2) that it was showing a pronounced tendency
towards a still fuller expansion; (3) that the priest-power was very consider-
able, and one with which the prophet was coming into antagonism; (4) that
the prophet, at all events, represented an idea in religion which did not have
much, if any, prevalence at this time. — 5. Tjp] Inf. abs. for imv., H. 28, 5 c;
GK. 1132; E\v.8 328c; K6. 218 3. The original meaning of the word is

-r" I It.

to give out vapor or smoke, like Arab. Jks to give forth vapor, nUCs smoke,

steam, Assyr. kutru, smoke. Pi'el and Hiph. are commonly used, meaning to
burn on the altar. It cannot be said that the Pi'el is the proper word to be
used for burning incense, and the Hiph. of sacrifices (Gun.). The Massorites
attempted to make the distinction that the Pi'el designates either irregular or
idolatrous sacrifice, the Hiph., lawful. But this is arbitrary (cf. 2 Ch. 34-^).
Rather, the Pi'el is the older expression, and the Hiph. the younger, used
chiefly in P; cf. K6. 96 (We. Prol. 64; ZAW. VI. 298 f.; Kit. Theol.
Studien aus Wiirtemberg, II. 53; SS. 660; Now. ^r^^. II. 246 f.). — p] Is
not partitive, some leaven for a thank-offering, but local, a thank-offering
made up of leaven. — V^n] The usual term for leavened bread. In general,
all leavened bread was forbidden to be offered on the altar (Ex. 23^8 Lv. 2^^).
Traces of greater freedom appear in Lv. 71^ 23^'^. This passage shows the custom
in Israel to have been different from that in Judah. Amos does not necessarily
regard it as unlawful (We.). Indeed, the custom may be regarded as in har-
mony with the original ideas of sacrifice (WRS. Sejn. 220 f., 242; OTfC."^ 345)'
— miri] The thank-offering is a particular kind of the a^'ip'^r (Lv. 7^2). It is
also called nninn n2', Lv. 7'^ T.i?-'^, and fully aic'^U' r.yv\ np? Lv. 71^- ^^ (Now.
Arch, II. 238; Benz. Arch. 446). — nmj] The freewill-offering, a spon-
taneous offering, not one prescribed, often united with iij vow, both being
extraordinary offerings (Now. Arch. II. 238 f. ; Benz. Arch. 446, 451).
They might take the form of burnt-offerings (Dr. Dt. 143; Lv. ii)-^- '^^'),
but more usually of dtSs' (Lv. 7IS), The nni: were often made the

IV. 6-8 95

occasion for free-handed hospitality, with perhaps a general invitation to
all to come and partake (We.; WRS. Sem. 254). — onariN] Stative pf.,
H. 18, I ; Dr. § ii; GK. 106^. — D3''n3t] The root na? means to slaughter
for sacrifice, as originally all slaughtering was connected with sacrifice,
nat is therefore the generic word for sacrifice, usually designating the sacri-
ficial meal, for which in later times ainStr was commonly substituted as a
more specific term (WRS. Sem. 222, 237; Dr. Dt. 141 f., 145; BDB. s.v.;
Now. Arch. II, 2IO, 215; Benz. Arch. 435; We. Prol. 73). — ODTntS'i'D] The
tithe was a widespread institution in antiquity. On tithes in general, see
Spencer, De Legibus Hebraeorum, III. 10, § i ; Ew. Antiquities, p. 300;
Ryssel, s.v. "Zehnten," PRE?; WRS. Sem., Lecture VII., and Proph. 383 f.,
and art. "Tithes," Enc. Br.; We. Prol. 156 f.; Dr. Dt. 166-73; Now. Arch.
II. 257 f. Among non-Semites may be cited the Greeks, who tithed the
spoils of war, the annual crops, and other sources of revenue (Xenophon
and his followers, e.g., reserved a tithe of the proceeds of the sale of captives
for a thank-offering to the gods, Xenophon himself using his own share to
erect a small temple in Scillus, near Olympia; v. Anabasis, V. 3; cf. Her-
mann, Gottesdienstl. Alterth. d. Griechen (2d ed.), § 20, 4) ; the Romans,
who paid tithes to Hercules (Diodorus, IV. 21 ; Plutarch, Moralia, II. 267 E),
and the Lydians, who tithed their cattle (Nic. Damasc. in MUller's Fragm.
Hist. Or. III. 371). Among the Semites the custom was general; the Car-
thaginians sent an annual tithe of their increase to Tyre to the temple of Mel-
karth (Diodorus, XX. 14) ; there are many references to tithes and monthly
tributes in the records of the Babylonian temples (Jastrow, Pel. 668). A
common vow among the Arabs was, " If God gives me a hundred sheep, I will
sacrifice one in every ten" (Arnold, Septem Mdallakat, p. 186). The only
pre-Deuteronomic references to the tithe in the O. T. are Gn. 28^2 and this
passage. It is to be noted that both connect the payment of tithes with
Bethel. It is probable that in early times the religious tithe of each district
was given for the support of the sanctuary of the district. This tithe was
probably not compulsory, but was spontaneously given; it is classed by Amos
with freewill-offerings, thank-offerings, and vows, and may have been used to
furnish a sacrificial banquet. The absence of any regulation concerning tithes
in the earliest legislation seems to point to the voluntary character of the gift.
It is not unlikely that in the earliest times the tithe and the " firstfruits " and
" firstborn " were identical.

6-8. Famine and drought have failed to draw you unto me.
These two strophes, with the later insertion, have never been made
entirely clear, either in structure or meaning.

6. >nnj3 @ 5c6<ra>. — |V|tj] (^ yofupLafffibv, toothache', % ZOmtOi-B; ST ni'>n|-i«,
all reading |vnp = bluntness, from nnp, to be dumb (Ba., Seb.; Lag. BN.
200 f,; BSZ., BDB.); cf. Je. 3129 Ez. l82; '}B stuporem ; 'A., 7rXij7iJv; S., 6.,

96 AMOS

KaBapifffibv. — 7 a. T'SpS D^iyin r\zh'i; iiV^] though in all the versions (cf. (S rpv-
yrjTov but Q™S depicr/Mov), is a gloss, added as a meteorological calculation, and
disturbing not only the strophic arrangement, but also the poetic generaliza-
tion. — iiBDN N*?] Closes the third member of the strophe, after which the refrain
fromv.8, "I QHi ny qdtz' n*?!, belongs. — 7 6. npSn] This word, with what follows
in V.'' and v.^ as far as the refrain, is evidently an interpolation, repeating the
idea of the famine already described. In favor of this are (i) the awkward-
ness of the two circumstantial clauses in their present position at the end of
V.'', although necessarily dependent on ^y:^ of v.^; (2) the redundancy in the
repetition of t;? with the numerals; (3) the utter extravagance and lack of
poetical force in the whole expression; (4) the impossibility of securing a
symmetrical structure for the poem if this section is to be included; (5) the
lack of reason for dwelling at such length on the drought, when other calami-
ties are, in some cases, treated in a single line. — i^ann] Gr, t^dh ; Oort
(Em.), fol. (&, Pp^^co, n^acN (so Gun., Now., Elh.) ; but IK®, though unex-
pected, may be intended for the sake of alliteration (Oct.). — 8. lyji] Should,
in any case, stand closely connected with what precedes; (3 Kal ffvvakdpoKxdr]-
aovrat, reading possibly n;?iji; cf. Nu. 16^1 (Vol.), so &.

Lohr om. all of vs.''- ^ as a later insertion coming from two hands, the first
of which contributed a strophe consistirlg of vs.^ " ''• ^ ' """^ ^ * (the refrain),
while the second furnished a variation of this strophe, consisting of vs.^ "P-^
(including the refrain), which crept into the text from the margin. These two
strophes, according to Lohr, differ from the original strophes in having one
more line each, and they interrupt the progress of the thought, while they
also closely resemble S^^*'- (endorsed by Now. ThLZ. XXVI. 164).

6. I also it was who gave to you\ The pronoun is emphatic,
and, with the particle DJ, marks the contrast between Yahweh's
attitude of punishment and their conduct described in vs.'*-^.
— Cleanness of teetli] Nothing to eat, interpreted in the following
member as " lack of bread," i.e. famine ; on the frequency of
famine in Palestine, cf. Gn. 12^" 26^ 41^^ Ru. i^ 2 S. 21^ i K. 17^*
The meaning stupidity, favored by some of the versions {v.s?), does
not accord with the etymology of the word, the parallelism, or the I
context. The idea of " innocency of eating what was forbidden,"t
or that of "emptiness,"! is not to be found in the word. — In all
your cities'] The calamity referred to affected the whole country. I
Such famines are recorded as having taken place under Ahab *
(i K. 17^^, and under Jehoram (2 K. 4^* 8^), but the reference
here is probably to a later famine of which no record has been

* See C. Warren, art. " Famine," DB. t Geb. J Va.

IV. 6-8 97

preserved. — But ye did not return to me"] Yahweh expected the
calamity to bring the people to their senses, but it failed to do so.*
This expression is common and important (cf. Ho. 6^ 14^- ^ Is. 10^^
3i« Je. 3^- ^2- ^' 4^ Dt. 4^ 30- « Is. 44" 55' i S. 7^ 2 Ch. d^*-^ Ps.
78^ Mai. 3^, since it with the N.T.Greek lina-Tpi^uvie.g. Acts 3^^
9^ ji2i J xhes. i^) prepared the way for the later idea contained
in the word " conversion." f — 7. I also it was who withheld from
you the raifi] Lack of rain was, of course, the occasion of the
famine described in v.*^. Perhaps this strophe originally preceded
that in v.". In any case the famine and the drought are treated
distinctly. — While yet there remained three months to the harvest~\
This clause, which is to be treated as a gloss, \ contains an expla-
nation by some later hand as to the details of the withholding of
the rain. The interpolator may have had in mind either (i) the
so-called latter rains of the last of February or first of March, the
harvest beginning, in some sections of the country, April i and con-
tinuing into June ; this rain fell when the grain was beginning to
grow, and without it the crops would be ruined (but see Nowack,
135) i§ or (2) a drought for the entire three months preceding
harvest ; || or (3) the rain which fell in the latter part of xA.pril, that
is, three months before the fruit harvest,^ or within three months
of the last of the grain harvest in June ; ** or (4) the heavy rain
due six months before harvest, i.e. in November and December,
which in this case Yahweh had withheld until three months
before the harvest time, that is, until sometime in January.ft —
Rain upon one citi\ Not at intervals, upon various occasions,]: J
but in the particular case which the prophet has in mind, the
tense denoting vivid representation. §§ Yahweh is represented
as withholding rain, although he gave evidence of his power to
bestow it on certain cities, which stood in striking contrast with
those from which it was withheld. This phenomenon is not an
uncommon one in Palestine ; || || cf. Ju. 6^*^ ^- — 7 Zj, 8. One field

* On the ancient belief that natural calamities were an indication of displeasure
on the part of the deity, and consequently of sin on the part of the people, v. GAS.
I. 169 f. ; HG. T^nd. t Dr. J So also Marti.

§ Jus., Va., Schro., Hi., Ke., Or., Mit. || Ros. H Jer. ** Ba.

tt We., Now., GAS., Dr. ++ Mit., Dr. §$ Va., E\v.

III! Thomson, LB. 11.66.
H

oS O AMOS

/
being rainedjipon and another field, which was not rained upon,
drying up,fwo or three cities staggering unto one city to drink water
without being satisfied"] An insertion, which really adds nothing to
the picture already presented, made by some one who felt perhaps
that a description of a drought was imperfect if it did not include
the country as well as the city ; the interpolator, however, forgets
himself and in a very tautological way goes back to the cities, two
or three of which he represents as exhausted because of the
drought, and as staggering in their weakened condition to a more
favored city, where, after all, they are doomed to disappointment.
How remarkably this picture resembles that given in 6^- ^°, which
must also be treated as an interpolation ! * — But ye did not return
unto me'] The refrain, which contains, as Mitchell has said, " a
world of pathetic tenderness."

6. oj] Correlation, expressing correspondence, here of a retributory char-
acter, not simply emphasizing ijn (Pu.), nor >nnj (Mau.), but the whole
thought (Ba., Reu., We.); cf. Gn. 20^ Jos. 24I8 2 S. I2i3 Mi. 6^^ (see BDB.
S.V., DJ (4) p. 169; K6. 394 a'). — D>jtf irpj] Versions {v.s.) seem to have read
P'Tii';', the root of which is used with ]!y in Je. 3129-30 £2. 18'^; this reading was
favored without good reason in BSZ.^^j ^f. Lag. BN. 201 ; the phrase is pecul-
iarly significant as a figurative designation of famine; cf, ''iJD jvpj Gn. 20^
Ps. 26^ 73^^, cleanness of my hands. — nj;] Stronger than i^n (cf. La. 3**^); Sx
represents only the direction, ly the aitaintueni of the purpose (Fleischer, Kl.
Schriften, I. 402 f.). — 7. O'^i'J] Really a shower, or bursi of rain, used (i) of
abundant rain {e.g. 1 K. 17I* iS^^- **) ; (2) in poetry for noc, the generic word
for rain; but also (3) of heavy winter rains {e.g. Ct. 2^^; cf. Lv. 26*) ; cf. also
T\-)-}^, Ho. 6-^ Dt. Ill* je_ ^24. ;-|-,i,2 Jo. 2^3 Ps. 84'', early rain; ifipSD Je. 3^
Pr. i6i^ Zc. \o^, latter rain. On these words, see Rob., BR^^ I. 429 f.; Chap-
lin, PEF. 1883, pp. 8ff.; Klein, ZDPV. IV. 72f. — niyj] Ko. 401 x. — T\^hz'']
H. 15, 2b ; GK. 134 iJ. — innBDHi] Not freq., Dr. § 114 (a), but equiv. to a
vivid impf, GK, 112^, note; so also i^bdn (v.^). — nnx , . . nnN] one . . .
another, GK. 139 e, note 3. — npSn] Introducing the first of the two circ.
clauses, H. 45, T,b ; Dr. § 165. — -\iann] Not 2d p. addressed to Yahweh,
nor 2d p. addressed to the water (Va.), nor 3d p. used impersonally, nor
with ap understood as subject (Ros., Schro.), but 3d p. fem. (= neut.) impf,
(Mau., Hi., Hd.), or to be read ivjnx vvith (5 and F {v.s.'), GK. 144c; Ko.
323 k. — 8, ijjji] Freq.; lit. to move with unsteady gait, and so, of a drunkard

* On the method of water supply in Eastern cities, viz. by cisterns, cf. the
Mesha inscription. Is. 9, 24 f.; Je. 2i3 2 K. i83i Dt. 6II Is. 36^6 Pr. sis Ec. 126
2 Ch. 2610 Ne. 9-5. See S. A. Cook, art. " Conduits and Reservoirs," EB. ; Benz.
Arch, siff., 230 f.; ZDPV. I. (1878) 132-76.

' IV. 8-9 99

(Is. 24-' ), of a blind man (La. 4"), of one exhausted (Ps. 59^^). — v^hv Dintt']
Used to express an indefinite number, GK. 134 5; K6., Sti/. 163, 212. — nSi] =

9-11. Blight of crops, pestilence and war, and earthquakes
have failed to draw you to me. These three strophes conclude the
five which have the refrain.

9. ppioi] fol. in S) by \i\ nno = iiaai, an insertion from Hg. oP; cf.
Dt. 2822 I K. 83T (Seb.). — nmn] @ iwXTjevvaTe = onu-jn; so also Syr.-Hex.
(so also Oct.); but read 'fia^nn, to which Oet. objects (i) that ain else-
where has only the sea and rivers as objects, B'31 always being used of vegeta-
tion, and (2) that this emendation destroys the contrast intended by the
author, viz. " You increased your gardens and your vineyards, but your fig
trees and olive trees the locust devoured." But the contrast exists only after
the text has been emended by Oet. in order to produce it; the change to the
2d p. involved in Oet.'s reading is too abrupt; and ann is used of other
things than rivers and seas, e.g. Je. 2^2 (the heavens) ; Ju. 16" ''■ (green withes);
Ez. 19^ (palaces); Zp. 3'' (streets); 2 K. 19^'^ (land, though mn should per-
haps be read here). — DDTnjj] is joined by (§ with what precedes, while U

makes the division after aaiDnsi. — nS] (3 ovd' ws, so also in vs.^o-^i. — 10. nail
POP ■•

@ edvarov; F mortem; S jlr^nVi; % npic. — anna] Zeydner ( 77^.S■^. 1888,
pp. 249 f.; so also Val.) a^ria. — la'i'] There is no ground for the readings:
>ax (Gr., so also Elh., Oet.); >y0 (Hoffm. ZA W. III. 103); (namna =) oav^
(■■ax =) •'ac' oy (Hal.); or nt;' (Zeydner, loc. cit., so also Val.). — tt-sa] @ tv
irvpl, reading c-xa; so also 6 Hebr. Mss. (so also Zeydner, /^r.«V., Val., Elh.). —
oaijnD] (5 in some Mss. om. suf. while S renders . aaZo i^ m (your stencK),
connecting it with ^^ (Seb.). — oasNai] Omit 1 with (SSF, 'A., 2. (so We.,
Gr., Now., Lohr, Hirscht, Oet., Hal., Baumann). Ethiopic = D3D3N1; Zeydner,
oaoNii = oaiDii {loc. cit., so also Val.) ; Elh. ''CNa, following (g-^Q. Marti om.

9. I smote you'\ Each of the five strophes begins with a verb in
the perfect ist singular ; cf. (i) / it was who gave you {famine),
(2) /// was who withheld from you rain, (3) I smote you, (4) /
sent upoti you pestilence, (5) I overturned you. — With blight and
decay"] Both words are used of human diseases in Dt. 28-^ The
first is the scorching of the east wind, cf. i K. 8^^ 2 K. 19^^ 2 Ch.
6^* Is. 27* Ez. 17^"; the second, mildew caused by dampness
and heat, having a yellow appearance, cf. Je. 30^. — / laid waste
your gardens and vineyards] This reading, on the basis of Well-
hausen's emendation, satisfies every demand of the context. The
difficulties of the old text are seen in the efforts to translate it,

100 AMOS

e.g. many of your gardens,* the multiplying of your gardens,!
your many gardens, f or much mildew § (taking nisnn with what
precedes), or as an adverb, most, often. || — Your fig trees and olive
trees the locust devoured'\ With this rendering it is no longer neces-
sary to discuss whether of the four nouns, gardens, vineyards, fig
trees, olive trees, only the first depended on " I smote," \ or the
first two,** or none,tt all being taken as the object of " devoured."
The word for locust is a general word meaning the one that gnaws ;
cf. Jo. I* 2^. This visitation was not infrequent, and was always
attended with the greatest possible destruction. J J — 10. The
pestilence after the manner of Egypt"] The many possibilities of
this ambiguous phrase have been seized upon ; the sending of
the pestilence was (i) sudden as was the destruction of Egypt's
firstborn; §§ (2) a visitation upon the wicked, not the righteous,
as was the case of the Egyptians, as compared with the Hebrews ; || ||
(3) as if Israel were God's enemy as Egypt had been ;^1 (4) sent
while they were on their way to Egypt ;^ (5) sent from Egypt,
lit. on the way on which one comes from or goes to Egypt ; ***
(6) in the same way as that in which it was sent against Egypt,
cf. Is. 10^® ; ttt (7) just as in Egypt, the home of the pestilence, J J J
"a thoroughly Egyptian plague," §§§ "with the same severity and
malignity" with which it visits Egypt, || || || after the manner of
Egypt.HIFIT Does the prophet have in mind a particular historical
event? No. For the estimation in which the Hebrews regarded
pestilence as a punishment for sin, cf. Lv. 26-^ 2 S. 24^^. — I slew with
the sword] Reference is made not to any particular battle, e.g. the
slaughter by Hazael and Benhadad of Syria, when Jehoahaz was king
(2 K. 8^^ j^s-?)^**** but rather to the long Syrian conflict, which
lasted many years. fttt — Together with the captivity of your horses']
An interpolation, J J J J meaning that horses were captured and
slain, §§§§ or that, while the men were slain, the horses were cap-
tured. II II II II The word 'nti' is, however, here used in an uncommon

* GAS. J Ros., Mau., Mit., cf. Pu. || Ba., Ew.. Or. ** Ros., Schro.

t Geb. ^ Hd. f Jus. ft Bauer.

XX Thomson, LB. II. 102 ff. ; Van Lennep, Bible Latids, 313. ^^ Os.

nil Geb., Ros. UH Cal. *** Va. ttt Hd., Pu. XXX Hi., Ke.

§§§ Ew., GAS. mill Dr. irHH Ba., We. **** Ros., Schro., Hi., Ba.

tttt We., Now. ++++ So also Baumann. §§§§ Va., Schro., Hi., Hd., Ke.

II II II II Os., Geb., Ros., Ba.

IV. 9-" lOI

sense, viz., the act of taking captive (Ezra 9' Dn. 11^), but ordi-
narily it denotes either the condition of captivity or the sum of the
captives. In Ex. 22^, the verb is used as here of animals, though
elsewhere of men. The preposition QV here = besides and is used
in a late or Arabic sense. The peculiar usage of the more important
words, the anti- climax, the fact that the line interferes with the stro-
phe, and the evident afterthought implied in it show its character as
a later insertion. — And I caused the stench of your camps to rise in
your nostrils'\ The slaughter was so great, the unburied bodies and
carcasses so many (cf. Is. 34'^), that pestilence arose, the result of
war. As above, drought followed famine, though the occasion of it,
so here war follows pestilence, though the occasion of it. Justi's
reading, " I caused your camps to burn in mine anger " (cf. 2 K.
5^ 13^), although supported by (§, cannot stand. — 11. / over-
threw amofig yoii] That is, some of your cities ; the overthrow was
evidently that of an earthquake, perhaps that mentioned in i^*
(which, it will be remembered, is from a later hand), or some
earthquake unspecified;! others understand an overthrow by a
hostile attack ; J and still others, a general summing up of all the
preceding judgments. § The word "nssn is always used of the
destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, cf. Gn. 19^ Ut. 29^^ Is. i^ ||
13^^ Je. 49^^ 50^. The shortness of this line may be due to the
omission of some phrase.^ — As God overthrew Sodom and Go-
mon-ah'] The point of comparison is not the manner of the over-
throw, but its thoroughness.** The form of expression is so
similar to that in Gn. 19 as to lead some ft to suppose that Amos
had that text before him. The use of the word Elohitn, in con-
trast with the subject of 'n2Bn, strangely enough has been thought
to prove the existence of more than one person in the Godhead. \\
The reading " the great overthrow," using Elohim as a superla-
tive, §§ is grammatically possible, but out of harmony with the con-
text.— And ye were as a brand 'snatched from the blaze'] i.e. ye
were barely rescued, saved as by a miracle, cf. Zc. 3^, || || not, the
destruction was only partial.^^ — But ye did not turn unto me]

* Schro., Hi., We. f Mau., Schlier, Pu., Mit. + Ke., St. § Ba.

II Where n^D is probably to be read for a''ir.

H See BW., October i8g8, p. 252; so also Lohr and Baumann. ** Mit.

tt E.£^., Va. XX Geb.. Hes. ^{ New. |||| Jus., Va., Mit. HH Hi.

I02 AMOS

Every effort was futile which Providence put forth to rescue Israel
from total destruction.

9. psitto] On the art., GK. 126 «; K6. 297 ^.— '>n3-\nn] Instead of main,
which is grammatically impossible (cf. K6. 402^); cf. We. {v.s.). — OO'jNn]
On the masc. pi. ending, cf. Na. ^^'^, Ko. 253/ — '7JN''] Impf. of vivid repre-
sentation of past event. Dr. § 27 (i) (a); GK. 107^; H. 20, I a. — DTJ] Cf.
other names for locust, all of which are likewise descriptive terms : ^3■^^< (Jo,
I* 225), pS, (Na. 3I6), h^on (Jo. I* Is. 33*), 3Jn (2 Ch. 713), SxSx (Dt.
28*2), 3J (Is. 33*). — 10. D33] 3 = against ; for other cases cf. Gn. 16^2 2 S.
24!'^. — D>'] For other cases of Dy in this sense, cf. Is. 25^1 34'' Je. 6^^ Na.
312 ps, 66^^ — 11. D33] 3 partitive, among you, some of you; cf. Nu. Ii"
Zc. 6^^ — noflnDD] An old inf. form in the cstr. relation with 'N, GK. 115 a';
Barth, NB. 171 c,a; Ko. 233 f; as an inf. it governs 0"iD~nN as a direct
object, GK. 115 </. We. regards this old inf. followed by the general title
□^nSs' as an indication of an old and not distinctively Israelitish idiom. —
Vxd] a Hoph. ptcp., ii appearing in the sharpened syllable.

12,13. Therefore you shall suffer. What? Prepare for the
worst. It is Yahweh who speaks.

The remaining strophes of the poem have suffered greatly in their text.
It may be accepted, in general, that a part of v.^^ and all of v.^^ are from the
hand of a later writer (so Duhm, Theol. 109; Oort, ThT. XIV. 117/;
We., Sta. GVI. I, 571; Taylor, DB.\ Lohr, Che. in WRS. Proph. XV.
and EB. I. 153; Bu. Jew. Enc; Now., Co. Einl. 176; Baud. Einl. 509;
Marti; but on the contrary see WRS. Proph. 400; Kue. Einl. II. 347;
Mit., Hoffm. ZAW. III. 103; cf. GAS. I. 201 ff.; Dr. 118 f.). It may be
supposed that tlife original poem contained a conclusion, predicting a punish-
ment more severe than any of those which had been described; that this
prediction was in form consistent with the strophes which preceded, though,
of course, without the refrain; that the later editor, for one or more of several
reasons which might be given, substituted the present concluding lines, which
are general in character, for the more specific statement in the original; that
this later editor, here as everywhere, ignored, consciously or unconsciously,
the poetic form of the production which he thus modified. It is not strange
(^contra We.) that the conclusion here, as perhaps in Is. 9, should thus be
broken off. We may well understand that in a multitude of cases the closing
words of earlier sermons, having lost in later times the direct and specific
reference which they were intended to convey, have given place to utter-
ances presenting more modern thought and form. In view of this we need
not be surprised to find that while vs.^-- 1' as thus modified contain eight
lines (the number for two strophes), they are so constructed that, except by
a transposition which is more or less violent, the division is 3 -1- 5 instead of
4 + 4-

IV. 12 103

12. nj] F haec; % hd. Oort (Ty^T; XIV. 117) regards the phrase
'^xna''' ... n^ as due to dittography. — ■'j apy] @ TrX/jv Srt; TB posiquam autem
5 J '''^>-{^i« )Z^_ik£; 'A. vcTTepoj'; 0. 6(rxaTov; ST NT NPniN*? nan nSt tiSn
1*7 ■"????; Elh. drops the clause -^ niryN hni >3 apj? as a gloss on the preceding
clause. Oet. regards the first two clauses as doublets, but suggests also that
the original text may have read Snib'i n^'t';; nst ••a ap;, with second clause jaS
T? na'^N no. Oort (jS'w.) inserts 1 before apy. — n^npS] (@ toO iwiKaXeTa-dat =
N^pS (Va.); S )t-°'<^? (=<§, perhaps pn KipS Seb.); K js'j'iN N^apS
IhSnt NnniN; 'A. KarivavTi.; S. = ut adverseris ; Q, els dvavrriaiv. — 13. 1SV
onn] ® ffrepeQv ^povtt/jv, reading non (Va.), or axi> (cf. axj, a'-SD ; cf. Na.
28 La. 2*, Vol.) and Dj,nh (Va. Vol.); ^ ]fS> for ixt' as well as N^a. —
inB'"nc] ® t6i> xptc^^" ayroO = ipB'p or ^nirc; so also Syr.-Hex. 'A.tIst]
o/iiXla avToO; S. rb (pu)vr]/j,a avToO; 0. t6v \6yov avrov; U eloquium suum ;
S oi2u».Q.cuA/^ ,^31 |t^ ( = inaB' nc, Seb.); ® ■'nnaiy nn (= inryc). Oet.
regards 'hd 'nS 'jd as a marginal gloss and reads ''DSU'p for inc"nc. Hoffm.,
ZAW. III. 103, inB* (pip) pijinS iijci, seeking thereby to bring the clause
into harmony with the context. Hal. inra ]ni< SSinoi. — noiy nnii'] ©^
inserts /ca/; so some Hebrew MSS.; so also Oort, ThT. XIV. 117; 'A.
renders nov by X'^A"** flood; 2. eaivipav, evening; "F faciens maititina?n

nebulam ; S) h D^n^ IraA/ f^:^.

12. T/ierefore'] In view of the failure of Yahweh's previous
judgments to bring Israel to terms. — Thus will I do to thee] The
threat is addressed to each individual of the nation, and thus
becomes more vivid. But what is the threat implied in the word
thus ? It does not refer specifically to the punishments proposed
in the preceding statements, e.g. 4"'^* nor to punishments of such
a character in general. f nor to a complete destruction like that
just cited in the case of Sodom and Gomorrah. \ But as always
in the case of thus in Amos, § and as evident from the tense of the
following verb, || the reference is to the future.^ The prophet
thus theatrically ** predicts the final punishment, a punishment all
the more severe because it is left thus indeterminate. Whether of
purpose or not, the form is that of the Hebrew oath, God do so to
me and more also if, etc. (i K. 2"^, which is most terrible in its
significance because of its indefiniteness. — Because I will do this'\
The words " this " and " thus " refer to the same thing ; i.e.
because this punishment, so terrible in its nature, is to come upon

* Contra Ros., Schro., Mau„ Hd. t Os. J Geb.

} Ba. II Ke. f So Now., Mit.. GAS., Dr. ** Ew,

I04 AMOS

you. — Prepare to meet thy God'\ This can scarcely refer to a rising
up in preparation like that of an accused person when the judge
approaches * or when sentence is about to be pronounced.f Nor
does the injunction have reference simply to the hard fate which
is before them, | the inevitable doom (cf. Je. 46" Ez. 22^*) which
the nation could not escape, whatever might be true of the indi-
vidual. § It is not a challenge, |] calling upon Israel to endure
Yahweh's anger. It is, in accordance with the whole spirit and
purpose of prophecy, a call to repentance (cf. (§, to call upon thy
God), in other words the spiritual application of the threat ; for
every prediction of disaster was in itself an exhortation to repent-
ance, in order that, if possible, the disaster might be averted.
Whatever befell the nation, there was an opportunity for the
repentant individual to receive divine favor.^ — 13. The logical
connection between v.^- and v."' is somewhat uncertain. To make
v.^* a challenge and translate ^^", But {I'emember), — who
forf}ieth mountaifis, etc., || is un-Hebraic. The strophic arrange-
ment would be satisfied, and a good thought obtained by combin-
ing ^^° and ^** thus, Q^") Prepare to meet thy God, O Israel,
(1^ Yahweh, God of Hosts is his name ; (^^") for behold, etc.]
In any case, an ellipsis in thought must be supplied, e.g.. Prepare
to meet thy God, O Israel ! (and do not doubt his power to bring
the threatened punishment). For, lo ! he forms the mou7itains\
"By his power the visible world, with all its grandeur, exists"
(Ps. 104^.** — And he creates the wind~\ The invisible world, ff
not the spirit of man. J J — And he tells 7nan what is his tho2ight'\
This seems out of place in the midst of an utterance, all the other
members of which refer to nature. Its uncertainty of meaning is
attested by the variety of interpretations accorded to it, e.g. (§ his
Messiah ; & how great is his glory ; QT what are his works ; U his
declaration ; his (God's) thought to man, §§ his (man's) thought to
him ; || || and the attempts to emend the text (z'.j.). Hirscht pro-
poses to take DHK as a proper name and interpret it in view of
Gn. 3^\ — He makes dawn darkness] Not dawn and darkness ; ^^

* Ew. t Reu. + Suggested by Jus. ^^ Hd. |1 Mit.

H So Cal., Os., Geb., Jus., Ros., Ba., Pu., Ke., Dr. ** Bauer, Jus., Ros., Schro.
tt Ros., Ew., Hd., Pu., and most comm. \X Cal., Geb., Or. j^^ Geb., Ew.
nil Cal., Jus., Schro., Hd., Ke., Dr. HIT «B., fol. by Cal., Geb., Jus., Ke , et ah

IV. 12-13 I05

nor spiritual light and darkness,* but either he changes dawn into
darkness, i.e. the change from day to night,! or ^om night to
day, % or better, the change of day at the approach of a storm
(Ps. i8^).§ — He treads on the heights of the earth'] i.e. goes forth
in storm and thunder (cf. Mi, i'' Jb. 9^ Matt. 5**).

12. pS] Very similar in meaning to p Sy. In usage, however, they vary,
ps being often used as in this case where the inference is important and of
a threatening character, and also having sometimes the meaning, nevertheless
(Je. 5^); cf. Ew.* 353 '^ (2). — nj] Regularly refers to something that follows
(BSZ., BDB., and SS., s.v.; Ko. 332 iJ, and Stil. 112); rarely of something
present. Is. 20^, — o apy] Cf. the same expression in 2 S. la^", and the similar
-\z>H api' in Gn. 22^8 26^ 2 S. 12^; cf. Ko. 389 «, and Stil. 171. — PKr] Neut.,
H. 2, 3a; GK. 1225?. — onn] Art. om., H. 5, 4; GK. I26>^; Ko. 2yj d. —
mN] Here collective, H. i, 2. — ns'j;] On the ptcp. in cstr. with the object and
governing product in ace, see GK. 116^, N. 2; Ko. 241 /! — nov in-.;']
Double obj. H. 31, 6, rm. c ; Ko. 327 a;. — "'npa] ''_ is the archaic ending of
fem. cstr.; cf. GK. Sys; Ew.^ 211a'. The form is ba-m^-the, perhaps a mis-
taken vocalization for bd-mo-the, the o written defectively, 01s. 164 d ;
GK. 95 o.

§ 8. A dirge announcing Israel's coming destruction. 5^-^' ®' ^
A lamentation is pronounced : " Israel shall fall, her forces shall
be reduced to a tenth ; for she has disobeyed Yahweh's direct
command, ' Seek me ; not Bethel, nor Gilgal, nor Beersheba ! ' "
and now again it is commanded, 'Seek Yahweh, lest ye perish.'
[Who speaks? The creator of the luminaries, the controller of
the seas, the destroyer of the strong.]

The original poem consisted of six strophes (vs.^"*). The second and
third strophes are elegiac in their movement, a short line (dimeter) follow-
ing a longer line (trimeter). Bu., ZAW. II. 30, considers only the second
strophe to be elegiac; so Mit., 125; Dr. 175. The nj^p (dirge) was a formal
composition, somewhat artistically constructed, the second or shorter line
being intended to echo the first, "producing a plaintive, melancholy cadence."
To the six original strophes were added, by a later hand, two strophes, each
having four trimeters. V." belongs to the section which follows, and should
precede v.'". The addition is after the analogy of the insertion already
noticed in 4^^. There is, notwithstanding the statements of Oort (v.i.) and
Volz, entirely satisfactory connection between vs.*-^ and vs.^-*^.

* Grotius, Geb., Dathe. f Gun. % Or. § Mit, Dr.

I06 AMOS

V. 1-3. Israel shall fall, never again to rise ; only a tenth shall
survive.

1. ntn -\2in] (g adds Kvplov, perhaps substituting nin> for ntn (Va.). — n>3
Sx-^i:"] (SH join with following V. and make subj. of n'?£3j. — 2. oip] SCaddsKna;
N-in = in one year. — ht<-\iy D''>yp'2'] (SU join with n^'aj; "iE, assembly. — nnmN]
S om. suf.; (5 has /iM. — 3. nini "ijix ncx no "id] To be transferred to v.^ to
follow SxTi'% thus relieving (i) a serious interruption in the thought of vs.-- 3,
(2) the lack of a line in one strophe and superfluity of a line in another.
Baumann om. — T>n] (SUSST add /row which, thus making l'?N subj. of PNX^n.
— -|iN::'ri] (55? have passive (= ixu'n) with nsn as subj. (Vol., so also Gr.);
Si® have Hithpa'el, while S^FSC insert in it ; so also in v.3*. — SKna-i n'laS]
To be transferred to fol. nxc, thus conforming to the 7\y^ measure (so Now.;
Lohr places it after nin', v.^; Gun. and Oct. regard it as a repetition from v.*).

1 . Hear this word."] The beginning of a new discourse, intended,
if possible, to strike terror to the hearts of the people and thus
lead them to repentance. Such a message, uttered in the pros-
perous days of Jeroboam II., would certainly seem to be in con-
trast with the time in which it was uttered. — Which I take up
against you, eve7i a di7ge\ This rendering is to be preferred to
(i) as I uplift a ditge, making "ICX ^ as ;* or (2) because I uplift,
etc., t since it is the more simple and at the same time accords
better with the versification. The word " take up " (Kt^D) i.e.
on the lips, is found in the technical term Kt'tt, so often used by
the prophets ; it means " to pronounce," " to denounce," and is
used regularly of a dirge (Je, 7^ Ez. 19^ etc.). Just as in the case
of an individual's death there was uttered a lamentation (cf.
2 S. i^'' Ez. 28^" 32^ 2 Ch. 35^) so here, the death of the nation
being assumed, the mourner utters the dirge-song. This dirge is
not restricted to v.^, % nor does it include the entire chapter, § but
is contained in vs.'^^"'*^. — O house of Israel~\ The IK^T connects
these words with the preceding, as against (§F {v.s^, thus greatly
increasing the pathos of the appeal. — For thus says the Lord Yah-
weh'] Transferred from v.^, introducing in the most solemn way the
sad and severe announcement which is to follow. — 2. Shall fall']
The certainty of the event being indicated by the use of the per-
fect. Very unreasonable is the interpretation which renders the

*Ba., We. tOs., Hi.

I Dahl, Ros., Hd., Hi., Ew., Bu., Ba., Pu., GAS., Dr. J Ki., Schro,

V. 1-2 I07

perfect literally, and has fallen, and upon this basis rejects vs.^"^,*
because, as a matter of fact, Israel did not fall until after the reign
of Jeroboam II. The expression is used of violent death {e.g.
2 S. ii9-25-27-), especially of death in battle, and of loss of honor or
possessions (e.g. 2 S. i*** Ps. 10^" Pr. 11^). For its use of nations
cf. Is. 21^ Je. 51*. — Not to rise again'] i.e. as a people; the
prophet always held out hope of pardon and mercy to indi-
viduals. — Virgin Israel] In personifications the word " virgin "
is used alone with no other name besides Israel (Israel never
occurs with " daughter " in this sense) ; aside from this passage,
this expression is found only three times,! viz, Je. 18^^ 3i^'^'. The
explanations of the phrase, used here for the first time, may be
classified according as the principal thought is found in (i) the
figure of chastity, whether political chastity, i.e. as being free,
unconquered, independent of other powers { (cf. the use of
" daughter " in the same sense, and sometimes in combination
with " virgin," in connection with Idumea, La. 4^^ ; Judah, La. i^*
2^"'; Egypt, Je. 46"- ^^■-*; Babylon, Is. 47^-^ Zc. 2^; Jerusalem,
Is. 37^^ ; in La. 2^^ and Je. 18^^ the reference is to Jerusalem before
her capture), or religious chastity, i.e. freedom from contaminating
contact with other gods ; § or (2) the idea of the delicacy and
self-indulgence of the people ; || or (3) the idea of collectivity,
the feminine being used to convey this thought, — in this sense it
has been taken (a) as a designation of the people in general ; ^
(b) as a poetic term iox state (cf. Is. 37'^ Je. 14^^ 2 K. 19-^) ; (c) as
the designation of a city, and usually the chief or capital city of
the kingdom, Samaria, or Jerusalem.** It here refers to northern
Israel ff (in Isaiah, Jerusalem), and is employed to mark the con-
trast between Israel's past and future condition. — She shall be
hurled down upon her own soil] A stronger figure than that con-
tained m fallen ; the description is expanded in Ez. 29"' (leave thee
(thrown) into the wilderness), 32* (leave thee forsaken upon the
land) ; there is no thought of an uprooted and prostrate tree, % %
nor of a depraved woman in difficult child-birth. §§ She will be
left to die where she has fallen. — With none to raise her tip] An

*Oort, r-^.r., XIV. 118. tMit. flVa., Ros. tt Geb.

X Geb., Har., Hi., Hd., Ke., Now., Dr. ** Schro., Ew. ^ Har.

§ Os. II Cal., Pu. tt Mit.. Now.. GAS.

I08 AMOS

advance upon what has preceded, for not only will she not be
able to raise herself, but no one else will be able to render her
assistance. The Jewish interpreters in general follow ST, and
regard the calamity as of temporary character. — 3. The city that
goeth forth a thousand having {but~) a himdred left'\ The two
circumstantial clauses of this verse add to the picture portrayed in
v.^ an additional feature, viz. the ninefold decimation of the forces
sent out to war, a terrible slaughter. The statement is general,
the city being any city in the kingdom. The thousand refers not
simply to the levy or census,* but to the warriors who marched
out for war.t While it is evident that in Amos's time the basis
of military enrolment was the towns and villages, in earher days
it was tribes and families. J For allusions to similar companies,
cf. I S. 8^2 2 S. 1 81" 2 K. ii^-i« Ex. 18^1 etc.§ — Of the house of
Israel'] Transferred {v.s.).

1. 12'n] Depends for its construction upon nj>p; if as a pronoun it
refers to lain, njip is either in apposition with it, or an ace, of purpose,
GK. I3I>J; K6. 327 z', 384^ (Now.); but if nt:'N="as" (Ew.^ 334^, Ba.,
We.), njip is the ace. after Nifj; the former is preferable. — sti'j] Ptcp. of
immediate future, GK. n6/; since the lifting up of a word, or of the voice,
is but an Oriental phrase for utterance or speech, perhaps the word speak would
fairly represent ns'j ; cf. Sip Nirj (= Sip ann, Sip fnj), Ju. 9''; also ncj alone,
Is. 3'' 422-11 (see, however, Paton, JBL. XXII. 201-7). — '^J'P] The verb jrp
is doubtless a denominative from T\yp. A plausible derivation ( Thes^, for

njip is the Arabic root ^\3, to forge, devise, hence a skilfully wrought
production, so named either from its poetic form, or from its contents as
glorifying the dead (Wetzstein, Zeitsch. f. Ethnologie, 1873, pp. 270 ff.), Bu.
prefers the former reason {ZAW. II. 28). This derivation from the Arabic
is doubted by some {e.g. Ba.). The closest parallel is found in the Syriac
\h\ t r, which means both song and elegy. We may also compare Eth.
*r% ! song, and 5*11 ! to sing. The 7\yp is an elegy, a poem of lamenta-
tion, thus distinguished from tii, which means sometimes a song of lament,
but sometimes simply the cry of mourning (Je. 31^°);. cf. the vb. in i S. 7^.
r\yp is used commonly, as here, with n::'j (Je. 7^9 9^ Ez. 19I 26^'^ 272-32
2812 322) ; with iiip (2 S. i^^ Ez. 32I8), and with -id^. With nvi, ^-; gen-
erally precedes the person or thing which is the object of lamentation, but
sometimes Sn (Ez. 19I 27^2); S;; is sometimes used of the place (Je. 7^9).
For the importance of elegies among Oriental nations, cf. Wetzstein {v.s.')
and the Arabic work, Hamasa, 365-497. The principal rhythm of the r^^p

* Ew. t Hd., Ba., Schegg. J We., Now. \ Cf. Benz. Arch. 359.

V. 3 I09

is a long line followed by a shorter one, the favorite measures being 3 and 2
words, 4 and 2, and 4 and 3. However, a nyp may be written in another
measure, and the Qlnah measure may be used for other poems, as a later
usage. On Qtnah rhythm, see Bu. ZAIF. II. 6ff., 38-45; III. 299 f.; XL
234 ff.; XII. 261 ff. ; and in Pretiss. Jahrbucher, 1893, pp. 460 ff.; Ley, SK.,
1896, p. 637; DHM. Proph. I. 209; Ko. Stil. 315 ff.; BDB. s.v. The
principal examples of the nj'p in the O.T. are the following: the Book of
Lamentations; Is. I4*-21 Ez. 19I-" 26»«-i7 272-86 2812-19 (doubtful) 322-16 Je. 99,
and several separated vs. following, Is. 45^^25 pg, i-j^ 2 S. ii*-27 -jSSf. (t^g
last two not in the technical measure) 2 K. 1921-28 (=ls. 3722ff-) Is. \-'^-'^
Ho. 6^ff- Am. S^o. — Sxii''' n''3] Vocative; not subj. of n'^sj (v.2). — 2. n^sj]
Proph. pf., H. 19, 2; GK. 106 «; Dr. § 14. — I'DiP n':'] Impf. in contrast
with preceding pf, used to intensify the idea that the destruction will be
permanent, H. 20, 2, rm. b% Dr. §36; on the inf. with I'Dir, H. 36, 3 (2);
GK. 120 a; K6. 399 /J. — n^ira] On the cstr. state, GK. I28>^; Ko. 337^.
— HD^D pN] Circ. cl., H. 45, 2 e; on force of pN, K6. 361 d, 402 ;«. —
3. "('>n] Stands' first, not because emphatic, but in a circ. cl., H. 45, 3,
rm. d. — PNXTi] On art. with ptcp., H. 4, 3/"; here joined poetically to ■>'•>■",
the city being thus represented as going out to war. — i'^n] Acc. of limitation,
or specification, H. ^ilii 3 5 ^^- ^'^l^'i Ko. 332^; so also HNr; for a similar
construction, cf. 2 K. 5^, D'^nj, and 2 K. 92^, ancx. The same idea is ex-
pressed by S with the numeral; cf i S. 292. — po'^] Not a case of S used
when the preceding governing word is absent, but like m'? in Je. 13^^ (Hi.);
cf Ko. 281 n.

4-6. Israel shall fall (vs.^"^) because she has disobeyed the
divine cotnmand giveti in the past to seek Yahweh alone. [But
even now the entreaty comes again] Seek Yahweh, lest ye perish.

These verses contain the second half of the dirge (strophes 4, 5) and the
concluding strophe of the original poem, somewhat mutilated. The second
half gives the explanation of the destruction announced in the first half;
while in the concluding strophe, the prophet, as so many times before, turns
in exhortation to the people to do the thing, the neglect of doing which in the
past has cost them so dearly. The logical connection of vs.*"* becomes plain
when nsN (v.*) is taken as historical pf., or plup. (j*.?.) ; and, therefore, the
proposal to throw out vs.^-^ (Oort), or to treat v.* as introducing a new section
(Now., Marti), may be rejected.

6. nayn nS pas' in3i] To be transferred to the beginning of v.^; it is
entirely rejected by Baumann, since (l) it spoils the strophic arrangement,
(2) has nothing to correspond to it as in the case of Bethel and Gilgal; cf. 4*,
where only the two cities are mentioned; also 8^*. — yar -\n2i] <S has iirX
rh <t>p4ap toO SpKov; cf same in Gn. 26^^ 2i3i, but in Am. 8^* it has proper
name. — pnS nin^] (g ea-Tai ws oix virdpxova-a, similarly ^ and C, all seeming

no AMOS

to take px*? in the sense of ps*? (Seb., so Hal.); "B erii htutilis. — 6. It
seems probable that an entire member has been lost, perhaps Sxiii" nij nnyi.

— nSs^] (S dvaXafx^rj with t]D\-' pi^ as subj. = ans or p^t (Va.) or nnx, cf.
Is. 4^ (Vol.) ; TrJ comburatur, similarly S. Read "i niJ2 b'n nSu'^ (so We.,
Elh., Lohr, Gun. Th. St. XVIII. 221 ; cf. Baumann); cf. Gun. i^'fo rhv^ (in
his comm., but abandoned later in favor of We.'s reading; so also Gr.).
Now. v^i ni^:; Oet. irsa nxi; Elh. tfx T'Sb'^(?); Hal. nSy^(?); Duhm (£5.
3799) ^iid Marti, Si's* anS nSs'. — hVjn] (S adds ai)r6v. Now, om. as gloss.

— Sn noS] (5 T(Jj o^Ky 'lo-paijX (cf. Ho, io^^); one cod. has tiJj 'lo-poijX; so
also one cod. of Kenn. Snt^'i'?, and one of de R, Sxia'i noS (so also Dathe,
Gr., Now., Elh., Hal., Lohr, Oort Etn.'), 'A. and S, ry Bai^TjX; 0. ry ofKCf)
Bat^ijX, Hirscht explains the reading Vn'MJ'i as due to a marginal note by a
reader contrasting ]1n no and ntri no, which resulted in the blending of no
ntri and Sn p-'D into hn-wi ni3. We. and Now. om. Sn n^^S as a gloss; Marti
transposes it to v.'', Oet. transposes thus : 'D J''N1 Snidi ni3 hSdni, Lohr
rejects v,^* as an interpolation based on i*, and introducing a thought entirely
foreign to Amos,

4. For thus said Yahweh to the house of Israel'\ The prophet
has just described the coming desolation. This description sug-
gests at once the question, Are we not zealously engaged in the
worship of Yahweh? Why are we then to suffer? The answer is
furnished : ' Yahweh in times past spoke thus and thus, — com-
mands which ye have disobeyed.' The verb is not to be rendered
saith, but said, referring to the injunctions of the past. The dirge
may well describe the occasion of the impending calamity. The
ordinary interpretation which makes this an exhortation uttered
by the prophet, after announcing the calamity,* takes away the
force of the most impressive portion of the piece, and compels
the prophet to give two exhortations in practically the same lan-
guage (see v.*^), — Seek me'] A common phrase for the expression
of religious desire implying worship and obedience, and used alike
of God and idols.f — And iive] i.e. that you may live, implying that
the danger ahead may not be averted otherwise ; cf. Is. i^^ Am. 5'^.
The life of course includes national life and prosperity (Baur). For
other examples of two imperatives used in this way, either condi-
tionally, if you seek me you will certainly live, the conclusion being

* Nearly all comm.

t Besides B'IT, the word here, Vpl is also used in the same sense ; cf. Ps. 246
Is. 819 ^^6. xhe exact meaning here as gathered from the context is to make effort
to obey his will and to practise a righteous life.

V. 4-5 III

thus rendered more certain, or as an action with a purpose, seek me
hi order that you may live, the request being thus emphasized, cf.
Gn. 42^* I K. 22^- 2 K. 5" Je. 27^' Am. 5". There is no reference
to the future hfe, nor, perhaps, even to spiritual hfe.* — 5. And
to Beer-sheba do not (ye shall not) cross over^ {v.S;). This line,
probably corrupt, must be transferred to precede the line afid do
not seek Beth-el, which is required by the chiastic arrangement of
the next strophe. Several explanations have been given of the
lack of a corresponding line, as in the case of Gilgal and Beth-el,
e.g. a. pun is evident in the very word VZV "1K2 = 'Z'C iKS = fount
of captivity ; f or, Beer-sheba is omitted because, being in Judah,
it was not destroyed when Samaria fell ; J or because Amos is
prophesying only to the ten tribes ; § or because no suitable paro-
nomasia could be found for Beer-sheba. || If the present text is
accepted, we must understand that the Israelites of Amos's day
were not satisfied with visiting the sanctuaries of the North, but
were so zealous in their worship as to cross over the border-land
of their own territory ^ and penetrate as far south as the ancient
sanctuary of Beer-sheba, thirty miles southwest of Hebron on the
road to Egypt. Beer-sheba played an important part in the sto-
ries of the patriarchs, cf. Gn. 2i"-^^-^ 26^"*'^ 28^" 46^; there is no
authority for Driver's statement, "in Amos's time it was a popular
resort for pilgrims from N. Israel," unless it is found in 8" (a
doubtful text). After the captivity it was again occupied (Ne. 1 1^).
This worship was strikingly inconsistent with the assumption of
Jeroboam I. that Jerusalem was too far away from the Northern
tribes to be the place of central worship. The most extreme
form of corrupt worship, viz. that at Beer-sheba, is thus placed in
contrast with the true attitude commended. — Ye shall not seek
Beth-el'\ i.e. visit for the purpose of exercising rites and ceremo-
nies. — And Gilgal ye shall not enter'] Reference has already been
made to these places as the seats of sanctuaries. — For Gilgal shall
surely go into exile] The Gilgal, in which they now take such de-
light, will be laid waste.** — And Beth-el shall become {Beth)avefi'\

* Contra Pu., Ke. + Jer., Hi. || Ros.

t Har. § Ba., Ke. H Jer., Har., Ros., Hi., Ba.

** The alliteration of the original nSj' nSj Sj'^jn cannot well be indicated in a
translation, Cf. Ew., Gilgal wird Galle weinen ; Ba., Gilgal giltig entgilt es ; Or.,

112 AMOS

The word JIK has been variously taken as meaning nought* idol-
atry,\ iniquity \ (cf. Ho. 4^^ 5* ic^) ; trouble ; § in a recent transla-
tion it is rendered des Teufels. || It is better to understand it as
an abbreviation ^ of pK n'D, the pK in either sense being the oppo-
site of b'K (Beth-el). Cf. Hoffmann's suggestion ** that the wor-
ship of the Northern kingdom had many Egyptian elements, such
as the calf, that Yahweh was identified with Ra', and Beth-el with
On, the sacred city. Hence the use of px by Hosea and Amos
has a double sense; here " your On-Beth-el will become Aven, delu-
sion." It is of importance to note that not far from Beth-el, close
to the edge of the desert, there was a village (the site of which is
now uncertain) named Beth-aven (cf. Jos. 7" 18'^ i S. 13^ 14^'') .ff
— 6. The dirge being now completed, it is the natural thing for
the prophet to utter an exhortation. This, found in v.^, completes
the piece. But, unfortunately, one line seems to have been lost ;
perhaps it read. And now, O house of Israel, seek Yahweh and
live'] i.e. do as he long ago bade you. — Lest he east fire on Joseph's
house] XX The wrath of God is represented by fire (Dt. 32-- Ez.
22-^). Joseph, as well as Ephraim, is often used for Northern as
distinguished from Southern Israel (cf 2 S. 19^ Ob.^^ Zc. lo*';
Joseph, without house, occurs in Am. 5^^ 6^ Ez. 37^*^ Ps. 78^^). —
For Beth-el] (§, some Mss., and the demands of the parallelism
incHne some (v.s.) to read for Israel; but the reading of JK^T is
satisfactory, Beth-el being the centre of the religious cultus ; cf.
2 K. 22^^ Is. 1^1 Je. 4^§

4. The Hebrew could not distinguish has said (indef.), has just said (j)i.
of immediate past), from the historical said; the latter is intended here, H.
16,1; Dr. §7; GK. lo6d. — vm^i^z'■y■^] H. 48,8^; Dr. § 152, i; GK.

Die Rollstadt rollt von dannen; Mit., Gilgal shall go into galling captivity ; We.,
Gilgal wird zum Galgen gehen ; GAS., Gilgal shall taste the gall of exile. Cf.
Ho. 12^2 for a similar alliteration of the same letters; and for other cases Is. lo^s
159 Je. 61 Mi. iio- 11- 14. 15 zp. 24.

* Mich., Jus., Ros., Ba., Or. + Ew. || We. ; cf. GAS.

t Hd., GAS. \ Dr. H Hi., Mit.

** ZA W. HI. 105 f. ft GAS., art. " Beth-aven," EB.

W fUSE n^xi has been translated advance (Cal.) ypass through consuming all (Har.,
Jus., Hd.), destroy (Dahl), kindle (G and IT, v.s.'). The translation adopted, which
seems better, rests upon the suggestion that n and o are easily confused in sound,
while the o of li'NO is inserted after the analogy of dittography.

V. 5-6 113

no/.; K6. 364 i. cm and B'jpa are practically synonymous (cf. Ez. 34^) ; and
are used alike of seeking Yahweh and of seeking idols {e.g. Lv. 19"^ Is. 19^ Dt.
18^^ Je. 8"^ ai"'^ Gn. 25--, etc.). For original force of both see BSZ. and BDB.
An early meaning, resort to, seems to appear in Am. 5^ Dt. 12° 2 Ch. i^
Both words were used commonly of consulting the deity, through an oracle
or through a prophet, in reference to matters of all kinds, religious and secu-
lar (Ex. iS^^ I S. 9^ 2 K. 3^^ 8^ Ez. 20^3, etc.). From this usage came the
bro?der meaning of seeking in prayer and worship and, in general, striving to
act in accord with the divine will (Dt. 4-^ Ho. ^ Zp. 2^ Ps. ip^"^ 69^ 1052,
etc.). In prophetic speech en is much the more common word of the two
when used of religious affairs. — 5. iB'mn Sn] Deprecation, H. 41, i b\ Dr.
§ 50 {a) Obs.; GK. 152/; Ko. 352^., but cf. vh (with iN^n) prohibition. —
"^j^jni Sxno] marks the chiasm; perhaps nS after '?j'?jn is due to a desire
not to repeat the sound al. — nSji nSj] H. 28, 3 a; GK. I13M; K6. 329;-.
— SjSjn o] Note masc. form of the vb., though the feminine is more usual
with names of towns ; Ko. 248 r. The subj. first because emphatic, so Ssno;
note the chiastic order of the proper names in ^*, as compared with that in
^''. — 6. nSx'] V.S. The difficulty is twofold (i) the use of nSs with ace. of
the person, when it is regularly followed by Vp or Sn (cf. Ju. 141® ijW j s.
10^), being used with the ace. in the sense of to reach, 2 S. 19'* ; and (2^ the
fem. vb. n'jaN which points to C'n ; hence the many emendations proposed
{v.s.). Margolis {AJSL. XVII. 171), however, defends nSxi (but reads t'ni)
on the basis of the usage of nSx in Ecclus. 8'°, where it is followed by nSnja
(a mistake for nSma; cf. (S) and rendered kindle by (5. — t^Dv no] Subj.,
not obj. — nSox] Fem. as ref. to Z'H. — Ssn^aS] Correct, notwithstanding
We. et al., v.s.; not ace. (S = sign of ace.) after naan (cf. Hd.), nor to be
connected with nSoN (Mau.); but dat. of adv. or disadv.; cf. Ez. 37";
GK. 119 s.

8, 9. Who is it that you are asked to seek ? Yahweh is his
na7ne, the creator of the luminaries, the cotitroller of the seas, the
destroyer of the strong.

This addition from a later hand, " to relieve the gloom of the prophetic
picture," falls into two strophes, each of four trimeters. It bears the general
character of the additions found in 4^^ g^- ^, and resembles in style the
Deutero-Isaiah (cf. Is. 40"f). Note (i) the use of participles, and (2) the
peculiar words; cf. Stickel, Iliob 276; Che. EB. I. 153 n. 3. Vs.8 ^nd 9
are placed by Elh. after 2^*'-. Their lack of connection with v." is generally
acknowledged (so Ew., followed by GAS., who places them before v.''; Gr.,
who would place v.^ after 4'^; Oet., who suggests the alternative of the end
of the chap.; Che. EB. I. 153, who places them after 41^; Now., who re-
gards them as a misplaced gloss on v.®; Dr., Marti, and others, who treat
them as an interpolation; cf. Baumann),
I

114

AMOS

8. iDtr nin^] To be transferred to the beginning of v.^, some preceding
word being lost ; or perhaps the line may be filled from K = Lei there be fear
in the presence of him who, etc. Two codd. of Kenn. add nw^s and two codd.
of @ read, Yahweh, God of hosts. — S^D3i hd'^] (5 iravTa koX iJ.€Ta(rK€vdl^(av =
JDCi S:3(Vol.); 'A.'ApKTovpovKal^Qpiupa; S. IlXetdSas /cal fio-rpa; "S Arctu-
rum et Orione/n ; 0. IlXeidSa Kal 'iairepov ; VL .nS^Ddi hd^j; S 1^3-1.0 )Vi»-i.

— npSs] Read mn'^s (cf. Ps. 23^) foil. @ aKidv (Va.), not bh-i (Vol.) ; F tene-

bras; but % Uolo ■ i\\ j (see BDB.). — nS^'-] Read rh-hh, with ten codd.
Kenn. and seven de R. (so Dathe, Mit., Oort ThT. XIV. 118, Elh.). — Nnpn
DTI-idS] % = who cofnmands to gather great arfnies like the waters of the sea.

— 9. jiSjdh] (B 0 5Laipu)P = J'''7flDn (Now.); (5^ 6 Siopil^aiv ; 'A. 6 ixeiSiwv ;
S. rbv TTQiovvTa KarayeXdaat. ; U gui arridet {stibridet, cod. Am.); ® i3Jm;
S >-V'-'v^^ Gr. a^rjjSnn ; Oet. Sj^^jdh ; Oort -\2X0 ; Elh., Snjnn ; Oort
{Em.) and Marti, niSodh. — it:'] Read -\2-c; fol. (5 cyvvTpip.p.6v (so Ew., Hi.,
Oort, Gr., GAS., Now., Oct.). S j tN.. and ST ra''?n = a'-; (Seb.) ; TS vastita-
tem ; S. d(pa.vi<Tp.bv. Hoffm., -\t' here and in fol. clause. Elh., n;:'. — ly] @
iax<iv = ij? (so also Oort) ; F robustum ; K n^JJVr'; S P-*-*^; Hoffm., !."(?).

— ntJ'iJ (S Kal TaXanruploLv; "S depopulationem ; & j n«nSro; C IV'"^^; Hal.
n-i-j'i. St. would read (so also Dr. and Oort Em.) -)2•2>^ on basis of (g and
Is. 59" 60I8 Je. 48^; but it is better to read -\y^' for the previous iii- (v.s.)
and retain ilflST here, since <5 employs (rvvrpifi/Jids and (rvvrpip-na to represent
13'^ twenty-three times, but ii:' only four times, including this passage, while
the vb. -\2Z' is regularly rendered by (Twrpl^u. raXanruipia, on the other
hand, represents Ti' ten times and 13"' only thrice, while iTi' is regularly ren-
dered by ToXaiirup^o). However, the occurrence of the phrase naci Tif in
Is. and Je., where <& renders by avvrp. km raX., makes the matter somewhat
uncertain. — -\X3d] Hoffm., ■i>i'3r(?). — X13^] Read ni^^, with all the versions
(so Va., Oort TAT. XIV. 118 and Em., Hoffm., GAS., Now., Elh., Oct.,
Hal.); <3 "S. iirdytav; "S affert ; ^ Ib^; ® a^'^'-f^. — These vs. are evidently
not genuine. V.^ must be transferred to precede v.^'', see p. 105. So Bauer,
Ew., Or., GAS.; cf. Mit., who strains himself in the effort to connect vs.^ *°'i *
(p. 129); Gun., who rejects v.''; WRS. Proph. (p. 400), who maintains that,
though not closely connected with the immediate context, these vs. are in
complete harmony with the general purport of the thought of Amos, and that
the ejaculatory form is " not surprising under the general conditions of pro-
phetic oratory, while the appeal comes in to relieve the strain of the intense
feeling at a critical point in the argument." The suggestion has been made
to transfer in>jn from v.'', with S (New. v.i. p. 118), or to supply \o-\-\ (Mich.,
Jus.), or seek Yahweh (Geb.), or He is the one who (Ba.) ; but it seems best
to supply part of a line which shall include the words taken from the end of
the v., viz. ica' nini, since this phrase could not originally have stood in the
midst of the description. In 4^^ it comes at the close of the sentence.

V. 8 115

8. Whose name is Yahwe/i] The God who is Israel's national
God, and who desires Israel's strongest allegiance. — 27ie creator of
the Pleiades and Orion'] In two or three strokes the poet depicts
the omnipotence of the God for whom he pleads. He seizes upon
two of the heavenly constellations which are most conspicuous to
represent, by synecdoche, the universe that is visible. They are
referred to in Jb. 9® 38^'*"- (cf. Is. 13'°) in the same way as a proof
of God's creative power. The Hebrew name for Orion, which
also =fool, may perhaps contain a trace of some old mythological
notion, which held this constellation to have been " originally
some foolhardy, heaven-daring rebel who was chained to the sky
for his impiety." * The thought is not different from that of the
Psalmist (8^). This seems to be the meaning rather than (i) the
interpretation of ntt'3 as "genial heat" and "ri'DS as " cold," f on
the ground that it harmonizes better with the context to speak
of present acts than of a far-distant creation (but cf. the custom
of the Deutero-Isaiah) ; or (2) that which finds the principal
force of the utterance in the star-worship, which was not uncom-
mon in Israel (cf. Je. 7^^ 44"-^^ 2 K. 17^*' 21'^-^, cf. 23"), the
thought being " do not worship the stars, but the creator of the
stars " ; J or (3) that of n»"3 as " fortune," " destiny " ; § or (4) that
which supposes the stars to have been mentioned because of their
influence upon the weather, and because the writer wished to show
the supremacy of Yahweh over all such forces. 1| — Who turneth
deep gloom into morning] The " darkness " thus turned is not
the darkness of death,^ an interpretation based upon an incorrect
pointing of mttbs {v.i!), nor the original creation of light, \ but
the change from night to day, a most wonderful, although most
common, phenomenon. — A?id day into flight darkeneth] This

* Dr. ; so Di. (on Jb. 98), Che., BDB. For reference to these constellations in
early Greek literature, cf. Horn. //. XVIII. 486-9 : —

II\r)l'a5at fl' 'YoSa? re to T€ trfleVos 'flpifovos
'ApKTOt' ff rjv KOI afia^av ewiK\r)(riv Ka\eov<riv,
'H t' avTOv <rTpe'i/>CTai koi t' 'fipi'iofa SoKCuei,
Oirj 5' ajiftopos 60-TC Koerpiav 'ClKeavoio.

Cf. also XXII. 26-31. and Od. V. 272-75.

t Parkhurst, cited by Owen in his translation of Cal. t Gab. § Schlier.
II Hoffm. ZAH: III. 109. "n Pu., Ke.

Il6 AMOS

supplements and explains the preceding phrase ; the idea is that
of the regular order of nature, night succeeding day, under a great
Director, not that of an extraordinary event like the darkness of
the land of Egypt,* nor the shortening of the days in winter.

— JV/io calleth the waters of the sea and poureth them on the face
of the earth"] Cf. Is. 48^^ Jb. 38**. Are these waters the rains
drawn from the sea and descending upon the earth (cf. Jb. 36^ ; f
or the fountains and streams by which the earth is watered J (cf.
Ec. i^ Jb. 12^^) ; or an inundation, the Noachian deluge, the
most terrible punishment in history? § In favor of the last are
the use of the expressions call and face of the earth, the thought
of the following, and the typical character of the illustrations of
Yahweh's power, as thus interpreted, viz., "Jehovah, by whom
the world was made, of whose will the order and harmony in
nature are an expression, and at whose command the forces in
nature may become as destructive as they have been beneficent." ||

— 9. Causeth violence to burst upon the strong] For the word
r'^nan (found elsewhere only in Jb. (f 10^ Ps. 39" and n''J"'bDa in
Je. 8^^ there have been suggested the following : (i) He that
streftgthens (the spoiled against the strong, so that the spoiled, or
a waster, shall ascend upon the very fortresses ;1[ or destruction
(= the destroyed) against strength (= the strong) so that (through
him) destruction comes upon the fortress) ; * (2) He that mani-
fests; ** (3) He that causes to flash forth (figure taken from the
dawn),tt cf. Is. 47" Jo. 2'; also n'Kil in Is. 42^ 58*; (4) He that
laughs at; J J the third satisfies the context in all the passages in
which the word occurs and accords with its derivation (v.i). On
Hoffmann's interpretation v.i. — And causeth devastation to come
upon the fortress] This rendering is based upon the reading «^d;
{v.s) instead of KU', although the Qal of KID (Uke 3W) sometimes
has a transitive meaning.

8. na*;?] has been treated as obj. of wm to be supplied (Mich., Jus.), as
subject of iDir mni (Schegg), as predicate of a sentence of which Nin, to be
supplied, is subject (Ba.). If regarded as an interpolation, its connection
may be very loose, perhaps the answer to some implied question; cf. Ko. Stil.

* Geb. § Pu., Ke., Reu., Mit. ** Va.

t Jer., Cal, Os., Geb., Dahl, Ros., Or. || Mit. 1+ Ros.. Ba., Hi.

X Hi. n Cal. XI 'A.. Jer., Schegg, Pu.

V. 8-9 11/

214- — nnio] occurs elsewhere only in Jb, 9^ 38*^; usually taken to mean the
Pleiades (so 'A., 2., O., and (& on Jb. 38^^), from the idea that it is similar to

Arab, auo^ , a heap (Ba.; BDB.; Taylor, DB. III. 896). Other meanings
given are Sirius (Stern, \r\ Jiid. Zeitschrift fiir Wissen. u. Leben, III. 258 ff.;
No. in BL. ; Hoffm. ZA W. III. 107 ff.) and the Scorpion (^ZA. I. 264). —
S'Dd] The derivation from ^03 = to be strong, is very questionable. The word
ordinarily means a fool. As used of a star it occurs only here and in Jb. 9^ 38^1
Is. 131". 'A. and U and (@ on Is. 13^° and Jb. 38^1 translate by Orion, which
is the usual meaning given;, Saadia, Abulwalid, and others identify with
Canopus. Cf., for further discussion, Wetzstein in De. Job^ 501 f.; Taylor,
DB. III. 632; R. Brown, Jr., Trans, of Ninth Congr. of Orientalists, II.
457 f. — niD^x] The old derivation is as a compound of np Sx = shadow of
death; so @, 'A., S., 0. (in places); SEF; Ges. Thes. ; Schwally, Das Leben
nach dem Tode, 194; No. ZAW. XVII. 183 ff.; BDB. The vocalization
nisSx from aSs, be dark (cf. Assyr. salmii) is also ancient, and has been
accepted by many; Ew.^ 270*:; De. and Hupfeld (on Ps. 23*); BSZ., Gun.,
Bu. (on Jb. 3^); K6. Lehrgebdude, II. i. p. 415. Earth, NB. 259 c, would
make the form rnD'^s (cf. Marti), while We.^ proposes p'id'^x after analogy
of Arab, tzulamdt. The passages in which the word is found are, besides
this, Jb. 35 io2if- 122^ 1 616 24" 283 3422 3gi7 jg, gi jg. 26 13I6 Ps. 23* 4420
loyio-i*. — n'71'?] For syntax according to fS\M,, cf. GK. 117 ii; K6. 327 v.
— I'B'nn] A pf. of experience fol. preceding ptcp., in chiastic order with '\bt\',
H. 18, 3; GK. 106 k. — N-iipn] The art. here; in preceding ptcps. it has been
omitted, the first being in cstr.; cf.GK. 126^; K6. 411/^ — Q3fl::"ii] Impf. with
waw cons. fol. a ptcp. H. 24, 5 ; GK. iiim. — 9. J^iSann] Commonly derived

from a Heb. root akin to Arab, f^-^, to be bright, ,^-~> lo be bright, joyous.

In all the other passages in Heb. the meaning be glad, cheerful, is usually
assigned; cf. Schultens, Origines HebrcecB (1761); Lane, Arab. Lex. 245;
BDB., BSZ. It is here in chiastic order with NO^; here the impf. (indef.
freq.) follows the ptcp. with the article, H. 21, 3; GK. 11 1 u. — •vv'\ Hoffm.,
on the basis of an emended text, translates, he causes Taurus to rise after
Capella and causes Taurus to set after Vindemiator. This is explained by
the fact that Capella rises at the end of April before Taurus in May, and
Taurus sets in November after the setting of Vindemiator in September. To
this it is objected (We.) that this is too ordinary a matter to stand in so
important a connection, and that if this had been the idea, the stars were so
well known that so different a reading could not have grown up.

§ 9. Transgressors shall come to grief. 5^' ^*'"". (i) A per-
verter of judgment and an oppressor of the poor, Israel shall not
enjoy the gains which she has unjustly made (vs.^- ^'"^■). (2) Guilty
of every sin, receiver of bribes, she must change her life, if she

Il8 AMOS

would live and have Yahweh's presence ; vs.'^". (3) Only right-
eousness will furnish ground for mercy, in the great calamity which
is to bring lamentation to every heart (vs.^^^^).

This poem consists of three double strophes, each double strophe including
one strophe of four and one of six lines. The first part of each double strophe
contains a characterization of the times; the second part, introduced by jdS
describes the calamity which is coming upon Israel as punishment.

7, 10, 11. Those who exercise injustice and shun him who
reproves thejn for it, shall forfeit all the privileges which otherwise
would accrue to them. The reasons for placing v.^ in this con-
nection are : (i) its utter lack of connection with v.® and v.*; its
natural connection with v.^" ; and the fact that when joined to v.^**
it permits a strophic arrangement of the whole section at once
simple and natural. This transposition has been adopted without
reference to the arrangement, upon the basis of the logical con-
nection.* Unsatisfactory must be regarded the attempt to connect
it with the preceding verse as a contrast, yet ye change, etc. ; f or
with the following verse, supplying consider at the beginning of
v.* ; J or to supply. Seek him, I say, ye who, etc. ; § or to make it
a gloss belonging to 6^^, || a suggestion growing out of the endeavor
to treat vs.*' ^ as original with Amos (cf. Nowack in loc).

7. DiDsnn] (5 6 Trotwv = SjJsn (Vol.), rendering by same word as for ntt'j?
(v.8); cf. the different rendering of -\a^ri (v. 8). Oort, on basis of (g, ^s^^
( ThT. XXV. 121 f.; so Val.). — njyVS] (g eh v\f/os = n^ji^h (Va.), or perhaps
n'^iy^, which Oort substituted in 1880, but later (T/iT., 1891) abandoned for
nSjjDS. F absinthium; cf. (@ in 6^2, TriKpiav. — f\i<^'] New. rxn'?. — imjn]
<5 sg. (so Oort and Val.); S 0 n n 4., joined to fol. v.; Or. ly^jn. — 10. injb']
Elh.ssja-. — -lytra] @pl. — noic] & j T 1 W Vi\, corrected by Seb. to] 1 rn iSn \;
cf. Syr.-Hex. and Ez. 326.-131] <5, 9., X6yov = 13-1; S. pvfj-a. — a^cr] (g, 0.,
offiov; ^.afj-wpjov. Hoffm. D'Dn (but z'. Gun.). — 11. D^Di'n] ®suf. 3p. pi.;

•■ ^ 7 7

U diripiebatis ; VL T^!?'??; ■S ^oL^S£, perhaps = DDDDia (Seb.; so Hal.).
Read DjDia (so Oct., Marti) or D^pu (We., Now., Elh., Che. EB. I. 155, Lohr).
Gr. h-;D a^DDia'; Oort, ajDon. Some MSS. read f for r; others nant^o,
DiDOrn, D3Dt:* 13 {v. de R.). — 13 nNttr] (§ dQpa ^/cXe/crd, perhaps reading
some form of in3 for 13 (Va.); so also SF. Gr. nNu'ni (cf. Dt. 241") —

* Ew., Reu., Gu., GAS., Now. ; K6. 411 f. ; Marti ; Gun. would drop v. 7 as an
interpolation. f Jus. X Schro. i Stru. || Kue.

V, 7, lo 119

on^ja] S makes this and nnyoj rel. clauses, omitting in each case the follow-
ing 1. — ncn] Some MSS. of Kenn. and de R. icn; cf. Mi. 6'3-i5 Zp. i^s.

7. They who turn judginent to wormwood'\ The leaders are
especially meant, but the people are also not without guilt. The
arraignment begun thus with the participle, a favorite form of
expression with Amos, in impassioned speech, is continued by the
finite verb (cf. 2^ 4^^). The figure is drawn from a bitter herb,
reckoned poisonous (cf. (P Je. 9^^ 23^^ La. 3^^- ^^ Dt. 29^^ Pr. 5^
Rev. 8") by the ancients. Instead of the sweetness of justice,
the bitterness of injustice is accorded. The very institutions
which were intended to secure justice produce injustice (cf. La. 3^^
Am. 6^) . — And cast righteousness to the ground^ Righteousness,
here meaning civil justice, is personified, and represented as an
individual thrown down, and treated with violence and contempt,
" trampled under foot." This is stronger than the ordinary "turn
aside justice" (Baur) ; cf. 2 S. 8^^ Is. 59" Je. 22I — 10. They
hate'\ Referring, as before, to the upper classes, who have the
administration of justice. — Him that reprove fh in the gate"] i.e.
the gateway, the place where justice was administered (cf. Dt. 22^*
Ru. 4^*^- Ps. 127^ Pr. 31^ I K. 2 2^^ La. 5") ; the phrase is de-
pendent upon the word translated the one who reproves, i.e. the
prophet, or the judge, who rebuked injustice (cf. Jb. 13^^ 19^
Is. 29^*) — perhaps Amos himself. — The one who speaks uprightly]
Not one who advocates an unblamable manner of life,* nor one
who brings witnesses to prove his own integrity. | The word D'ttD
is not an object accusative = one who speaks the truth (cf. Is.
33^'^) j+ but an adverbial accusative (cf. Ps. 15^ Pr. 28'*) and
means sincerely, blamelessly. § — They abhor~\ A synonym of they
hate, but stronger. || — Therefore] The mark of the second part
of the strophe; cf. vs.^^-^" (also 3" 4^-). — Because ye trample
upon the weak] A more direct statement of the charge already
made in vs."- ^''. — And take from him exactions of grain] The
specific kind of oppression is here indicated ; the translations
load of grain, as much as a poor man could carry on his back;^
great load ;** tax placed on every one over twenty years of age*

* Geb. X Now. II Hi., Ke. «* Lu.

t Har. \ Ros., Hd., Dr. 11 Cal.

I20 AMOS

(cf. Ex. 30^^'^^) ; his share* are far-fetched. (Cf. Gratz's emen-
dation; v.s.^. The word has come to be a general designation
for gift ; t it was sometimes voluntary (cf. Gn. 43^'* 2 S. 11^
Je. 40^), but also sometimes involuntary (cf. 2 Ch. 24^"^ Ez. 20*).
In the latter case, as here, it was really a tax forced from the
poor by the rich ; \ something more than a euphemism for inter-
est, and called such to evade the law§ (Lv. 25^' Dt. 23^^). Cf.
Hitzig's rendering which introduces the apodosis with this clause :
Ye shall have to take from him a p7-esent of corn, i.e. as alms. —
Houses of hewn stone'\ Cf. Zp. i^^ Mi. 6^'' ; houses of exceptional
character, for the rich. — But ye shall not dwell in them"] Cf.
Dt. 28^ Is. 65^^ Am. 9^* ; there will be no opportunity to dwell in
them, because Israel is to go into exile. — Vineyards of delight']
Cf. Ez. 23^- ^-^j Is. 32^^; the poet pictures in the most tantalizing
manner the dire character of the doom which confronts them.

7. D^Dflnn] Cf. above; the art. is used almost as a vocative, but the fol. vb.
in the 3d pers. points rather to the relative usage, H. 4, ^f; GK. 126 b; on
tense force cf. Ko. 237 a. — njj?S] Commonly derived from lyS = Arab. i^>«*J,
to revile, abominate, hence the detested herb, cf. Ges. Thes. 758. The vfOxA
is used only figuratively in the O. T., i.e. either in comparisons (Pr. 5*,
where it is contrasted with honey), or as a figure of apostasy (Dt. 29^^), or
injustice (here and in Am. 6^'^), or bitter grief (Je, 9^^ 23^^ La. ^^^- i^).
The plant belongs to the genus Artemisium and is common in Palestine,
many varieties of it existing there. Cf. J. Low, Aratnaische P/lanzennamen,
80 f., 401,421; Tristram, Nat. Hist, of Bible, i^gT). — inijn] Pf. fol. ptcp., H. 27,
5*5; GK. Ii6jr; Dr. § 1 17; an Aramaicized pf., GK. 72 ee. — 10. INJB'] Stat,
pf., H. 18. 2; cf. GK. 106^. — li'ao] According to the accent, the subj. of injb',
i.e. those who are in the gate hate him who reproves ; but it is better to connect
with n'3ic. — ■^^■'] Cf. (5 = -i3-t, and note the chiastic order. — didh] Adv. ace,
H. 33, 5 ; GK. ii8m. — I3;;n"'] Impf. of frequentative action. — 11. o^DB-n]
Has been taken from D13, oppress, the B* being introduced to give the resem-
blance of mi, be ashamed (Geb.) ; from Dia, the v being a mistake of original
copy (Jus.), or a scribal error (Va.), or a dissimilation from Di3 (Gun., Oort,
BDB. p. 143); from lyia = ^yXji, behave proudly, abuse (Har., Hi.) ; from i^ia
= be ashamed (Tuch, on Gen. p. 213, cited by Ba.); from na, being read Donn
(STF). It is ordinarily explained as a Po'el inf.; but it should be read D3D13
{v.s.^, Qal. inf. cstr., the ty being a correction placed side by side with the
letter corrected; cf. iDiyny, Ne. ii^^ and CDiy^flj, Ne. 7^2. ^f. GK. 61 e. — Sn]

* Oort, Th T. XIV. 154. + We., Dr., BDB.

t Har.,Stru., Jus., Schro., Ros., Hi., Gun., GAS. § Pu.

V. lo 121

SS-*, from which this is derived, means to be low, weak. It is uncertain whether

it is the same as the root '?'?■', to hang. It is probably the same as Arab. \Ji^, to

be low, vile, and perhaps Assyr. daldlu, to be humble, obedient. Hence St means

(i) weak, (2) lowly, humble, poor. — nNttT] Cf. Phoen. pns'D =: tax, penalty;

a

BDB. 673. — naj Mea.ns grairt. Is perhaps similar to Arab. ^, wheat. Usually

derived from t\3 = to purify. It is written ^5 here and in Am. 8^ Ps. 72^®; else-
where-13. — mpp] Continuing the inf. 33013 ; cf.K6.413a'. — ins] GK.96; Sta.
187 a. — nnj] An abstract noun = hewing ; ^j3N is to be understood as pre-
ceding it; cf. Is. 98 I K. 6^; K6. 243 3. — icn] Cf. reading icn; on the noun
used as here for adj., GK. 128/; for men in same construction, Je. 3!^ 12^*^
Ez. 2612 Ps. io62*.

12, 13, 14. In view of IsraeVs many sins of persecution and
bribery, prudence would suggest silence, in order that life and
Yahweh may still be hers. This double strophe has in the first
part, as before, a description of Israel's wickedness, and in the
second part a threat of punishment, viz. the death of the nation
and abandonment by Yahweh. The first part has a reference to
the " gate " as the forum of justice, and the second is introduced
by " therefore."

The authenticity of vs.'^. 14. and 15 jj^g been questioned by Oort ( Th T.
XIV. 122, who suspects only v.^^ and regards ^^ and ^^ as belonging to
Amos, but as originally having followed v.^o), Val., Now., Volz, GAS., Lohr,
Che. (^EB. I. 154), et al. Oet. grants the late origin of v.^*, but claims
vs.^* ^- for Amos, placing them, however, after v."*. We. also regards v.^^ ^s
interrupting the connection between v.^^ and v.^*, being only a parenthetic
note. Elh. inserts v.^^ between 5I1 and 2i**^-, and vs.^^^^ between 2^^ and
3'*'-. Marti places vs.^^*'- after v.^, and drops v.^^ as late. The reasons for
suspecting the passage are: (i) lack of relation to v.^-, since a threat
(perhaps v.'^) would be naturally expected to follow ; (2) lack of con-
nection with v.*^, the pS of ^^ having no meaning after v.^^ ; (3) lack of
unity within these vs. themselves, ^^ " being a repetition of " ", 1* and ^^
being an imitation of 5*- ^; (4) the use of S''3-'cn in a technical sense as
in Pr. iqI^ Ecclus. 20''; (5) the lack of consistency between the thought
of v.i* and the general spirit and teaching of Amos, whose tone was bold and
fearless, rather than of the kind to encourage silence under difficult circum-
stances ; (6) the nation, although treated as responsible, is only a remnant;
but there is no time preceding 734 B.C. when this historical situation exists.
It is to be conceded that the logical consecution of the passage is not as clear
as might be expected from Amos ; but it is possible (w.j.) to answer most, if
not all, of these objections. If, however, these arguments are conclusive, the

122 AMOS

original piece is one strophe shorter, the second part of strophe 2 and the
first part of strophe 3 being late, the original strophe 2 consisting of what is
now strophe 2" and strophe 3''.

12. DDiPNian] Read ojiNon, on account of the masc. didsj; (We., Now., Lohr,
Oct., Marti; cf. Elh., p. 148). — -\D2 •'npS pnx mx] & seems to have read
'3 inpS "i ms (Seb.) ; "B hostes justi accipientes muntts ; 2C njorS rh fp^yn
-iiWi poD N^apS Sna. — ion -iv'i'3 O'-jraNi] Gr. ion 'a -ax |ni. — 13. dti] 3C
adds NViyh onp JD. — nj7i] @ 7ro;'r;ptS;', perhaps = D^yi (Vol., Hirscht), n and
D being similar in Aramaic script. — 14. ■^CN la'xa] (§ connects with v.^^

12. Surely I know'] A new strophe ; Yahweh is now repre-
sented as speaking ; however ignorant men may be, he knows (cf.
Ps. 73" Jb. 22^^). — Many are your transgressions] i.e. in multi-
tudes are they committed. — And great are your sifis] The repeti-
tion is, of course, poetical, yet the two words mark different kinds
of iniquity, the first, deliberate rebellion; the second, habitual
variation from the right. The position of the adjective in each is
very emphatic. After making the general charges, the speaker
introduces more specific arraignment. — Persecutors of the right-
eous] Cf. 2' 3^- ^^ ; all the more strong because of the singular, and
the lack of the article ; the impassioned feeling is so marked that
the speaker passes in what follows from the second to the third
person. — Takers of bribes] Ordinarily "123 means ransom, the
price paid for Hfe by wealthy criminals (Ex. 21^° Nu. 35^^) ; the
sin, if this be the meaning, consists in threatening the unprotected
with death in order to extort from them a new ransom ; * but
here, as in i S. 12'', the word means bribe given to the judge f
(cf. T?D). — Yea the needy in the gate they thrust aside] Cf. 2^ Ex.
23^ Dt. 16^^ 24^^ In passing to the- third person, there is not
simply a " relaxing of the tension of direct invective " (Mitchell) ;
the speaker, as if with gesture of the hand, indicates his con-
tempt. X The offence mentioned was not (i) making the feeble
fickle-minded by means of legal decisions, § nor (2) giving un-
just decision against the poor, and thus depriving them of their
just rights (cf. Is. lo^ 29^^ Mai. 3^ Pr. 18^), || but (3) the repell-
ing of those who wished to defend their cause (cf. Is. 10-).^ —
13. Therefore] The mark of the second part of the double stro-

* So here, Ew. J Ke. || Ros.

t Ros., Hi., Ba., Or., Mit., Now., Dr. § Geb. II Mit., Dr.

V, 12-14 123

phe. — Since the prudent man at such a time is keeping silence"^
This general meaning for b'Stya is to be preferred* to (i) the
teacher, i.e. the prophet, whose function it was to rebuke evil at
any costf (cf. 5^*- 7^*^' Dn. 12^ i K. i8^'% perhaps Amos him-
self; X or (2) the official whose duty it was to restrain and punish
crime. § It includes all who might, under ordinary circumstances,
be expected to rebuke the public iniquity. The fact is stated,
that, at such a time, i.e. under the present circumstances, injus-
tice so prevails that speech will accomplish nothing. || There
is no indication of reproach uttered against the prudent. The
translation, therefore shall he who understands^his time keep
silence, for it shall be an evil time,% connecting " in that time "
with the preceding word, erroneously refers the utterance to a
future time rather than to the present. The whole clause is cir-
cumstantial, and as such subordinate, — a construction well ex-
pressed by the conjunction since. — // is surely an eviltime^ A time
which promises disaster. — 14. Seek good and not evil'] The ad-
vice has already been given to seek Yahweh (v.'' ; cf. v.^^ Mi. 6^.
The force of the imperative is not really hortatory, but conditional,
and it implies a threat, that unless good rather than evil is sought,
national death awaits them. — That ye may live] In other words,
unless you seek good, a thing which you are not now doing, you
will die politically. — That so] i.e. in case ye do so ; } not, in like
manner as,** nor "so," corresponding to "1^X3. ff — Yahweh . . .
may be with you] In the special sense of extending help and giving
prosperity. — God of Hosts] i.e. the God who rules heaven and
earth is able to render any and every kind of help. — As ye have
said] Israel, of course, always maintained that she was loyal to
Yahweh. She had always regarded herself as, in a peculiar sense,
the people of God (Je. 7^" Mi, 3"). Has her life justified the
idea ? Unless her whole attitude changes, unless good and not
evil is made the end of her national life, that life shall cease, and
the much talked of fellowship of God will be lost.

12. 13] Not causal, but asseverative ; cf. also v.i^. — in>ni] Stat. pf. H. 18, 2;
GK. 106^; Dr. § II. — 0131] Position and indeterminateness indicate a de-

* With Dat., Jus., Hd., Gun., Dr. t Ba. || Ke., We., Mit. ** Hi.

t Dahl, Ros. § Har. t Gun. ft Ke.

124 AMOS

pendent clause (Now., Ko. 384^), or pred. ace, and by position emphatic, K6.
334.x; so also aiDsy. — mx] With ^npS in appos. with subj. of ran. — pnx]
Collective. — ''npS] Ptcp. in cstr., GK. 116^. — isa] The bribe given to a
criminal officer, as distinguished from in'^:', the bribe given to a civil officer in
order to escape the punishment decreed (Hi., Now.). — >jni] Epexegetical
\ — even. — ian] Pf. of indef. past, H. 17, 3; Dr. § 9; continuing a ptcp.,
H. 27, 53j Dr. § 117; GK. wbx. — 13. S^ja'Dn] Circ. cl, H.45, 3,^; Dr.
§ 165. — ^3] Asseverative. — nti] Copula. — 14. Sn] Deprecatory, H. 23,
rm. g; GK. 152 y^ g; with jussive understood, Ko. 355 n. — lyn*?] On ex-
pression of purpose, Mit. Final Constructions of Biblical Hebrew ; H. 47,
4 3 (3); GK. 165 b, c; Ko. 396 b. — inii] On use of jussive here, cf. GK.
109/^; H. 44, zb; Dr. §62; Ko. 355 n. — nmox] Pf. of indef. past, as ye
have all along said,

15-17. Only righteousness will avail against the calamity which
is coming. — The third and last of the double strophes does not
at first sight seem so compact and logical as those which have
preceded. Indeed, v.^^ {v.s^ is thought by most commentators to
be the desired continuance of v." and to have no connection with
what follows.* In the preceding sub-sections, the prophet has
pictured Israel's iniquity and ruin. In the first, all was dark ; in
the second, a slight suggestion of hope was given, provided her
method of life was changed ; in the third, the case is presented
more strongly in the form of an exhortation, followed by the distinct
assertion that perhaps Yahzueh will be gracious, etc. There is
seen, therefore, a gradually increasing representation of pardon, a
thought which filled every prophet's heart, no matter how dark
the picture which he painted. In this sub-section, as in the other,
there occur the reference to the " gate," and the introduction of
the conclusion by " therefore," although the logic of it here, it
must be confessed, is not so clear as in the other case. (For
another alternative, v.s^

15. nnx . . . ivsjtr] (5 i p. pi. — aica . . . n] ©S pi; ?C infinitives = to do
evil 3.116. to do good. — iSin] (5 Sttcos. — 16. jsS] Gr. J5«. — ijin] Because of
its anomalous position and on the authority of (5<S and seven Mss. is omitted
by some (New., Lohr; Baumann omits the phrase 1J^N . . . pS); it is, how-
ever, probably a corruption of r^"^**; cf. the suggestion of GAS. to read
>jn.s nin>, dropping niN3X ^hSn as an intrusion; but the title >on!< nin-' does not
otherwise appear in Amos. — Sax] Baumann, S5N. — ^nj "|J;^v Sm iflom] @ con-

* Cf. Baumann, who drops 51^- 15 as late.

V. 15 125

nects icd:;i with prec. and inserts Kal after it, thus: Kal Koirerbv koI els eidSrai
dprjvov. Read with U (so also Oort £r/t.. We., Now,, Gr., Oct., Elh.), which
transposes Sn before ncDD thus : ei ad planctum eos qui sciunt plunger e ; cf. S,
which inserts Sn before ^flDD and retains it also before 'yiv. 2. gives /i^Xos for
v-ij. Hal. ■\D>'Ci(?) for isDm (cf. "2}-^ T'DJ'). This whole clause is a gloss (cf.
Lohr, who omits ii3DDi Sax Sk and is followed by Now. TLZ.y 1901, p. 164),
as is indicated by the awkwardness of the construction after the prec. clause,
and the impossibility of arranging it in harmony with the structure of the
strophe. — 17. didij] @ oSots = Di3T\; cf. the reading a^n-jib (Hoffm. ZA W.
III. 112). — i^yN '"3] tZT = I will reveal myself to perfor??i vengeance of judg-
ment. iJ^' is taken by Lohr as an addition; while Baumann rejects i'".

15. Hate evil and love good'\ Already in the preceding strophe
a hint has been given of the possibiUty of pardon. The sugges-
tion made, " Seek good and not evil," is now repeated in even
stronger form, as the condition on which pardon may be secured.
The abstract " evil " and " good " is better than the concrete " evil
man," " good man." * The positive command is needed to sup-
plement the negative, for to hate evil is not sufficient unless one
seeks good.f The speaker's purpose to impress his thought by
repetition is seen in comparing " hate " of v." with " hate " of v.^".
The standard of good and evil, in his mind, is conformity with
Yahweh's will. — And establish justice in the gate] In other words
reverse the present condition of things ; J the reference is not to
the restoration of true worship instead of calf-worship, § nor to the
improvement of private morality, but to the execution of public
justice. II — Perhaps] Cf. Gn. 16- Jo. 2". Even if Israel should re-
pent, the question of relief is not absolutely certain, for there are
many contingencies ; the suffering which has been predicted may
be necessary for the working out of great plans. — A remnant 0/
Joseph] Does the prophet here anticipate the doctrine of the
remnant, " the repentant and purified few," so strongly emphasized
by Isaiah (cf. 11") and Micah (cf. 4^),^ or does he refer to the fact
that Israel is now only a remnant (cf. 7^ ^ on account of the calami-
ties (cf. 2 K. 10^- Am. 4"^") which she has already suffered?** The
objection tt to the latter view, that the kingdom had been restored

» AE. t Ros.

t Cal., Ros., Mit. (cf. vs.5-7.l0. 12 with iJ-'Xn; cf. the opposite in''jn, v.7).
§ Geb. II We. If Cal., Ew., Mau., Ba., Pu., Ke., Mit., Dr.

•* Jus., Schro., Ros., Hi., Hd., Or.. We. tt Ke.

126 AMOS

by Joash and Jeroboam II. (2 K. 13^*^ 14^^^^), has little weight
from the point of view of the prophet. This difference between
the real fact and the appearance (for, after all, the prosperity
under Jeroboam II. was only the last upward flash of the dying
flame) makes it unnecessary to consider this verse as a gloss added
after the fall of Samaria.* — 16. Therefore'] Refers not to a par-
ticular class, the hypocrites, of whom the prophet now speaks
exclusively ; f nor to the whole preceding paragraph, vs.^ ^*^^-, in
which their sins were enumerated ; J nor to v.^^. § (The Masso-
retic space rests upon a misconception.) After a momentary pause,
in which opportunity is given for an indication of assent, the poet,
following the form of utterance already adopted in the preceding
strophes, begins for the third time the announcement of doom.
Therefore, i.e. " because they do not do what they have just been
exhorted to do," 1| because, indeed, they give no sign of doing it.
— I will cause shouti7rg\ This is the translation of pnK, suggested
as an emendation of 'nK (z/./.). — In all squares] The open places
near the gates, the market-places (cf. Je. 48^ Is. 3-'' 14^^) in which
injustice had been substituted for justice ; there is no restriction in
the context to the squares of Samaria. — For mourning] The shout
will not be for joy, but rather a lamentation for the dead, accom-
panied by beating on the breast. — They shall say, Woe ! Woe /] i.e.
the mourners, who form the funeral procession, which marches
through the streets, shall utter these words (cf. i K. 13^'' Je. 22^^
34^ Ez. 2^" 30^. The mourning company would include also
mourning- women and flute-players (cf. Je. 9'^^ 48^^ Mat. 9^) .IF —
And the husbandmen shall summon to mourning] Cf. Je. 9^^. This
rendering** is to be adopted, describing the effect of the judgment
upon the country, as distinguished from the cities and towns.
The ordinary interpretation, viz. they (people in general) shall
summon the husbandmen to moui'ning, because their rustic voices
would be loud enough, ft or because no inhabitants of the city
would be left from the slaughter, J J or because the occupation of
the husbandmen would henceforth be useless, §§ does not so well
accord with the context. The word " husbandmen " includes the

* So Oort {ThT. XIV. 122). t Cal. + Ros., Hd. § Stru., Ke. || We.
H Ba., Ke., Or., Thomson {LB. I. 145 f.) ; Van Lennep {Bible Lands, 586) ; Mit.
*« Ew., Gun. tt Hd, Jt Ros., Hd. §J Pu.

V. 15-17 12/

cultivators of the soil and, as well, those who had care of cattle.*
— And unto wailing (cf. iJS) those skilled in lamentatiott] This
has been added by a later hand to indicate, what the passage does
not elsewhere specifically express, the employment of professional
mourners ; f skilled and unskilled raise the mourning cry. J These
were generally women (Je. g^''^) ; but cf. 2 Ch. 35^ Ec. 12^, where
men are spoken of. § — 17. Yea in all vineyards'] Where, ordi-
narily, the joy is greatest (cf. Is. 16^'' Jb. 24^*), there will be
mourning because of the failure of crops. The writer has now
described the mourning of the three great divisions of the nation,
people of the city, husbandmen, and vinedressers, the last two be-
ing distinguished from each other, and both from the first. || The
transposition of this clause so as to follow Woe / Woe / which G. A.
Smith proposes, is unnecessary. — When I pass through the midst of
thee'] Laying waste the country ; an allusion to the passing through
Egypt (Ex. II* 12^^).^ It is universally conceded that the idea
here is that of a punishment** which is to come upon Israel, either
pestilence or war (cf. w.^ 6") .

15. ijixni . . . nnsi . . . inju'] Successive imperatives, H. 23, rm. (/);
GK. llOfl; Dr. § 112. — lya'a] The adverbial modifier precedes the object,
GK. 142^. — iSin] = ^N and '''^ (= f<^) means if not, whether not, with yyv ■'D
supplied; cf. Assyr. ulai, Jo. 2"; K6. 186. — jjn^] GK. 67 cc; Ko. 210 d;
here trans, taking dir. obj. (cf. Ex. 33^®); cf. Ki. (v. Ros.) who makes it
intrans. and supplies Sj; before rmNt'. — '\ov nns'i:'] Indefinite = a remnant
(GK. 127 f); cf. Dt. 2219 I S. 4I2. — 16. pjnw] Emend, for ^j-tN; jji, cf.

jjv = to twang as of a bow, used of inarticulate sound, e.g. shout ; while

generally expressing the shout of joy, it is used once (in Qal) of mournful
cries, La. 21^, the Hiph. cause to shout is seen in Ps. 65^ Jb. 29^^, in both cases
with the idea of rejoicing. Here the verbal idea of shouting, intentionally
left indefinite for a moment, is later defined by the ace. -(flDO. — noN''] Impers.,
GK. 144/ — in-in] Only here in this form ; elsewhere "n = vae ! of; cf. Is. I*
Je. 48', etc., in the sense of threat ; Is. iS^, of exhortation ; i K. 138° Is. 17^2
Je. 22^8, in the sense of afflictiou, grief, as here. In the modern Syriac
dialect of Urmia the mourner's cry is u hit, u hu ; cf. Socin, Die neuarama-
ischen Dialecte am Urmia-See (1882), p. 102. — 1NV] Not impers. as yycv.^,

* So also in Aram., Syr., and Arab. ; cf. Assyr. ikkaru.

t Cf. Wetzstein in Zeitschrift f. Ethnologie, 1873, pp. 295-301. Bu. in ZAW.
II. 26 f. and ZDPV., 1883, pp. 184 ff. ; Dr. 232 ff.

X We., GAS. § V. Gun. and Marti in loc. || Ew.

H Cal., Ba., Ke., et al. ** Va., Ros., Schro., Hi., Ew., Ba., et al.

128 AMOS

but with 1DN taken collectively for subject ; GK. 145^; Ko. 346/w; with Sx,

^»
of. Gn. 3^ Jon. 3^. — i;n] From ion = -if, dig; on form, GK. 84, No. 22 ;

cf. Assyr. ikkaru, and \ol ; in Je. 31^* mya 13?dj is joined to the word ;
in 2 Ch. 26I" it is used with D-'Dnj as here. — Sjvs] Cf. naDC, inj, 133 Sip. —
Mj ^yiv] On construction, GK, 116^; it is interesting to note that inj outside
of this place, and Mi. 2*, occurs only in late literature, viz. Je. 9917. is. 19 3115;
cf. mjjipDH and niDonn, Je. 9'^. No sharp distinction can be made between
>r\i and njip ; the former was perhaps a more general term than the latter
(Dr.). — •'d] = whe7i, as in Ho. ii^ Gn. 4^2 Dt. 4^^, etc.

§ 10. The doom of captivity. 5^*-6". (i) A woe against
those who pray for Yahweh's day : it is a day of judgment ; be-
cause of formal feasts and noisy songs, without justice and right-
eousness, the nation shall go into captivity, saith Yahweh is^^^).
(2) A woe upon those who are careless and indifferent: because
of the luxury, the licentiousness and the apathy of the people,
the nation shall go into captivity, saith Yahweh (6^"^). (3) An
oath against the proud and self-confident Israel : because of
this pride and bold audacity, this self-dependence and disre-
gard of justice, Israel shall be supplanted by a foreign nation,
saith Yahweh (6*"").

This poem consists of three triple strophes, each strophe of the nine con-
tains six lines. In each triple strophe, the first presents a woe (in the third,
this woe becomes an oath) ; the second presents a phase of the wickedness
of the situation (^e.g. (i) the utter formality of worship, (2) the luxury of
life and apathy of feeling, (3) the pride and self-confidence) ; the third
pictures the coming captivity {e.g. (i) a captivity beyond Damascus, (2) a
captivity at the head of the captives, (3) the complete surrender of the
country to a foreign enemy). The symmetry of the three divisions is almost
perfect, — each beginning with a woe (or oath), each ending with saith
Yahweh in one form or another. The logic and symmetry of this section
are completely destroyed by Elh., who places 5I8-20 between 38 and 3®; 521-25
between 3I* and 4^; 5^6 f- between 4^ and 4*; (^-^ between 4^1 and 4^2 ; ff
between 4I2 and 4^^; 6^ between 4!^ and 5^; 6^"^^ between 5^ and 5*; 6'2*'- be-
tween 5^ and 5^; 6'* between 5® and 7I. Lohr does not recognize the unity
and independence of this section, but treats it in connection with 5^"^^. He
arranges 518-61* in eight strophes, consisting of 4, 10, 4, 4, 10, 10, 4, and 4 lines
respectively. This involves the omission of 519- 26 ^nd (>-■ ^- 1", the transposition
of 6^ to follow 6^ " and the addition of an extra line after mVp in 5^2 as well
as before ^n'7jm in 52'', and disregards the logic of the passage at some
points. Baumann's reconstruction is still more radical.

V. i8-27 129

18-27. A woe upon ignorant zeal for a corrupt worship, in
which no place is found for justice or righteousness ! A cap-
tivity beyond Damascus awaits you. — The unity of this section
(consisting of three six-Une strophes) appears in (i) the outer
form, as compared with the other sections, and (2) the thought
which centres about the cultus. This cultus includes the great
doctrine of "Yahweh's day" as well as a regular set of feasts,
and offerings ; it is not wholly detached from images — all of
which are wrongly understood, and wrongly practised, and for
this reason lead to ruin.

It is best to regard as interpolations (l) nin<"DV osS nrnc':', v.^^;
(2) tsON N*? D3''Nn3 D*?--:"!, v.^"- (z/.z.). It will be noted that in the third
and fourth lines of each strophe the poet allows himself to prolong the
measure, a pentameter being substituted for a trimeter evidently in order
to lay emphasis upon the thought by increasing the details given. The fact
that this occurs so uniformly in each strophe shows that it is intentional.
It would be possible, of course, to make two trimeters in each case (or a
trimeter and dimeter), the strophes having eight instead of six lines.

18. r\\r\> Dv] t?C twice in this V. : " onp p >n^cS i\ij?i nsv. — nt ncS] ® and
U translate ni as a pron. : Iva. tI ain-t), ad quid earn vobis. — ni.T ov] U connects
with the following, dies domini ista tenebrae, et non Itix. The entire clause
beginning with ns*? bears the marks of an interpolation, for the sake of
making clear the relation between the first and last clauses of the verse ;
of. Lohr, who would treat nix n*?! '\l'r\ Nin as a gloss derived from v.^Oo^ having
its origin in the later insertion of v.^^. — Nin] © adds before it 1 = koX avrrj. —
19. Nai] 0 ei<nnr]ST^(TT] suggests nn3i (Oct.). — n^] (S rds x^^P"-^ avrov. Lohr
makes the v. a proverb which has crept into the text from the margin; but for
this there is no basis. — 20. xSn] S IJ-=^> making the sentence affirmative. —
n^r^1 av] Lohr om. — Sdni] Gr. ^dsi (so Lohr, Elh.). — 21. S3\-ns>'3 nnx nSi]
(S inserts dvciaz. Gr. on basis of © inserts oo\inj3 here and drops it firom
V.22 as a dittograph. — 22. dn »o] Elh. transposes ^2 to the beg. of v.^i. — niSiy]
5 |v^V >■• omitted as a gloss to explain ^•'-^!>( in BDB. p. 585. — 33'rnjni]
Sb om. \ connecting the word with nx-\N. Baumann om. We. thinks that
after niSj? the apodosis to the preceding clause has fallen out (so Now.,
Lohr; but cf. Baumann; also Duhm and Marti, who treat niS' ... 'o as a
gloss). — D'ON nS 03^NnD a'^ri] May be rejected as an interpolation added
to give an apparently greater completeness to the catalogue of offerings ;
(S has Koi auTriplov(s) ivKpavelas v/jlQv, reading a3''Ni2 (Va., Vol.). Hirscht
calls attention to the fact that in the nine other cases where (3 renders
O'c'lj'B' by the pi. it employs the neuter form, and suggests that © read
here o^c|;>r. & has ^"''■^'^ I ^^ \\ q-i 4 ''o, instead of the more usual ren-

130 AMOS

dering of □''nStr, viz. l-ia^A ] "'^* "}£ etvota phtgiihitn vestrorum; ^T pddji
jo>u'7ip. Gr., on basis of (5, ''D'7ri (so Hal.). Oet. suggests the transposition
of this clause to follow niV;'. — 23. X\'r::T\'\ Gr. njpn (of. Is. 14^^). — T'^^j] @
dpyavojv <tov, 'A. va^Xwv crov; 3C inaccurately, "i^jr, so S ; "S lyrae Uiae, —
;;Da'N n*?] Probably a gloss. — 24. Sj^i] S U-^^o» deriving the word from
rhi = to uncover ; so U <f^ revelabitiir, and 2C \'7^i^^i. 6. cLTroiKiadrja-erai
= nSj, ^o car7-y captive. — 25. nnjc] ©SST pi. The order of words in v.'^*
varies greatly in the Mss. of (g, e.g. in @-^ '?>s-\E''> nij follows .i3-iD3; (§B agrees
with |il2r ; Tischendorf 's text places 'tniu'i no after '''^, and i3in3 after nj;r
(so S). Cf. Acts 7*'-2. — 26. niDD] Read nrp (so Dozy, Die Isr. zji Mekka, p. 33;
Schmidt, JBL. XIII. 8), with (5 and S. ttjv ffK-qprjv; similarly & oiia.*^
and U tabernaciilum. 'A. toi>s avcrKiafffxovs ; 8. tt/i/ Spaaiv, confusing with
nr^' (Schmidt); ^ n-irp (cf. Lag. Proph. Chald. 452). Cod. 196 of de R. nirp
(so also Ba.). The reading m;p is adopted by many (Schrader, SK. 1874,
pp. 324-35, and COT. II. 142; Oort, ThT. XIV. 142, 147 f.; Gun., Baethgen
Sem. Rel. 239; Mit., Now., Dr., Oct., BDB.), but z/.?". — dd^Vc] (5 tov MoX6x =
':i'7b; 'A. MoXx^yLi; <S y^ >,Vkjr- ]|J Moloch deo vestro ; all talking it as name of
an idol ; so also two codd. of de R. 2C pD'''ici2ni3. 2. 0. ^aaCkiwi iifiuiv.
Ba. a'-';'??; but see Dvisterdieck, 5'A'., 1849, pp. 908-12. — ]vz'] (& 'PaL<f>dv, a
copyist's error of i for 3. Jus., Ba., and Schmidt cite : (i) J. D. Mich. Supple-
menta, pp. 1225 ff., who adopts Kircher's explanation (^Lifigua Aegyptiaca resti-
tuta, p. 49) of PH<i>AX = Arab. Sjt = Snr = Saturn ; and (2) P. E. Jablonski,
Opuscula (1806), pp. 41 ff. (= Remphah Aegyptiorwn deus, 1731), who reads
"Po^Kpa (cf. Complutensian, Origen), and explains it as Ro-mphah = king of
heaven = sun. ST, 'A. S. read jv:?, taking it as a proper name. 0. ajxaipwinv,
and U imaginem, both deriving from |1d {y. Muss-Arnolt, Exp^ II. 425).
Si .c]_2 = JIN? (so also Jus., Ba., Dozy, Die Isr. zu Mekka, '^2'> Kue., Rel. of
Isr. I. p. 245; Schrader, SK. 1874, pp. 324 f.; Gun., Mit., We., Gu., Now.,
BDB., Oort, Em.; Dr., Elh., Oct.). — dd'dVx] Dozy, zzt^-i (so Muss-Arnolt,
Exp.^ II. 425). Gr. suggests that 3313 may be the name of a god and that
we should read '■aSx nxi. Schrader transposes 's to follow a3''nSx {COT. II.
141 f.; Gun., Mit., Oort {Em.), Dr.(?), Elh., Oet.). We. om. as a gloss on
D3''nSx. — 3313] We. om. as a gloss on jr3 (so independently G. F. Moore in
BDB., Gu., Schmidt, JBL. XIII. 10; Zeydner, Stemmen voor Waarheid en
Vrede, 1893, PP- 613 ff.; cf. Dr.). Cf. Now., who takes 33'nSt< 3313 as a gloss
belonging before JV3. — D3^n'?.v] % r3.nv;o. @ and S have a different order
from ililUT in the latter part of this v., <§ = and the star of your god, Raiphan
— their images which ye made for yourselves; S = the star which you made
for yourselves a god (cf. U). We. takes v.^^ as a later addition which has
crowded out an original threat that connected closely with v.^^ (so also Now.,
Che. {EB., but see Crit. Bib.), Lohr, Marti). — 27. isi;'] We. om. (so Lohr).

18 a. Alas /] Not so strong as woe, implying " commiseration,
rather than denunciation" (Driver). — For those who long for]

V. i8 131

Not the hypocritical Hithpolel = pretend that they desire ; * nor
the simple Pfel = desire, with the reflexive sense, desire for them-
selves ;\ but earnestly desire and expect. % — The day of Yahwe/i]
Cf. Jo. 2^ 3"*^^. The prophet does not speak to (i) those who in
their misery and distress think that the coming of Yahweh, even
if it brought death, would be better than their present situation ; §
nor to (2) the credulous and superstitious Israelites, who, trusting
in their Israelitish descent, and mindful of promises made to their
ancestors, but forgetful of the obedience on which the promises
were based, and of their own conduct which was the occasion
of the evil situation, blindly imagine that Yahweh's day can bring
only good ; II nor to (3) the bold and reckless sceptics who did
not believe that the day would ever come, and thus mocked the
suggestions by the prophet to this effect (cf. Is. 5^'' Je. 17^^ Ez.
12^).^ He has in mind, rather, (4) the great multitude, who
think that without reference to their conduct, or the attitude of
their mind, this " coming day " will be a " cure-all " for every
woe.** It does not, however, follow from this, as Wellhausen
contends, that Amos would have " protested against the Messianic
belief, if he had known of it."

Amos found a well-established doctrine of the day of Yahweh cherished
among the people. They looked forward to it as a day when Yahweh would
give them triumphant victory over all their enemies and thereby establish
himself as supreme among the gods. This hope grew out of their monolatrous
conception of Yahweh and their belief in their own nation as destined to
become the great and powerful representative of Yahweh among the nations,
and was fostered by the long-continued hostilities between Israel and her
neighbors, in which Israel was not always victorious. The day must come,
therefore, in which Yahweh would gloriously vindicate himself and his people
by overthrowing all his foes and making Israel supreme. But the idea as
expressed by Amos was, in one essential point at least, directly contrary to
the prevailing thought ; instead of Israel triumphing over her enemies on that
day, she is herself to be humiliated, and that by Yahweh himself. This new
conception of the day was the direct outcome of Amos's new conception of
Yahweh as an ethical God, whose chief requirement of his people was right-
eousness. Amos felt that in view of the moral corruption of Israel it was
inevitable that Yahweh would punish her and thus vindicate his own righteous-

* Har., citing n»DX% Jos. 9*; n'^nc'n, i K. 14^; i5*snn>, i K. 2088.
tPu., Mit. ' ' + GAS. ' ^Os., cf. Cal. ' || Geb., Ba.

U Har., Dathe, Jus., Ros., New., Ew. ** We.

132 AMOS

ness in the sight of the world. Other nations, too, were to be punished, not,
however, as enemies of Israel, but as transgressors of the moral law. The
new way thus marked out by Amos was trodden by all his successors.
The development of the idea kept pace with the growth of the conception
of Yahweh, and further modifications through successive periods were caused
by the ever changing historical and social environment. For a systematic
historical treatment of this subject see J. M. P. Smith, " The Day of Yahweh,"
AJTh. V. (1901), 505-33. Other material will be found in R. H. Charles,
A Critical History of the Doctrine of a Future Life, etc. (1899), 80-137; and
the article, " Eschatology of the Apocryphal and Apocalyptic Literature,"
DB.; A. B. Davidson, art. "Eschatology of the 0.1.;' DB.; Marti, Gesch.
der Isr. Religian, 180-6; WRS. Proph. 131 ff. 397 ff.

18 6. What have ye to do with it ?~\ This is plainly an interpola-
tion, explaining the ^^r^ of the preceding line, — what concer?t is it
of yours ? What good will it do you ? (cf. Gn. 2 7'*^) . — Yahweh' s
day is a day of dark?iess and not light~\ It is better thus to
connect ''' DV with what follows.* The da?'kness is figurative,
i.e. ruin, calamity, but it is also physical or literal, as appears
from the following comparisons. It remained for Joel, in later
days, to emphasize still more strongly the literal side (cf. Jo. i^*
2^ 3'*' ") , and represent nature itself as sharing in the gloom ; f
cf. also Is. 5^ 8^2 92 588 599 Je. i3^«.— 19. As when one flees
from a lion and a bear ?neets him'\ The comparison is singularly
appropriate in view of the occupation of Amos, for it was an
everyday experience ; cf. Is. 24^^ — The lion"] Cf. i S. 1 7^* La. 3'".

— The bear'] Once common and dangerous, although at present
found only in the northern districts (cf. i S. 17^* 2 K. 2-* La, 3^").

— Or goes into the house . . . and a serpent bites him~\ The corning
home has no connection with the lion and bear episodes, as, for
example, because of the terror and exhaustion which would follow
such an encounter ; | it is rather the sudden coming of misfortune
when and where it would be least expected. § — The serpent]
Probably an adder hidden in a crevice. Strange enough is the
tendency of ancient commentators to refer the animals in these
comparisons to particular individuals, e.g. the lion to Nebuchad-
nezzar,! Pul ;^ the bear to the Persians,** Tiglathpileser,l[ Ahasu-
erus j II the serpent to Shalmaneser,^ Alexander the Great, or

* So Ros., Schro. ; on the contrary, Mit., GAS., Marti. t Schro., Ba.

JHi., Mit. ^ Ros., Dv.^etal. || Jer. f Geb., Har. ** Abar.

V. i8-2i 133

Antiochus Epiphanes.* The thought is not climactic, a grada-
tion being intended,! but is general, and pictures a situation from
which there is no escape ; cf. " incidit in Scyllam, qui vult vitare
Charybdim." t — 20. Deep darkness without any brightjiess in it'\
After repeating the very words of v.^^, changed for greater forceful-
ness into the form of a question (perhaps Marti is right in treating
v.^" as a gloss on v.^*, and joining v.^°* to ^*), the prophet employs
another phrase in which still stronger words are used for darkness
and light, viz. deep darkness, gloom, a darkness which grows greater
and greater, without even a ray of light (cf. Is. 50^*^, and for the
opposite, Is. 9'). — 21. I hate, I despise'] Cf Is. 1" Dt. 16^2 Ps. ii^
and likewise Je. 6^ 7^. The prophet represents Yahweh as entirely
out of sympathy with the religious worship, and, indeed, hostile to
it. It is the cultus which seems to the prophet to be the occa-
sion of all trouble, since to this may be charged " the illusion and
the obstinacy" of the people. — Your feasts'] Such festal gather-
ings as the passover (i K. 12'^") and the feast of tents (i K. 8^),
not sacrifices ; religious, not profane. § Under this name were
included the three annual festivals (Ex. 23" 34^; cf. Dt. 16^^).
The name has its origin not in the dancing (JjPi) which was a
feature of the feasts, but in the pilgrimage which was involved. ||
These festivals are hated by Yahweh (cf. Is. i'""^^), not because
they failed to comply with certain prescribed rules or regulations
as to place ; % nor because of calf-worship ; ** nor because they
were external, not including worship of the heart,tt for, up to
this time, emphasis had not been placed on heart-worship ; but
because they constituted a cultus which did not truly represent
Yahweh, and must be abandoned, if true ideas of Yahweh were to
prevail. X% — / will not smell] A relic of the old superstition that
the god actually smelled the savor of the offering (Gn. 8-^ Ex. 29*^
30''^) . The term is used as one of several to express delight in,
or acceptance of, a sacrifice (Lv. 2(P- Is. 11') ; cf. n:£"iK (5^").

* Jer. t Mit. + Jus., Ros., Schro. ^ Hi.

II No. ZDMG. XLI. 719; We. SV. III. 106, 165; WRS. Proph. Lect. II.
note 6 ; Dr. Sam. 173 ; SS. 184-5 '^ BDB. On Hebrew feasts in general see
the literature cited in my Constructive Studies in the Priestly Element in the Old
Testament (1902), pp. 104-6.

11 Cal., Va. ** Pu. tt Jus., Ros., Schro., Hd., Ke., Ba. ++ We.

134 AMOS

While the old realistic idea has doubtless largely disappeared, the
thought was originally like that which appears in the Babylonian
story of the Deluge : * —

" A peace-offering I made upon the height of the mountain;
Each time I placed seven censers,

Poured into them calmus, cedarwood and sweet-smelling . . .
The gods inhaled the savor ;
Yea, the gods inhaled the sweet savor ;
The gods gathered like flies around the sacrificer."

Your festivals'^ Nowhere else does the plural of this wordf occur.
The singular means an assembly, especially of a religious character,
is used as a synonym of JPi, and designates especially the festival
of the seventh day of the passover (Dt. i6*) and the eighth day of
the Feast of Tabernacles (Lv. aj^'Nu. 29^ 2 Ch. 7®). J — It contains
the idea of holiday, % not that of solemn assembly •,\ cf. 2 K. 10^
I S. i^^ Jo. i". The usage here, as in Is. i^^, is general. — 22. For,
although ye offer"] This is better than yea, if, ^01 simply although ; **
cf. the suggestion that the first line of v.^ is to be taken as apod-
osis of rT'lN, v.^^tt — Your burnt-offeritigs and meal-offerings]
These words are not to be separated, J J but, taken together, are
the object, not of n:::-iK,§§ but of ibun. |||| The use of the suffix
with mn:!2 and not with m'^U does not depend upon the fact
that the former was offered regularly morning and evening, while
the latter had no fixed rule jlfl" nor is it an inconsistency in the
use of the suffix ; *** the two words form one idea, and the suffix,
attached to the second, modifies the whole expression {v.i.). The
connective, and, is not even,^ on the ground that the nrea was
more important than the nblU. Cf. Wellhausen and Nowack, who
understand that after rnb>y there originally stood an apodosis which
has fallen out. Perhaps with BDB. {s.v. ,-iro!2) nibu might be
taken as a gloss explaining n''"ii<. — Meal-offerings] Originally a
gift, or offering of any kind (Gn. 32^^43" i S. 10-^), but as other

* V. KA Tfi p. 550 ; B IV. III. 117. t nnxj?.

X Cf. its use in later times of the Feast of Weeks ; Jos. Anf. III. 10, 6 (= 'Ao-apfla),
and in the Mishnah.

§ Mit. IT Evv. tt Elh. p. 155. §^ Hes.

II Cf Ke. ** New., GAS. tt Ros. |||| So most comm.

•in So Hi. *** We., Now. ; Hal. om. the suffix with mnjD.

V. 21-24 135

sacrifices became more definitely indicated, in later usage, and
especially in P, applied only to unbloody or vegetable offerings.
— The peace-offerings of your failings I will not regard^ This
may be regarded as an interpolation, dating from the time when
specific detail must be given regardless of monotony. It is
distinctly superfluous and anti-climactic. The translation peace-
offerings* (only here in the singular) is preferable to thank-
offering,^ or votive offering X or meal-offering. § The flaller form is
D''tt'7ty nai (Lv. 3^-^, etc.). — 23. Take away from me the noise of
thy songs'] The verb is singular, showing the elevation and austerity
of tl^ language in keeping with the thought. || Noise, or clashing,
is kindred to tumult,% and preferable ** to multitude, ff The ob-
jection is not to the musical drawl in worship, J J but to the entire
worship, of which the music was a part. The parallelism shows
that more was meant than merely the noise of the people's throng
flowing like great waters (Is. i7^^.§§ We know little or nothing
of the music of Amos's period. — And the melody of thy lyres']
Only here is mtoT used of instrumental rather than vocal music
(Ps. 8i^ 98* Is. 51^. The lyre or harp (also called psaltery) with
as many as ten strings (Ps. 33^ was used in profane music (Is. 5^^
14" Am. 6^; cf. Gratz, Psahnen, I. 66), but likewise in sacred
music (2 S. 6* Ps. 33- 144^). || || This passage testifies to the early
use of songs and music at the sacrifice ^^ (cf. 8^" Is. 30^-) ; but it is
not so clear that this description evidences close connection of
the ritual in Samaria with that in Jerusalem.*** — I ivill not hear']
These words, taken separately by Calvin, are evidently an addition
prompted by the desire to complete the parallelism. Itf With
these omitted the line would read. Remove from me the fioise of thy
songs and the melody of thy lyres, a strong pentameter. — 24. Let
justice roll as waters] Cf. Is. i'""". Yahweh wishes not the swelling
sound of pilgrimages, nor that of liturgy, but rather that of judg-
ment. We have here not a threat, J J J that Yahweh in his wrath

* «5; Ros., SS. {s.v.). f Jos., Ew., Ke., GAS., et al. X Mich.

§ Di. on Lv. 3, Now. Arch, II. 211. || Ew. H Jer. ** Geb., Ros., Mit.
ft Cal. ++ Or. ^^ Hoffm. ZA W. III. 112.

nil Cf. the excellent essay, "Music of the Ancient Hebrews," in The Book of
Psalins {SB ON T.), 2x7-24. 1111 So We. *** Ke.

tH" On the other hand. Or., Gu. XIX Os., New., Hi., Ke.

136 AMOS

will send judgment like a swiftly rolling, impetuous stream ; nor
a prediction * of the righteousness of the Messiah, nor an answer
to certain hypocrites that Yahweh will give free course to {i.e.
bless) their righteousness, if it be sincere ; f ^lor an assertion that
by their own efforts alone this ideal state can be secured ; \ but
an exhortation § to give up the old idea of rehgion, viz. a cultus,
and adopt the new, viz. justice and righteous living. — Justice . . .
righteousness'] That is as practised among men in life ; it is not
the divine justice executed against men as in Is. lo"; cf. Is. 51^
59^'^ 63^ II — As waters . . . as an ever-fiowing streanf] The on-
ward, unobstructed flow of a mighty mass of waters is, indeed, an
admirable figure with which to describe the ideal progress of justice
and righteousness. The " stream " was at the rainy season a tor-
rent, at other times a small brook or even merely the dry bed of a
stream. But the stream, to fit the figure, must be never-failing,
ever-floiving. — 25. Was it {only) sacrifices and offerings that ye
brought me in the wilderness during forty years] Interpretations
have greatly varied ; according as they have represented Israel
during this period, offering (i) idolatrous sacrifice to Yahweh ; f
(2) sacrifice acceptable in form, but not continuous because of
lack of animals;^ (3) required sacrifices, but no freewill-offer-
ings ; ** (4) sacrifices to idols, but not to Yahweh ; ff (5) sacrifice
accompanied (v.^*') by idol- worship ; ^ J (6) few sacrifices compared
with their many rebellions ; §§ (7) no sacrifices at all ; jj || (8) sacri-
fices to be sure, but also something else, viz. " true worship of the
heart and righteousness, public and private." W This rendering
places the emphasis in its proper place and does not compel Amos
to say that there were no sacrifices or offerings in the wilderness.
The n of D-PiSTn has been taken as the article,*** as ,1 interrogative
expecting an affirmative answer ; ffl as n interrogative expecting a
negative answer. \\\ The real meaning is this : In the period of
the wandering, " the golden age," ye brought me something more

* Schegg. t Cal. + E\v.

§ Har., Mau., Hd., Pu., Or., Gun., We., Mit., GAS., Dr. || Ke. IT Geb.

** Jus. -H- Jer., Os., Pu., Or. ++ Va., Ros., Mau. \\ Schro.

III! Hi., Ew., Ba., We., Mit., GAS., Dr., Marti. t+t Hd.

irH MacdonaJd, JBL. XVHI. 214 f. +++ So most recent comm.

*** Dahl, Stru., Mau.

V. 24-26 :I37

than sacrifices (cf. Je. 7^^ ; and the logical connection is with the
following verse and not with the preceding, as appears from the
strophic structure, and from the evident connection between
Dntrjn (v.^, and DnXtt^Jl (v.^® ; v.i.). — Forty years'] The same tradi-
tion concerning the sojourn in the wilderness as that furnished by
the Hexateuch. — 26. But now ye lift iip\ This has been taken
as (i) a charge of idolatry against the time of the wandering in
the wilderness* (= atid ye lifted up); but what has the prophet's
thought here to do with idolatry in the time of the wilderness ?
(2) as a question coordinate with and parallel to the preceding,
Did ye carry about the tabernacle of your king, etc. ; ■\ (3) as a
charge of idolatry for the entire period from the wandering to the
days of Amos, \ and indeed such a charge would have been true ;
cf. Jos. 24" Ex. 32^«-i« Ju. if'- I S. 19^3 I K. 12^^; (4) as an
accusation against the contemporaries of Amos (and ye lift up) ; §
(5) as a prediction (and ye shall lift up) of a time when they
shall carry their idols on their backs into captivity ; || and (6) as
a command (the waw consecutive and perfect being treated as
aji imperative) to take up their idols and go into captivity ; % cf.
;Is. chap. 2. The 1 would be conjunctive in (i) and (2), adversative
in (3) and (4), consecutive in (5) and (6). — The shrine of your
king and the image of your God which ye have made for yourselves]
This translation (i) is based upon a text which treats {a) 3313 as
a gloss explaining Ji"3, and having its origin at a time when the
latter had come to be pronounced j^'S and treated as the name of
a deity (z^j.) ; {b) W2'"i:hl as a gloss explaining D3"nbK, occa-
sioned by the phrase D3b Dn-iru "itt'K {v.s^ ; and restores nisp to
rSD {v.s.) ; (2) accepts the proposition that according to the
context Amos has in mind an impure and corrupt worship, in
other words, a worship which included not only a wealth of sacri-
ficial offerings in number and variety, together with extravagant
and debauching sacrificial banquets, but also pretentious proces-
sions in which the sacred symbols of Yahweh were carried about
with a view to gaining his favor ; (3) rejects the proposition that

* Os., Dathe, Jus., Hes., Ba., Hi., Ke., Pu., Bu. {Rel. of Isr., 68).

■f Schmidt, JBL. XIII. 1-15. | Geb., Har.

§ Tide {Gesch. d. Relig. itn Altertum, I. 336).

II Ew., Or., Val„ GAS., Dr.; Peters, Hebr. I. 242 f. H Mit.

138 AMOS

idolatry was intended, whether this was the worship of Assyrian |
gods,* viz. Sakkut (=Adar) and Kewan (= Saturn), including
the view which would make "]'?» and D^IC proper names, viz.
Moloch (or Milcom) and Selem ; f or Phoenician gods, viz. Koitn
and Keiwan ; \ (4) avoids the conjecture, occasioned by the
difficulty of ascribing the worship of Assyrian gods to Amos's time,
that the whole is either very late, i.e. after 722 B.C., or a late re-
daction of an earlier text which had become unintelligible {v.s^ ;
(5) involves the treatment of Dni<?rDl suggested in (4), p. 137.
The prophet has in mind the times of the wandering in the wilder-
ness, times when Israel was treated with special favor by Yahweh,
a favor which was evidently secured in some other way than by
sacrifices and processions. These were the times which antedated
the introduction of Canaanitish impurity into the Yahweh worship.
His face is set severely against recognizing this sort of thing as
pleasing to Yahweh. This kind of worship will not merely fail to
turn away his anger; it is, in itself, an occasion of displeasure.
The condition of heart and mind which it represents is sufficient
evidence that only punishment of the severest character will meet
the exigencies of the situation. — 27. Beyond Damasais'] This
phrase in earlier days represented the climax of judgment, as did
Babylon in later days. Cf. Acts 7*^ in which Stephen actually
substitutes Babylon for Damascus.

18. Mn] Used at times as a particle of denunciation and threatening; cf.
Is. i^* ^8.11.18.20.21.22^ ctc; but also as expressing commiseration and grief;
cf. I K. 1330 Is. 39" 6^ 24!^ — aiiNrnn] Art. with ptcp. = rel. cl. with its
antecedent; H. 4, 3/; K6. 411a. Hithp. = an intensified Pi'el (cf. BDB.)
= to long after presumptuously; v.]t. 17^^. — ht hd'^] On d. f. firm., cf. GK.
20 >^ and on d. f. conj., GK. 20 c; on force of nr, Ko. 42/3 = adverb, giving
" directness and force " to the question (BDB.) ; contra Ros., who regards it
as either obj. of vb. desire understood, or as subj. of some phrase such as
cojne into your mind. — -\1N nS] nS with noun; cf. GK. 152 a'; more emphatic
than ]>n; cf. Ex. 4I0 Am. 6i3 71* Je. 2", etc. — 19. Du^] Freq.; fol. by
four pfs. with waw cons., GK. 112 m, Ko. 367 m. — rnjn . . . jnn . . . i-ini]
Art. denoting an individual not definitely known, GK. 126 q,r; Ko. 300 ^
— non] Art. = his ; Ko. 299 e. — 20. njj nS] a^, rather than pN, as in v.i^. —

* So Schra. COT. II. 141 f.; We., Mit., Dr., Che., Now., Torrey, BDB., Muss-
Arnolt, Marti, et al.

t Baethgen {Se7n. Rel. 239). J Tiele, Rev. de V Hist. d. Rel. III. 211.

V. 26-27 139

21. TNw] Stat, pf., GK. io6^. Note asyndeton, GK. 154 a, N. ; K6. 370^, h,

— 3 hi-in] Cf. Ex. 30^^ Lv. 26^1 Is. 11^, only other cases where this vb. is fol-
lowed by a of interest (cf. K6. 212 c). — wmxj.'] D. f. dirimens, GK. 20 -4.

— 22. ax 13] = For even if (1^6. yT2.h') ; Dr., § 143, treats it as an imaginary
condition introduced by SN taking imperf. in both protasis and apodosis. —
D3_] With the second of two nouns which, together, form one idea, cf. 2 S. 23^.
Muss-Arnolt {Exp.^ II. 414, N. 3) calls attention to the frequency of this con-
struction in Assyrian; ^.^. Tig. Pil. I., Prism Inscr. col. I. 71, narkabati u um-
ma-na-te-ia (my chariots and my warriors), II. 6, III. 44, etc. For the opposite
construction in which the suffix is used with the first of a series of nouns and
omitted with succeeding ones, v. Ex. 15^; cf. Assurbanipal, Annals,V. 59 ff.;
cf. GK. 135 m. — aS:j'i] On the nature of this offering, cf. Now., Arch. II. 21 1 f.
Elsewhere aSa' is always pi. ; it is used sometimes with n^t preceding it f^eg.
Ex, 24'' I S. 11^^), and sometimes without n^i as here {eg. Nu. 15^18. 13^). It
is not unlikely that the pi. cstr. should be read here; the ■> might easily be lost
sight of between two d's. — ao'Nnn] Cf. Is. i^^. Assyr. marii. = fat; Ar. c yO

= be digestible. The word is used generally, as here, of sacrificial animals,
e.g. Ez. 39I*. — 24. '?jm] For advers. 1, cf. K6. 360^. Perles, Atialekten,
p. 75, following We., proposes to connect with Sj = spring and to translate
spring tip, or bubble forth. — BO'i'c] Cf. Batten, y^Z. XI. 206-10, on usage of
this word; here evidently in the sense oi justice. — 26. c.-^.sr:i] GK. Ii2jr
takes the pf. with waw cons, as fut. {yea, ye shall take it tip') and \\2rr as
frequentative (cf. Ew., Oct., p. 71) ; Dr. § 119 a treats it as pf. with waw cons,
not attached to a preceding impf. but still retaining future force; K6. 368^,
emphatic — copula going back to v.'^*, and resuming the thought after the inter-
ruption of the parenthetical question in v.-^; cf. Am. 2^-"; Che. {EB.), the
waw is simply waw-explic. so often prefixed to glosses; cf. Is. 45-°. — . . . nrp]
That this was the original pointing is supported by (S and 2., although the
next word Maj\6x makes (S, as a whole, interpret the passage of idolatry
rather than impure worship; in its favor are also SH {v.s!). Under the
influence of the anti-idolatrous feeling, and at an early time, although after
the coming in of Assyrian ideas (Is. 2^^), the striking resemblance of the
Assyrian SAG-KUD, i.e. Ninib, the Assyrian god of war (cf. nij3 rrD, 2 K. 17^",
the name of a god; Dl. Pa. 215 f.), which name with the determinative kak-
kab = %\ax (II. R. 32, 25; COT. II. 141 f.; Tide, Bab.-Ass. Gesch. 528 f.;
Sayce, Hib. Lectures, pp. 7, 1 51-154), as suggested by Jules Oppert, means the
planet Saturn, led to a modification of the original nrp to mrp, the change
from a to 5 being perhaps suggested by the form of X^'i>'y, abomination (words
denoting idolatry and idols frequently take the ground-form qittfll, e.g.
Di'^iSu, a^V^i"'; so Ba.; Baudissin, Sem. Pel. I. 95 f.; No. Gott. Gelehrt.Anzeigen
(1884) II. 1022; Torrey, JBL. XIII. 61 f.; Che. Exp.^ V. 43; Muss-
Arnolt, Exp.^ II. 421 f.), or due to a natural attenuation {v.i.). — ]V3'] Espe-
cially interesting are U which makes it a common noun, viz. imaginem (as
adopted above), and Sh ?i\?, the pronunciation which expressed the later in-

140 AMOS

terpretation involved in the reference to Assyrian gods. For reference to the
use of this word in Babyl. texts, cf. Jensen, Kosmologie, 1 1 1 f. For formation
as a common noun, cf. \vi (Ez. 39^^) ; Sta. § 22S. In connection with this
interpretation may be noted (i) the suggestion of Muss-Arnolt (^Exp^ II.
414-28), who transposes v."^^, placing it between vs.'^^ and 2'*, omits v.^^ as
a marginal gloss, emending it as follows: 'Ui D3nSx 3oi3 tV3"nNi dj^hSn',
translating: And now ye worship Ninib as your decider (or king), and even
as your elohim ; and the star Saturn, as your idol which, etc. He takes Nti'j
here in the sense of the Assyr. ttdsu gdtd — lift up the hands = pray to, wor-
ship; and "^Sd as equivalent to the Assyr. mal{i)ku which is applied io
Ninib and other gods; and accounts for the selection of these names from
the many Assyrian gods by the fact that the star Kaimanu, the star of the god
Ninib, is spoken of as the star of justice and righteousness (kakkab kettu u
me-sar, II, R. 49, No. 3, 41), hence was chosen with reference to the thought
of v.2*. (2) The opinion of Che. that the " proof of the Assyriological ex-
planation is so nearly complete that we ought not to hesitate to accept it "
(^Exp? V. 42-44; abandoned, however, in Crit. Bib. in favor of a Jerahme-
elite explanation) ; but the cultus here designated (that of Sakkuth and
Kaiwati) was not known in Israel until after 722 B.C. (cf. 2 K. 17^°). An
insertion of this kind is seen perhaps in Is. 10*. (3) The suggestion of
Baethgen {Sem. Rel. 239) that there are four proper names of deities, viz. Sak-
kut, Kaiwan, Moloch, Selem. (4) The suggestion of G. A. Barton (^Oriental
Studies, Philadelphia, 1894) that Amos refers to a cultus that was at least
probably present in his own day; since in one of the El-Amarna letters from
Jerusalem mention is made of a city Beth-iVinib, an evidence of the worship
of Ninib, or Saturn, in Palestine. (5) The suggestion of Tiele {Rev. d. Vhist.
d. rel. III. 211), who makes these divinities purely Phoenician. (6) The
objection ti the interpretation which makes the prophet refer to the carrying
into exile, by Israel, of Assyrian gods, that, as a matter of fact, the victors
would carry off the idols of the vanquished nations (We.; cf. Hi.). (7) The
reading of Haupt, ZA. II. 266, 281 f., pn (for TDN'?), the Hebrew form of the
Babyl. name Ka'amanu. (8) The opinion that Sakkuth and Kaiwan are per-
haps two names for the same god; since Sakkuth is an ideographic writing
for the god Ninib, and Ninib seems to be the god of the planet Saturn
{■= JCaiivanu'), and Sak-kut and Kaiwanti are associated, as here, in the
Shurpu tablets; cf. IV. R. 52, col. 4, 1. 9; and Zimmern, Beitr, zur Kenntnis
der Bab. Rel. (1896), p. 10, 1. 179 (so R. W. Rogers, EB. I. 749; Muss-
Arnolt, Exp^ II. 414-28). (9) The carrying of images in procession among
the Hebrews is not at all improbable in view of («) the references to the
carrying of the ark in the wilderness, around Jericho (Jos. 6), and into battle
(as at Gilboa) ; (J)) the same custom among the Assyrians, as at the New
Year's procession (cf. Jastrow, Rel. of Bab. and Assyr. 679; C. J. Ball, Light
from the East, 173); and (f) among the Egyptians (cf. Herodotus: "The
image being in a small temple of gilt wood, they carry out on the previous day
to another sacred habitation"; quoted by Hd. p. 159). (10) The designa-

VI. 1-7 141

tion of Yahweh as ^'?D occurs also in Je. 481= e^i^' Dt. 33^ Ps. 5^ lo^^ 29IO;
and, as Elh. suggests, Israelites do not apply the term to the gods of for-
eigners. (11) The sugg. of K6. II. i. 151, that the pointing jvr is intended to
suggest pj, as something established, firm. (12) The explanation of Schmidt,
who regards nrp and jii? as the original readings, but accounts for |H2C by
supposing that at a later time D33'?c came to be read 03*^!:, that this suggested
the reading jrr, and that this in turn gave rise to the pointing nirp, the Pal-
estinian equivalent for nirp, a being attenuated as in Rimmott (= Ramman)
and Tiglathpileser {—T\x\iVi\t\-diY>^\-Q-s2^Trz.). (13) The suggestion of Hal.
that three idols of Aramaean origin are mentioned, viz. ni;D, the Aramaean
name of Nabft, which was something like n>DD, the Sex^s of Hesychius;
]V2 = Saturn; and jdid = Venus (Aram. Nn33io) ; the translation being "And
you shall carry Sakwe, your king, and Kaiwan and Kokab, your gods, the
images which, etc." — 27. '"' HvS'rnn] Is a circumlocution for the st. cstr.; K6.
281/; BDB.; cf. Je. 22I9 Gn. 3521.

VI. 1-7. A woe upon reckless and indifferent Samaria, who
devotes herself to enervating luxury of every kind, — in food and
drink, home-life and banquets, — but forgets the da?iger which
threatens the country ! She shall herself lead the captives who are
soon to be dragged away.

The unity of this section (the second section of three six-line strophes) is
seen in (i) the outer form, and (2) the single thought which it presents, viz.
the sinful luxury of the nation (\.^, pass over to Calneh, etc., is a later inser-
tion, vA."). The structure of the section is characterized by the constant re-
currence of the ptcp. with the article, followed by a finite vb. in ca*s in
which it is desirous to prolong the thought. Each of the couplets (except
the ninth) presents a single characteristic of the nation, viz. (i) recklessness,
(2) conceit, (3) procrastination, (4) luxury, (5) gluttony, (6) enervation,
(7) drunkenness, (8) hardness; therefore (9) captivity.

1. D''jj}<w'n] (5 Tots k^ovdevovaiv — a^axD'n, with Aramaic force (Bauer) or

D^Njiyn; cf. Zc. i'^, where the same word was unknown to <S translators

(Vol.) ; & it ^.A>yl^ = a''ONB*n (Seb.) ; U ^ui opulenti estis; 'A. KaTaa-ira-

TaXQvres ; 0. evdr)vovvTes. Gr. D''JJnSc. — ivxi] Che. nnna (/^i?. X. 573) ;

Co. (Eint.) suspects genuineness (cf. Now., Volz, Lohr, Marti). — piii'Ni ^2p:

Diljn] (g direr pvyrja-av (= lopj Vol.; Schleus. fol. Dru. corrects to airerpinn)-

7 0
ffav; cf. Arabic) dpx^s iOvdv. ^ .. A..ya — i^p^ (Seb.) or ''3p] (Hal.); TB

opti mates ; S. 01 wvofiatr/i^voi ixl rots dpxvyois twi' idvQv; 9. ot iireK\ridr](Tav
d.pxo-'ioi tQ)v iOvQ)v; hence Gr. and Che. suggest D'N">|">jn, but this is unneces-
sary since 3pj in Ni. means practically the same thing; cf. Nu. i^" i Ch. 16*^
2 Ch. 28^5, etc.; in this case ^ipi should be read aopjn = they who are desig-

142 AMOS

nated, or designate themselves, as the first, etc. This is supported by (i) 0., 2.;
(2) the grammatical consistency which it furnishes with the use of the ptcp.
fol. by a finite vb. throughout the entire passage; (3) the fact that, as Lagarde
has shown, the final □ of the pi. was not written in original Mss. Torrey's read-
ing {JBL. XIII. 62 f.) iflpj (based on (g, though (@ uses it in another sense),
an imv. (to be translated, "make the round of the foremost nations and come
to them, house of Israel ! Pass over to Calneh, etc.") to be connected logi-
cally with V.2, is suggestive but fails to relieve the difficulty, since it looks to
the preservation of v.^ as a part of the original text. Hal. i3|?j = Pronounce
(the names of). — Sni^'i Itij an'? iN^i] (5 Kai eia-ffKdov aiirol, connecting oJkos
ToO 'Icrpai7X with the following v.; S " ''^ ^ = -ITta (Seb.(?)); "B ingredientes

ponpatice domum Israel; W, Jiscnpn JD"? '^JV Che., an*? iDia (/^i^. X. 573),
but this means nothing. The reading itj3 (fol. ^') is in close sympathy with
the context, and is supported (l) on the side of the construction by Jos. 8-- 2"
11^* Dt. 2^^ ■^•, (2) as a charge against the rulers by Is. 312. 14.15 jqSj ^f.
Ez. 3410-22 Am. 26 ff- 4I 5i2ff. (63). The reading "^siri n^aD nSma (Grimme,
ZDMG., 1897, p. 696), while ingenious, contributes nothing; much more
plausible is the reading onSix3i (cf. 2 K. 24^^) " und zu deren Vorderesten
das Haus Israel gehort " (Hirscht). Oct. suggests either ^irw^ r\-^i •'Sj?a% or
'ij'i noj (nnn) Din^NDi; Gr. suggests udi. Hal. iNiai. — 2. hjSd] @ wavTes ;
& ^II^. — nan nnn] (3'Efj.ad'Pa^^d. — mi] (S adds ^/cei^ei'. — pj] Hal. aj,
— Dvnc'Sflj (g dX\o(j>ij\(i}v, as usual. — a'laian] ©SU have superlative, taking n
as the article. The whole v. is a later insertion (so Schra., Bickell in COT.,
We., Now., Lohr, Oct., Marti; cf. GAS., and Peters, //edr. II. 175, who
suggests that Amos may have been still alive in 711 B.C.), as appears (i) from
the different form of the v. as compared with those which precede and
follow, i.e. the different rhythm (Bickell in COT. II. 144); (2) from the
marked interruption which it makes in the transition of thought from v.i to v.^
(the connection between ^ and ^ being very close) and the grammatical dis-
turbance involved; (3) from the utter lack of meaning which it furnishes;
(4) from the historical fact (v.i.) that in the days of Amos these cities had not
yet been destroyed. The text is to be emended (so Geiger, Oort, Em.; We.,
Val., Now., Oct., Marti, et al.) (a) by inserting the subj. of DOie, viz. onx,
dropped perhaps because of similarity of sound, {d) by transferring the p
connected with DoSnj to stand with aSnj. Cf. Elh., d^Sdjd dSidj yn ox, and
Gr., 'IJI 21 DJ. — 3. onjDn] <@ oi ipx(>fJievoi, but @'^Q and Syr.-Hex. (in mar-

-^7 7

gin) ol evxSfJ-evoi = Dnn:pn; ^ . .nm »lc; = Diancn (Seb.), or dmnhdh (Gr.);
"B qui separati estis ; ® I^^n^p pjN. Baumann ■ inserts Mn. Che. onijnpn
mxy oil*?; Riedel, ai>V. — llirjni] (5 ol iyyli^ovres Kal i^aTrrSnevoi, a double
rendering; Hoffm. JviJ'jni; Riedel, wjni. — nau'] (& ffa^^droiv ■= nv^ (so

also Hoffm., Hirscht); cf, ^ ]a ^^-V. Che., na.r; Gr. -\T-v ; Riedel, nac'':;
Marti, 1 Tit',

VI. I 143

VI. 1. Aias /] Addressed to the ruling classes ; they that are
careless in Zion'] Judah as well as Israel is now rebuked, for (i)
there is no good reason to omit JV^rn (v.s.) ; cf. Nowack, who would
give a later date (the time of writing down the prophecy) to v.', if
the reference to Judah is original ; and Cheyne, who would make
v.^ a late insertion or change JVi to n:C"in {v.s.), the people being
at ease because (2 K. 15^^) the general resided there; (2) the
rendering of (§ and S 7vho despise Zion * may not be sustained ;
(3) there is no support for the translation " make a tumult in " ;t
the usual interpretation, at ease, secure, careless, is supported by
Is. 32^ — Reckless in the mount of Samaria'] i.e. those in Samaria
who are confident and therefore reckless,J not, those who trust in
the strength of Samaria. § — Who specify themselves the chief of the
natio7is~\ According to ffl^T, '2p3, the rulers are here designated
as noted, marked by name (cf. the later usage in Nu. i^^ i Ch. 16'*^
2 Ch. 28'^ 31^^), there being no reference in these words to the
cities of Jerusalem and Samaria. || Justi's " the pritices of the first
people of the earth " (cf. Nu. i^^) well expresses the idea, a com-
mon one from the earliest times, that Israel was the most exalted
nation of the entire world. It is better (v.s.) to make a slight
change in the text and thus secure the rendering indicated. The
expression is not ironical.^ Cf. same phrase (without article) used
of Amalek in Nu. 24^, of spoil in i S. 15^^ and of Ammon in
Dn. ii^\ — Unto whom IsraePs house comes] Cf. Ex. 18^^ 2 S. 15*.
The pronoun whom does not refer to the nations whom Israel dis-
possessed,** nor to the mountains of Zion and Samaria, the land
which Israel occupied,tt i^or to these mountains as places where
the Israelites assemble for worship and for judgment ; \\ but rather
to the princes, to whom as leaders and judges Israel comes for
justice (cf. 2 S. 15^), or to render service ; §§ cf. Gn. 19^ i K. 10"
Is. 49'^ It is not necessary to omit urh ISSI, || || nor to under-
stand^^ that the phrase refers to the coming of the people to their
leaders to learn foreign customs ; but it must be conceded (with

* Adopted by Dathe ; Geb. so translates fUSr. § Os., Gab., Pu. ** Ki.

t Har. II Cf. Cal. ft Ros.

J Cal., Ros., Mau., Ba. H We., GAS., Dr. ++ Has.

{§ Schro.. Mau., Umb., Hi;, Hd., Ba., Schegg, Pu., Or., Dr. HH With Hoffm,
llll So We.

144 AMOS

Nowack) that the phrase is an awkward one, and that some such
word as ''DSty might well have been expected. Much may be said
for the reading of & {'^•s.), " and spoil for themselves the house
of Israel." Cf. Marti, who reads " and in the gods of the house
of Israel," and calls it a gloss on "in the mount of Samaria."
— 2. Fass over to Calneh . . . Hamath and . . . Gath'] With this
verse must be compared Na. 3* Ju. 11^^ 2 K. 19^^ The determina-
tion of the localities depends somewhat upon the age of the
verse. Is the verse as a whole encouraging, and intended (whether
by Amos or a later editor) to strengthen Israel's claim that she is
the first of the nations ? In this case these cities are cited as ex-
amples of prosperity, and the argument is ; " No city of your
acquaintance is more flourishing than yours ; yet ye treat Yahvveh,
who has given you this prosperity, with neglect ; the punishment
for this conduct is exile."* But (see Nowack) (i) contemporaries
of Amos needed no such encouragement in their faith ; (2) the
mention of Gath would have no meaning in such a comparison
while Assyria and Egypt were in existence ; (3) " these king-
doms " must mean Calneh, etc., not Israel and Judah. Or, is the
verse threatejiing, and intended to warn Israel that she, however
" first " she may be, shall perish ? In this case these cities are
cited as examples of "fallen greatness'^ (Driver), and the argument
is : " If cities that have been great are now in ruins, Israel, like-
wise, may perish."! The latter view is to be accepted {iks.). —
Calneh'] (cf. reb?, Gn. 10^"; i:^?, Is. 10^; n?3, Ez. 2f^) is not
Ctesiphon, on the Tigris ; % nor Niffer ; § nor KuUani, mentioned
in the Eponym Canon || as conquered by Tiglathpileser III., B.C.
738 (= modern Kullanhou, six miles from Arpad ; cf. Calno and
Arpad, Is. 10®) ;^ nor Kunulua (Kinalia), about seventy-five miles
north of Hamath, southeast of Antioch, capital of Patin ; ** but,
perhaps, the Kuluniit-|- conquered by Sargon, 711 B.C. — Hamath
the great] The modern Hamah (with 30,000 inhabitants), on the

* So Ew., Hi., Ke., Or., WRS. {Propk. 138), Dr.

t Ba., Pu., Schra., We., Now. % Ba., Or. $ G. Rawlinson (Smith's DB}).
II G. Smith, The Assyr. Eponym Canon, 50; Wkl. Gesch. Bab. tt. Ass. 225;
Tide, Bab.-Ass. Gesck. 230. H H. G. Tomkins, PSBA. V. 61.

** Gu. Das Zuku7iftsbild des Jesaia, 43 ; Di. on Is. lo^.
■ft Dl. Pa. 225; COT. II. 143.

VI. 1-2 145

Orontes, 150 miles north of Damascus, the northernmost hmit of
the territory promised to Israel (Nu. 34*). At times it was a part
of the Israelitish kingdom (as under David and Solomon, its king
being Toi, 2 S. 8^, and perhaps under Jeroboam II., 2 K. 14^-^
Am. 6") ; at other times, it was independent and allied with neigh-
boring nations against Assyria, as when it joined with Syria and
Israel against Shalmaneser II. and was defeated, 854 B.C. ; or with
Judah, against Tiglathpileser III., 741 ; or against Sargon, 720,
when at last its subjection was complete. After this date it is re-
ferred to as furnishing colonists for Samaria, 2 K. 17-*, and con-
taining Israelitish exiles, Is. 11".* — Gath of the Philistines'] That
one of Philistia's five cities nearest (cf. i S. 17^-) Judah's border
(whether it is to be taken as Tell es Safieh,^ or Dikriu, % or to be
regarded as unknown §). It was destroyed by Uzziah (2 Ch. 26^
about 760 B.C. Here resided Rephaim (Jos. 11-^ 2 S. 21^*"-). Cf.
Gimtii Asdiidim, COT. II. 89, 91. || — Are they better than these
kingdoms ? Or is their border greater than your border .?] With
this rendering the sense is, Are the cities just mentioned fairer
than the kingdoms of Israel and Judah ? No ; for God has so
punished them that they are reduced in size.^ How ungrateful,
therefore, you are, in view of all that God has done for you above
your fellows.** The question is answered affirmatively by some ft :
Yes ; therefore how foolish it is of you to remain careless, having
seen the downfall of people more powerful than yourselves. Some
take the n as article, instead of interrogative (cf. (§ and S), and
translate as a clause in apposition with the names just given, "the
best of those kingdoms." J J The words have been put in the
mouth of the leaders, § § saying : ( Go to) those which are better
than these kingdojns {just mentioned), and see if any is as great
as yours, — this is the boasting of the leaders. The rendering, || ||
Are there fairer kingdoms than these {i.e. Kalneh, etc.) ? And yet
they are not so large as the land of Israel, does not add much
to a better understanding of the text ; but Pusey was approach-

*Cf. CO Z II. 7 f., 143; GAS. 177; Buhl, jDa/. 66. no; Dl. Pa. 275-8.
t Porter in Smith's DB?-\ Che. EB. % Guerin, Judee, II. 108 f.

\ GAS. HG. 194 ff. ; Dr. || V.C. J. Ball, Light from the East, 93, 186.

t Va., Mau. ** So Ros., Hi., Hd., Reuss, Mit.

ttSchro., Kno. ++ Dathe, Mich. §^^ Schegg, Gun. |||| Sugg, by Mit.
L

146 AMOS

ing the thought when he made it mean, " Are they, Israel and
Judah, better than these {i.e. Calneh, etc.)?" This leads us to
emend the text {v.s.) by supplying DriX and changing the position
of the pronominal suffixes : Are ye better than these kingdoms ?
Is your border greater than was their border .?] They have per-
ished, are you not afraid that you, too, will perish ? This inter-
pretation is in strict accord with Na. 3^ With this interpretation
it becomes clear that the verse is an interpolation from the end of
the eighth century {v.s.) . — 3, Who postpone the day of calamity']
The connection of this with v.^ is very close both logically and
grammatically. These leaders, Hke those described in Is. 5^^, put
far away the day of disaster, i.e. declare that it is far off, or act
as if it were far away (cf. g^** Is. 22^^ 66') . — And cause the seat of
violence to come near] This may refer to tribunals or thrones in
which violence is in authority instead of justice, the word T\2V
being a technical word for throne or judicial seat; cf. Ps. 122^
74^", or, perhaps better, to the sitting of injustice.* According to
some t the seat of violence has reference to Assyria, but the refer-
ence is rather to the encouragement of oppression in the midst
of Israel. J

1. iin] v.s. on 5^^. Followed by ace, Ko. 321 b; characteristic of Isaiah's
style, rarely met with elsewhere; Am. 5I8 Mi. 2^ Hb. 2^^-; cf. Ew.^ 327 b. —
cjjNtJ'n] An intransitive adj. from vb. ]iiZ' = to be quiet, a root occurring
also in Syriac and Ethiopic with same meaning as in Hebrew. For formation,
cf. j:pi; Barth, NB. 143 «; and Sta. §230. — B'wxn] Equivalent to a superla-
tive; cf. K6. 309^. — 2. nji] Article omitted before n for sake of euphony,
GK. 1262; cf. Ko. 334 w and 337 «. — aint:'Sfl"nj] For proper names with
fol. gen., cf. GK. 125-^; Ew.^ 286^. Article omitted as in Gn. lo^*, etc.; cf.
Ko. 295/ — DiJitan] Subj. omitted in MM; cf. Ew.^ 3033,1. — 3. onjc]
Cf. Is. 66^ for on:!?, Hiph. ptcp. of "nj, v. Oet. ^ avS] *? introduces
ace, cf. Ho. 10^2, a common Aramaic construction; Ew.® 282 c. Da. § 100,
rm. 5, Ko. 289 /;. — ptt'jni] Finite vb. cont. ptcp., cf. 2' 5'^. — naa*] Barth,
ZDMG. XLI, 619, connects this with the Arab. Lo = to gather; cf.
Ko. 210/

* Cf. GAS. I. 174. t Pu.

% So nearly all comm. There is neither occasion nor basis for the violent
emendation of Hoffm. (v.s.^, furnishing the translation: Ye who daily demand
unjust [tribute], and every Sabbath require unrighteous \gain\ ; cf. ®.

VI. 3-4 147

4. a''mD] (S KaTaffiraraXQvTej = cn-jD, with Aramaic force (Vol.) ; so
U lascivitis. — p3ic] © adds '^akaO-qvd = zi'^y; or c^'?'?;", which resemble
C^*?;;; (Va.). — 5. canfln] (§ iiriKpoTovvres ; (S^ eTriKparovvTes; Gr. D'flshn,
or D'iJflan. — •>£)] Gr. •>jd. — '^Jjn] (g tCip dpydvuv; ^ ||-l-£; IB psalierii ;
3r !^^?J. — THs] ® ws effTTjKdTa, which Cappellus explained as due to
confusion with in, and Vol. as a reading of d-<3 from an, while Hirscht
sugg. that there may have been a corruption of flSAATIA into ESTfiTA.
Gr. onj. In any case the phrase is probably a gloss, since it has no
place in the metrical structure of either the preceding or following line ;
cf. 'w ^SD-^N, Is. 8^; so Peters (//edr. II. 175), Che. (£B.), Lohr, ei al.
— on*? i3::'n] U putaverunt se habere ; (3 iXoylcravro. BSZ., s.v. 7\::n, sugg.
that in on'? lies a derivative from nr^n, cf. •"(■'rn. — ■\^i;'"i'?^] (g Kal oix ws
(peijyovTa, according to Vol. = mj:' •'Sj, but according to Hirscht, due to a
reading from -\vj' = -\id. Gr. tu* iSua. Now. tc" V:; so Oort (Em.). Elh.
-I"-!:- •'jr;, since tradition does not ascribe to David the making of musical
instruments. Che. (£xp. T., 1898, p. 334), restores the entire v. thus: —

11B' h^ph inna'ii

Who play on timbrel and harp,
And rejoice at the sound of song.

(Cf. Jb, 21^*.) Marti reads v.^', i^ub '^''^s'n'? larm n^na. — 6. f" 'pitca]
® t6v SivXiffn^vov oTvov = p'' |i;??c; cf. Is. 25^ Ps. 12^ (Vol.); so S ]j^"
|i *^i '^ ; 1?^ vinutn in phialis ; 2C adds iDp = ^Dd. Oort, j" Ml^oa (so Val.),
or -•> |-inic3 (cf. Je. 48' i). Gr. BVitca (so Elh., Hal.). — iSpjj Gr. iSn(?),
from V-n ; cf. Je. 5^ Lohr places ^^ before ^, while Marti transposes •'* to
follow 1'. — 7. a^^^j] © SuvaffTuJv = □■''713 (Va., Vol.). — a^nno nrnc] © XP^-
fUTKTubs i-mrwv i^ 'E<ppdi/x, perhaps reading cD D (so Oct.; but cf. Vol.).
^.eraipela Tpv<f>riTC3v ; S .S!n.*.lj> i\^ ^isfi \\OT, perhaps reading anno
= annij' (Seb.). U factio lascivientiwn ; W r?^?!?'! pnt"iD I^iJO.

4. W^//<? //(? £>« wory couches'] Cf. 3'^. These were couches
inlaid with ivory, such as those which Sennacherib took from
Hezekiah.* The use of such couches indicated the luxury and
self-indulgence of the times. — Aiid stretch themselves out vp07i their
divans'] Reference is intended to lying at the table ; it does not
include the specific idea of " romping," f nor that of abundant
tapestry with which the divan was draped, J nor the thought of

• CO T. I. p. 286. t Schro. + Ki.

148 AMOS

drunkenness,* but, in general, all of these, emphasis being placed
on the wantonness and extravagance of their conduct ; cf. Is. 22^^
Ez. 23^^ — Lambs out of the fiock'] i.e. those carefully selected
from the flock on account of special fatness or daintiness,
cf. Dt. 32" I S. i5^t rather than a general reference to the
wealth of those persons who are rich enough to have flocks. J —
Calves from the jnidst of the stail'\ i.e. calves reared artificially
in a stall, a place in which they are shut up in order to be easily
fattened. Cf. i S. 28^* Je. 46-'^ Mai. 4% — 5. Who twitter] Used
sarcastically of the music rendered at feasts. The idea is not
that of ordinary singing, § nor dancing, || nor cooing,^ nor wanton
silly talk or song,** nor parting the Hps,tt nor bungling, doing
something prematurely, J J nor leading in the music without waiting
for the professional musicians, §§ nor improvising idly || || ; but of
derision, to indicate the prophet's contempt " for the perhaps
really not unmusical songs with which feasts were enlivened " ^^ ;
cf. Is. 5^ 24^ — To the sound of the harp] Another rendering is,
in accordance with ; cf. 'S bu in Gn. 43" Ex. 34^ Lv. 2 7^^§ — Like
David] If this word is genuine, the leaders of Israel, whom the
prophet would rebuke, are now brought into comparison with
David. They are like him in that they devise for themselves
instrujtients of so fig] It is not a contrast, viz, between their use of
instruments for amusement, and that of David for worship.*** Nor
is it correct to render Ht "they think, fondly imagine — make
the mistake of supposing that the instruments are for them as for
David." "zvn = devise, invent, with reference to the popular idea
that David was an inventor of instruments. No other passage of
earher times speaks of David as a poet or musician. J J J But this
reference does not imply that his reputation had only to do with
secular music. §§§ The evidence is very strong, however, that the
word is a gloss {v.s.). — Instru7nents of song] Musical instruments

* Ba. We. renders " ausgelassen sein," which is approved by Now., and cites
its application in Arabic to animals pasturing freely, at liberty, and in Syriac to
wild and rapacious beasts.

tBa. f^a/. II Stru. "H- Schegg. ^^ Hd.

tMau. USchro. tt Ew. |||| Dr.

§ Ros. ** Hi., Ke., Now. fH Mit.; cf. Hoffm. ZA W. III. 114.

*** Jer., Cal., Jus., Ros., Schro. +++ Reuss.

tn So Ew., Mit. \\\ We., Dr.

\

VI. 4-7 149

used to accompany the voice ; but the context is not favorable to
the allusion to instruments, hence (vs.) Cheyne's suggestion,
voice of song, Elhorst's words of song, Nowack's all kinds of
song, and Marti's consider themselves like David in the tinder-
standing of so ?ig. — 6. Who drink {from) bowls of wine'] Another
token of self-indulgence. Instead of the ordinary drinking- vessel,
the word is employed which is later used of the vessel from
which blood was poured or thrown (dashed) for sacrificial pur-
poses (Ex. 38^ Nu. 4" 7^^*^- Zc. 9^^ 14^), the large size thus being
emphasized. — With the first of oils they anoint the7nselves'\ Anoint-
ing in ancient times signified not only consecration, but joyousness
(cf. Ps. 23^ 92^" Is. 61^ Ec. 9^ with 10^^). It was a hygienic cus-
tom, since the oil refreshed the skin and served as a protection
against heat. In this case the first of oils, i.e. the choicest
oils, are employed. To omit anointing was a sign of mourning
(2 S. 12^ 14^). — And do not grieve for the breach of Joseph]
Their minds are so occupied with the mirth and joy that they
fail to see, and hence to appreciate, the terrible breach or wound
which, in the near future, will be inflicted upon Israel. Such
a sight as that which the prophet has gained would make them
sick in body and in mind (cf. i S. 22*); for a great affliction
or overthrow (cf. Je. 8"'^^) is near at hand. This word breach
does not refer to any specific political intrigue,* nor to the
present evil condition of Israel,! but to the future calamity
which even now threatens the nation. \ — 7. Therefore, now]
The now is logical, 'rather than temporal. Ho. 2^° '^ . — At the
head of the captives] These, who were described as the DTm
D'ljn, d'Dp3, shall go forth at the head, in the very forefront ; cf.
I S. 9^^ Mi. 2^^. — And the shout of the banqiiete?-s shall cease]
The rendering, " the mourning of those who stretch themselves
out shall come," § is based upon an impossible meaning of no.
Some use here the Aramaic meaning of nna, viz. feasting. || The
rendering " shout " (either of joy or sorrow) is required here as
in Je. 16^ and is justified by the Arabic r^'))-^ The allitera-
tion in the Hebrew words D'Hino nnia id is noticeable. —

* Mich. t Schegg. t Hi,, Mit. § Cal.

II Har„ Mich. II Jus., Va., Ros., Ba., Pu., Ke.

1 50 AMOS •

8 b. Saith Yahweh God of Hosts'] This phrase, if retained at
all, must follow this piece as a whole.

4. D^nno] On force of pass, ptcp., cf. K6. 235 a'. — 5. Qitancn] a.X.; if text
is correct, probably to be connected with Jo »J, (0 precede, fourth stem = to

hasten, exceed due bounds, be itmnoderate, talk excessively (Lane, p. 2376) ;
hence Dr., following Abul-Walid (Neubauer, Abul- IValid^s Lexicon, col.
586), suggests "to extemporize poetry over-rapidly, without premeditation,
in a hurried flow of unmeaning, unconsidered words" {v. Dr. p. 236 ; Now.).
Observe, likewise, Hoffm.'s rendering, "those who strike the strings across
the opening of the harp," which is based on the usage of Qis (Lv. 19^"),
to tear (cf. Buxtorf, Lex, 1811 f.; Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, p. 3311),
and makes the ifl "7^ entirely superfluous. — Saj] The kinds of instru-
ments denoted by the two names Saj and niJ3 are not certainly known.
The two are the only stringed instruments mentioned in the O. T., and are
frequently named together (Is. ^"^ i Ch. 15I6 2 S. 6^, etc.). Both seem to
have been made of wood (i K. lo^^) and to have been portable (i S. lo^
2 S. 6^). A full discussion of these and other instruments, with excellent
illustrations of Assyrian, Babylonian, and Egyptian harps, etc., is given in
Bk.ofPs. {SB ONT.), 222 ii.; cf. Dr. 234 ff.; Benz. ^;v/4. 273 ff.; Now. ^rf/4.
I. 273 ff. — 6. '3 nnu'] = to drink from, cf. Gt. 44^; same force in Arabic
and Aramaic (Dn. 5^). For the same phrase r= to drink of, cf. Pr. 9^ ; GK.
I19W, N. — ipiTD] Used only here of wine; elsewhere, bowl or basin for
throwing or casting a liquid, esp. blood ; eg. at altar, Ex. 27^ Nu. 4^* ; in
temple, I K. 7^" 2 K. 12I*; in second temple, Neh. f^. This meaning is
borne out in the signification of the root, which in the cognates means scatter,

disperse; cf. Aram, pnr, Assyr. zariku, Arab. Oj>^, cast at, — Qijca'] On force
of the pi., cf. K6. 259 a. — ina'D''] For construction, etc., cf. K6. 3270 and
319 w. On impf. continuing ptcp., cf. Dr. § 117 O. The original meaning
seems to be shown by Arab. /^-mjjO = stroke with the hand. It is used of

painti7ig2. house (Je. 22^*) s.ndoiliftg a shield (Is. 21^ 2 S. i^i). Anointing
as a part of the toilet is always expressed by another verb, iiD. nrr, as
used of persons, is limited to anointing as a religious rite, aside from this
passage ; and this seems to be no exception, since the feast here was a
sacrificial feast. The primitive significance of anointing was probably re-
ligious ; animal fat was the first unguent, and, being regarded as the special
seat of life, was considered the best medium for the transmission of the vitality
of the being from which it was taken ; hence " unction was primarily an
application of sacrificial fat with its living virtues to the persons of the wor-
shippers" (WRS. Sem, 383 f.). This accounts for the anointing of kings,
priests, etc., and for the use of unguents in connection with religious rites.
Olive oil was used later when agriculture was taken up (Ps. 92^1 Dt. 28*"

VI. 8 151

Nu. 6^5). — IDi"] This designation of N. Israel occurs twice elsewhere in Amos
(56- 15); other names are: Jacob (68 f-^ 8"); house of Jacob (9^); hozise of
Isaac (7I6) ; and regularly Israel {2^- ", etc.). Joseph is named as the ancestor
of Ephraim, the largest tribe (cf. Ho. 6* 13I). The use of the title occurs
each time in a connection implying a bond of sympathy between Israel and
Yahweh, or at least a shade of tenderness in the feelings of Amos.

8-14. Yahweh makes oath: I abhor Israel, and she shall
be given over to her enemies for destruction ; she has turned
justice to poison, itnagining herself strong; surely I will bring
upon her a nation which shall overcome her entire territory.

The striking difference between the grammatical expression in this piece
(the third of three six-line strophes) and that in the preceding is evidence
of distinctness; but when there is considered in connection with this (i) the
opening oath (v.s), which is climactic to the woes introducing the other
pieces, (2) the concluding words, which are parallel to those of the other
pieces, we have sufficient basis for the assumption that this is one of three
pieces making up a larger whole. Vs.^- 1" are so peculiar in their thought and
form as at once to raise suspicion of their genuineness ; this suspicion be-
comes a certainty upon closer investigation {v.i.^. The intensity of expression,
as well as the definiteness of this section, is greater than in either of the two
preceding. It thus furnishes a fitting climax for the entire piece, containing,
in essence, the threefold thought of the whole, viz. (i) Yahweh's anger,
because of (2) Israel's sin, and consequently, (3) Israel's destruction.

8. '3S ^hSn r\y:v^ dnj] @ om. (soNow., Elh.,L6hr, Baumann); it should fol-
low nnp, V? (cf. We., Oct., Marti). — axpc] Read 3>'rr (so Geiger, p. 349; We.,
Mit., Elh., Lohr, Oct., et at.). — I1NJ".in] @ inserts iracrav; 2E rip'37 i*t"}?_'D P"?
(so in London Polyglot, but in Paris Polyglot, nm->). — vpjc"\n] (5 rds x'^P"^^
ainod; U domos ejus. — i.-njom] Gr. fol. © koX i^apQ, ^n^D^^V — nN'?ci] (& aiiv
iraffi roh KaroiKovaiv airijv; "S cum habitatoribus suis. Hoffm. nxi'^rt = and
her citadel; so Matthes and Elh. — 9, 10. These verses are a later insertion (so
Now, and Lohr ; We. and Che. consider them, at least, misplaced ; but cf.
GAS. and Marti), made in order to illustrate the last phrase of v.^. This is
evident because of (i) the marked interruption of the continuity of thought
between v.^ and v.^^; (2) the utterly strange and incongruous conception thus
introduced; (3) the impossibility of arranging the material of these vs. (viz. 3- 1°)
in any poetical form, much less the form which characterizes the remainder of
the piece. The acceptance of GAS.'s suggestion to supply at the close of v.*
the words to the pestilence only furnishes a still better basis for the addition
of the gloss. Oet. sugg. the order ''■ ^i- ^- ^- 1". — 3n n^^i] F Quod si ; S , ]o.
— ip::i] ® adds koX viroXeKpdrjffovTai. ol KardXatirot. — nn iNS'ji] (5 Kal X-^fifovTai
ol olK€toi ol avTQv. Hal. ^•^^-\ inu'jv Riedel, in iNrr. — ib-iDsi] Many Mss.

152 AMOS

read t. (5 Kal irapa^iCit'Tai = nxfiii (Va., Vol.)7 as in Gn. 19^ 2 K. 2^'' 5I6,
or is-\£3>i (Vol.), as in i S. 28^^ S ov-^ >-ii-ii.xi» ,5_io ol = mpm (Seb.);
"E et comburet eum; 2D Ni''|->ip. Now. nflDDi(?); Riedel, nonjDi = ^^jow. —
After DiDX>'] ® adds ai)rwv. — Ti^nS] @ pi. — •'P^iij] @ and S om. — Dsn]
Riedel adds nini in, to explain what follows. — 'ui Dn] 2C PJD nci^ -idd
•»n NDC'a jSxp iin n"? ppji^ iin 13 nN, ^ ^ovlik ctsu?? ''''^-{^.io ^■'^f reading
DQX for on (so Seb.; cf. Gr. Monatsschrift, 1886, p. 376). — T'DTh'?]
& 0001 i ^^'-" = ni^jn (Seb.) ; TI^ recorderis. The following attempts at
reconstruction of the text may be noted : Oort, understanding that Dn ncNi
is a dittog. of Dox nnxi (cf. Baumann, who om. d<3N icni), that the material
has been largely transposed, and that the horrors of an earthquake are here
described, reads : "• njn o (") nnB-J iDtn nS nj; (lo '') nN^Di niy imjoni (« <^)
. . . ixrji (^0) IDD inN ni33 D'lB'JN nisr;? dn nini (9) oiypa . . . ruan n^m nisn
DflN nDNi ^Dy nipn ni^n inono ntrNS idxi ni2n-|D. That is: (8<') And
I will deliver up a city and its contents, (1° <') so that it shall no longer
be called by its name; Q^') for, behold, Yahweh commands and will smite,
etc., (^) and it shall come to pass that, whenever ten men shall have
died in one house, i}^') their relatives will clear away the ruins in order
to carry the bones from the house, and they will say to whoever is in
the rear of the house, " Is there still another ? " and he will answer,
"No!" Zeydner reads {ThSt. IV. 196 ff.; so Val.) : NixmS nnpp iNtt-ji (i")
Sn iSi3Dn -\DN1 DOS -1DN1 iDj? nijjn non inonia na-NS -\dni non-jn Dimj;
mni Dira n.'pTn. That is : (^'') And an escaped one will remain to bring
forth the bones from the house and he will say to whoever is within
the house, " Is there still any one with thee ? " And he will say "No." And
he will say, " These have done foolishly. Remember the name of Yahweh."
Ru. reads : iNtt'ji (1°) anriNn nniii mni nnxi noa aityjx mtfj; vni dn mm (8)
'1J1 Dfjxi nns '^d;; myn . . . idni ruan-jD vdsv 'n'? 'di 'n. That is : (9) And
it shall come to pass that if there be ten men in a house and one die
and the others be left, etc., ... to bring forth his bones ... "Is He
still with you who creates (= nns) and annihilates?" . . . Gr. reads:
iDiB'i Dnnay dinc'JI (1°), substitutes nDNi for the sg., drops on idxi as dittog.
from DflN ncNi, and adds 12n after nS. Hoffm. reads VflnOD 'iin inb'ji (1°)
= and his burners erect a funeral pyre for him. Oct. sugg. in nn nh-ji (1°)
^iSn, treats ni3D DiDxy NisinS as a gloss on the corrupt ifliDai and de-
clares -the remainder of the v., beginning with the first ncNi, to be " un-
versehrt." Elh. reads nijDD nn nb'ji, and om. idni following -jDj;. Box and
Oesterley {Exp.T. XII. (1901) 235 f.) read Dinsy NismS ixnai iNtr iNsyji
DON nDNi iDj? mjjn non inoiia ik'n'? idni ruan-p, treating on idni as a
dittog., and the last clause, vii 13, as a gloss on on idni. Marti nscp in -indj>,
or n5pp 'i-i'ii nNC'i. — 11. niXD nini njn 13] Is an insertion (so also Baumann)
made to connect vs.^- 1" with the interrupted thought in 'Ui n^ni] which is to
be read nmi or i:m (so Get.). Gr. reads nxh for mxD. — pian] ® i^'^c. Hi.

T • : ■ •■ ^ ' ■■ 0 0

om. n as due to homoioteleuton (so Gr.). — "jnjn] S l^». — DipiDn, ovpa]

VI. 8-9 153

& stoiQ-Jiil^Jo, >*(3iQ-.?Jo. Gr. D^sixn. — n^am] Gr. n^ai. — 12. cnm qn

0>ni"i33] (5 el wapaffidJiTTiffovTai iv d-qXeiais = a''3i2J or n'lafjj. (Va., Ba.), prob-
ably an error of vision. U aui arari potest in bubalis ; 'A. eZ apoTpiad-^ffeTai;
2. TT^rpa 8ia ^oCiv. Read 0'' "ipaa (so Mich., Hi. ; Oort, ThT. XIV. 120, and
Em.; Gr., We., Gu., Val., Mit., GAS., Now., Dr., Lohr, Elh., Oet., Marti);
cf. Hirscht, a'>j7a2 (Jb. 39!'^) ; Hal. an -ypz^. — ir-N^"?] @ et's dvii6v, as in
Dt. 32^3 Jb. 2oi^; 9r r?'3 I'ln ''^*''"'% — 13. n'?'?] Gr. n> ^y_. — 14. 'ui "> dnj]
Omitted in some Mss. of <Si. Transpose to end of v. (so Lohr). (S^
insert mj before bnj. — Nn"?c] @ toC m^ eiaeKdelv. — -i>'] @ /cai is = i>'i
(Hirscht); @^ and other codd., ?ws. — nanyn] @ twj' Svanuv, a frequent
rendering of 3iyD and na-^y; cf. Is. 15''. 3) )-Sji»?. Oort sugg. the trans-
position of v.i* to precede ^^.

8. 7%^ Lord Yahweh hath sworn by himself^ Elsewhere
only in Je. 51", in 4^ the oath was by his holiness. For ex-
pressions similar to this, Gn. 22*® Nu. 14^ Heb. 6^^ — / abhor'\ '^'
Cf. Dt. 28^ Ho. s^'^* I3'*'"; also Am. gK — The glory of Jacob^
Not something that belonged to Israel as a special treasure, which
distinguished them from other nations, cf. Is. 2''''^'-*-^ Ps. 47^t in
other words, the true glory, which shall now be taken away ; nor
the temple at Jerusalem, cf. ST ; J but rather that of which Jacob
boasted as their glory, viz. palaces and cities (cf. Na. 2^ Zc. 9^), §
the pride which has brought downfall (Is. 9^ Ho. 5*). || — I will
deliver the city and its contents^ i.e. men, cattle, goods, shall be
given to the enemy (i®-^). Perhaps the thought refers more
specifically to the siege and capture of the city; If cf. 2^^^^3"*'-
^2.3 ^16 g3_ 'pj^g (.jjy ig Samaria, the article being omitted in the
terse, poetical expression. — 9. This verse and the following
introduce a new element into the description of the future pun-
ishment, and at the same time a new form and a new style.
After these verses {i.e. in vs."*^-"") the old idea, style, and form
recur. The new element is the plague ; the new form, an indi-
vidual experience ; the new style, conversational prose, the poetic

* The root axn may better be read av'P (v.j.), whether the use of N in this text
is to be understood as an intentional change (Geiger, p. 349), a Samaritanism
(Eich, Einl. I. 185 ; Jus.), a provincialism (Ba.), or a copyist's error (Dahl., Now.).
The renderings "I find wanting" (cf. ^naNr"), Storr (see Va.), "I will paralyze,"

from U^vJ), to be numb (Va.), hardly deserve consideration.

t Cal., Hd. X Ki. and Jewish interpreters generally.

§ Ros., Ke., Mit. || Ba. H Hi., Ba., Pu.

154 AMOS

form being abandoned. There is nothing in v/, or in vs.^*^ which
corresponds, or lends aid in interpretation. — And if shall come
to pass'] Cf. the series of pictures of devastation in Is. 8^®- ^^- ^.
— If there be left ten men in one house that they shall die]
The picture is that of a slaughter in war. If of the survivors
there are as many as ten, all of them shall perish in a plague.
According to some,* ten represents a large number, a numerous
family, all of whom, however, shall die. According to others,!
it means a very few, because the prophet has in mind especially
the palaces which would contain hundreds. — 10. And one's
uncle, even his burner, shall take hint up to bring out the body
from the house] The relative, | perhaps uncle, § father and brothers
being dead, comes to care for the dead body. The relative is
either himself the burner, or is accompanied by a burner. Inas-
much as burning of the dead was entirely exceptional among
the Hebrews (cf 2^; the cases of criminals, Lv. 20^* 21^ Jos. f^"^
Gn. 38"^ and that of Saul and his sons), this has been taken
as another exception, the prophet supposing it to be impossible
to adopt the usual form of burial, and the burner represented
as acting either within 1| or without ^ the home, on account of
the peculiar situation ; or the burning, like the plague itself, has
been considered a mark of divine anger.** The reference is
not, however, to the burning of the body, but to the burning
of spices in honor of the dead ; ft cf Je. 34^, and especially
2 Ch. 16" 21^^*. The suggestion has also been made|{ that
the lack of timber in Palestine would make cremation of any
considerable number of bodies almost impossible. The pronoun
his seems to suggest some cotntnon custom. §§ — And shall say]
It is the relative who speaks. — To him who is in the innermost
parts of the house] i.e. to some one who is still alive, || || and, in
his terror, has withdrawn to the inmost recesses of the house ; 1[^
not to a neighbor in an adjoining house,*** nor to a servant,ttt nor

* Os., Geb., Hi., Torrey, Marti. t Jus., Ros., Schro.

J Jus., Ros., Schro., Ba., Hd., Ke. § A. V.

II Cal., Hi. If Ke. ** W. R. Smith, Sem. 372, N. 3.

tt Har. ; Thomson, LB. H. 493 ; Mit., Dr. tt Mit.

$$ Hi., Dr. nil Jus.,Va., Hi., Ba.
HH Cf. Ps. 1288; inaii is also used of a cave in i S. 24^, of Sheol in Is. 14I6,
of a ship in Jon. i5. *** Cal. ttt Schlier.

VI. 9-12 155

to a relative who remains weeping.* — Is there yet any one with
thee"] Are you altogether alone ? — And he shall say'\ Inserted to
separate the two parts of the statement, cf. 2 K. (P^^- Gn. i6^'^^ 21^
— None'\ The last survivor answers, and in his answer gives
utterance to the deepest feelings of despair. — And he shall
say: Hush! otie tnay not mention the name 0/ Yahweh~\ Cf. 2?
Hb. 2^ Zp. i^ Zc. 2^^. This is not the utterance of the survivor,
and thus to be taken as a word of repentance (being rendered,
Ought we not to remember Yahweh's name?),t nor an explana-
tory statement by Amos of what was in the sick man's mind ; %
but the utterance of the relative to the survivor, which partakes
of the despair common to the situation : " No prayer will avail,
all is lost," § or " recourse to Yahweh is of no use " ; || " do not
tempt Yahweh to farther outburst of anger" ;1f "do not mention his
name and thus make him aware of your presence " ; ** cf. Is. iQ^'.ft
— 11. For behold Yahweh will command~\ A part of the gloss,
intended to regain the connection which has been lost. What
follows should, however, be joined directly to the last words of v^,
viz. / will give over the city and its contents, and one shall smite
the great house and the small house'] Utter destruction is coming.
The great house in connection with the small house, means either
all houses, alike of rich and poor, J J for God is no respecter of
persons ; cf. 3'* Is. g" ; or, as seems better, the nation Israel and
the nation Judah, § § the former of which suffered under Shalmaneser,
the latter under Sennacherib. — Into fragments . . . into fissures]
The distinction suggested that the destruction of the great house
(whether taken of the rich, or of Israel) is to be more complete
than that of the small house {i.e. the poor, or Judah), is not
found in the text. The second word is as strong a word for de-
struction as the first. — 12. Do horses run upon crags?] It is
just as unnatural and absurd for you to pervert justice, as for men

* Os. + Hi. II Jus., Schro. ** Ba., Reuss.

t Har. \ Dathe, Va., Ros. IT Ew., Dr.

ft The collection of materials on conceptions of divine names among primitive
peoples given by F. J. Coffin, in his dissertation on the Third Commandment, is
of interest as illustrating the last clause of v.i" ; see JBL. XIX. 166 ff. Cf. also
Baumann's sugg. that ry\7\^ has displaced an original dtiSn = spirit (l S. 2813).

tt Cal, Har., Ros., Schro., Hi., Mit., Dr., Marti.

§§ ar, Jer., Dahl, Dathe, Jus., Hd., Or., We.

156 AMOS

to make horses run upon crags.* We are not to understand that
the rock represents the hard and stubborn people.! — Does one
plough the sea with oxen ?~\ This reading {v.s.^ avoids the necessity
of supplying an important word in thought and, at the same time,
the very irregular plural form, dnpa. — That'\ '3 can scarcely be
rendered but, \ or surely. § — Ye have tiirjied justice into poison~\
Only a general word may be used, since the exact meaning of rsT
is uncertain {v.i.^ . " A moral order exists which it is as impossible
to break without disaster as it would be to break the natural order
by driving horses upon a precipice." || — The fruit of righteousness
into ■wor?n'wood~\ i.e. what would be good and helpful, into that
which is bitter and injurious. — 13. Who rejoice in that which is
not'\ A strong effect is produced by using xb to negate a noun
(cf. DU xb, bx-S'b, Dt. 32^' -^; U'X Kb, Is. 31*). The people, whom
the prophet rebukes, flatter themselves with self-deception, that
which is imaginary, not real ^ ; but v.i. — Who say, Have we not
taken for ourselves horns by our own strength /] The nation is rep-
resented as boasting of the new power ** which they had acquired
under Jeroboam II. ; ff the horn represents power, Je. 48^ Dt. 33^^
Ps. 75^^^ 89^". An utterance of pride, similar to this, is placed in
Ephraim's mouth. Is. 9^^ Against Graetz's suggestion J J that vh
■QT is a city, viz. Lo- debar, 2 S. 9^ ^- 1 7^, and D"3"ip another city
(i Mace. 5-^; cf. Ashteroth-Karnai?n, Gn, 14^ (§), both on the
east of Jordan, and that the boast has to do with their recent
subjection by Jeroboam, the names of these towns being selected
because of their peculiar significance, §§ may be said : || |{ (i) the
Hebrew prophets are not accustomed to speak thus of victories,
(2) npb is not the proper word for capturing a town, but rather
is"?, (3) h npb is a common idiom for the idea, to provide oneself
with (cf Is. 8^ Je. 36-28 Ez. 4^ 5^ Zc. ii^^, etc.) ; (4) these towns
were not sufficiently strong to warrant such a reference to them,1[1[
(5) <^f- 5^^j (6) the unanimous testimony of the versions. —
14. Yea"] or surely, goes back again to v." after the digression

* Dathe, Schro., Ba., Hd., Pu., Ke., Reuss, Mit., Dr. f Cal., Os.

J Mit. § Hes. II GAS. IT Cal.. Os., Geb., Ros.

** Geb., Har., Jus., Schro., Dr. ft Jus., Schro., Ba., Ke., Dr.

1+ So We., GAS., Now., Elh., BDB.. p. 520, Marti. §§ GAS. |||| Dr.

HH Cf. however GAS. 1. 176 ff.

VI. 12-14 157

in vs.^^-"; not but* nox for as "justifying the low estimate of
their power, expressed in v.^^," f nor " as a means of destroying
you in spite of your imagined strength " ; X nor therefore, because
of your self-confidence. § — Behold~\ Here, as so often, in the
announcement of the climax. — / am raising up\ Cf. f' Hb. i*
Is. lo^; in the sense of giving to them a commission; it is some-
thing which is even now in progress. — Against you, O house of
Israel, a nation"] By the removal of the clause beginning with
DK3 the object nation is brought nearer the verb. This nation
was of course Assyria; cf. 5-^ Is. 5^*^ — And they shall crush
you] Cf. Ex. 3^ Ju. 4^ 6^ Nu. 22^. — From the entrance to Hamath]
Cf. 2 K. 14^, which describes the restoration of Jeroboam 11. in
almost the same words ; also Nu. 34^, which indicates this as
the territory promised. This was the pass between the Lebanons,
the northern Hmit of Israel's territory. Dan was at its mouth.
— Unto the stream of the Arabah] This could not have been
the Nile, || nor the Dead Sea^ which in Nu. 34^'^ is the southern
border, nor the river Arnon ; ** cf. 2 K. 14^; nor the Kidron.ff
We must decide between (i) the stream of Egypt, i.e. the Wady-
el-Arish, Nu. 34^ ; J J (2) the sea of the Arabah, i.e. Wady-el-Hasy,
the old boundary between Moab and Edom, which flows into
the southern end of the Dead Sea;§§ or (3) a stream flowing
into the north end of the Dead Sea ; || || in this case 2 K. 14^
would mean that Jeroboam II. had extended his kingdom as
far as the Dead Sea (cf. Dt. 3^^'').1ff

In many forms and under many figures the poet has thus pro-
nounced the doom of captivity. With each new effort, he has
become more clear and definite ; and with this direct statement
the first part of the book closes.

* AV. + Mit. II Dathe. ** Jus. ; cf. Hoffm.

t Dr. § Cf. Geb. IT Dahl. ft Ros., Schro., Mau., Hd.

Xt Cf. We., who suggests that originally the reading was probably nnXD Snj,
and that the present text is the work of a later writer who desired to exclude Judah
from the threatened territory.

jf Hi., Gun., Now., Dr. |||| Mit., GAS.

HH The name n2"\j?n Snj occurs only here ; as We. notes, the southern border
is onxD Snj when Judah is included and n3n>?n D"i when it is excluded. A
D''2nj7n Snj is mentioned in Is, 15^ as the boundary between Moab and Edom
which is probably not referred to here.

158 AMOS

8. Wflja] This is the 3 of swearing; cf. Gn. 2i23 22^8 Am. 8^*; Ko. 391 a;
BDB. 89 f.; Ais soul— himself; cf. Ps. 25!^ Gn. 49^, etc.; H. 8, 2c, rm. (</).
— aNHD] = 3j,'nD. Cf. the constant interchange of Sy and Sn ; Syj and
Snj; v. BSZ. 577. The weakening of y to n is characteristic of the later
development of the Semitic languages ; it is especially frequent in Assyrian,
Mandaic, Samaritan, Phoenician, and the later stages of Ethiopic and Aramaic;
cf. Lindberg, Vergleick. Gram. d. sem. Spracheit, I. 21 f. — pNj] V. note of Dr.,
pp. 238 f. — 9. mm] The 1 marks apod., H. 44, 2 c. — 10. nn] Most com-
mon force in Heb. as in other Semitic dialects (cf. Assyr. dadu) is "loved one";
so Is. 5I and Ct. i^^f- et passim ; but the meaning "uncle" is well attested;
cf. Lv. 10* I S. 14^°; so also in Syriac. A broader term, e.g. kinsman, would
seem better here (Hi., Ba., Ke., Or., RV. m., BDB.). — id^d;:] Cf. i K. i82",
i^Z' for J''D ; La. 2^, -^z' for ID ; La. 4*, ana for mc ; 2 S. i^^, jirj for jidj ; for similar
interchange in Aramaic, cf. Dalman, Gram. d. jiid.-pal. Aram., p. 74. This
use of the pron. suf. without reference to anything already mentioned is
awkward, but not unknown; cf. Is. 17^ (where the text should probably be
emended to read ixp). For the use of sg. suffix referring to pi. antecedent,
cf. K6. 348 «. — DijN] Used absolutely, GK. 152^, cf, Ew.^ § 322^. — on]
Ordinarily as here (Ju. 3!^ Am. 8* Hb. 220 Zp. I^ Zc. tP^ an interjection;
cf. Ne. 8^^ Nu. 13™ where it is treated as a vb, — tiothS] On construction,
cf. Ew.8 § 295 <•; Ko. 399/3. — Da'3] a of interest, K6. 212 c. — 11. d^d^dt]

a.X.; cf. Ar. . uy^ = "a fountain choked up by ruins"; and the related root

in Assyr., resu (Dsn) = /<? shatter, kill, etc.; cf. v^"' ^^d Din, and r;:*n>
(Je. 5^'). In Ct. ^^ the same word has the sense drops (of dew), but this
must come from another DDi (cf. Ez. 46^*). Cf. Hoffm. ZAVV. III. 115.
On use of ace, cf. Ew.^ § 284 a:, (c); Ko. 3271/. — 12, Qiipaa] It is urged
against the reading ai ipaa (i) that the pi. Dn|i3 appears in 2 Ch. 4^;
cf. Ne. lo^'; (2) that the mention of oxen in connection with sea-ploughing
is superfluous; (3) that the absence of the article with D'' would be excep-
tional; and (4) that the figure would be too bold for a Semite; cf. Gun.;
Ko. 254^. — iTNi] Written c'n, Dt. 32^2. Ho. 10* and Dt. 29I'' show that
the word denotes some plant, and its frequent association with njyS indicates
that it was of a bitter (Ps. 69^2) and probably poisonous nature. Poison is
clearly meant in Dt. 32^^ Je. 8^* Jb. 20^^, etc. Some have thought that the
poppy was the plant in question {Thes. ; G. E. Post, DB. II. 104). —
13. nSS] GK. 152 a, N.; Evv.s § 286^; H. 8, zd, rm. (/) ; Ko. 380/ (^::'n
being dropped from consciousness). — 14. Pisoxn] The article in this title
is exceptional. The full title niN3i'[n] inSt< nin> occurs 26 times in O. T.,
but the article appears with ms^i' only four times, viz. Ho. 12^ Am. 31^ 6^* 9^.
It occurs six times in Amos without the article (4I' 5^*- ^^- ^^- ^^ 6^). Cf.
Ko, 295/ and 285 «. — ''u] "Indeterminate for the sake of amplification"
(as in Arabic) =a terrible (?) nation; GK, 125 c, — snSs] On construC'
tion, Ko, 406 <r.

VII. 1-9 159-

§ 11. Three visions of destruction. 7^ ^ These three visions
were probably announced at Bethel : * (i) a vision of devouring
locusts, the destruction stayed by the interposition of Yahweh's
hand (7^"^) ; (2) a vision of devouring fire, the destruction stayed
again by the interposition of Yahweh's hand (7^ ; (3) a vision
of a plumb-line, the destruction this time permitted to become
complete (7^"^.t

Contrary to the usual interpretation, this section, like those which have pre-
ceded, is a poem. I reached this conclusion in March, 1897 5 ^^^ £ ^V- Nov.
1898, pp. 333 ff. ; cf. Elh. De profetie van Amos (1899); Lohr (1901);
Baumann (1903). The form and style are in many respects similar to
those found in the first pieces (chaps. I and 2). The poem consists of three
stanzas of nine trimeters each. These stanzas present in common a remark-
able symmetry, each falling logically into three subdivisions; the first and
second are strictly parallel throughout: —

nini 1J^N ■'jnid no nin< ■>:■!« ijNin na

'3J isv [nin>] njm anS snp njni

ifpVn mSy nSnna nin> >jin CNa

rhya htn iriM nan oinn'nN VaNni

ynsn atrypN Sjn'? pSnn pn dSsni

Nj-nSo nin^ ijnK -\dni Nj~'7in nini ijin isn^ '

Nin jiLjp 13 apy^ Dip> 'D Nin pap >3 app> Dip'' id

nxfSy nin> onj tnt Sy nirT" onj

nini noN n'-nn nS nin> idn n>nn"N'7 wn oj

Of the nine lines five in each are practically the same; in the remaining
four there is a similarity of plan; cf. njm, line 2, the forms of Son in lines
4 and 5; and the same logical division comes at the end of each triplet. Con-
cerning the corrections of the text, viz. (i) omission of I'^cn nj in.s c'pS njm
(v.i) and (2) the reading of dSdd nh •>nM (v.2), v.i. The third stanza is from
its nature essentially different, and yet the difference is one of thought rather
than of form. With the omission of v.^" {v.i.') the arrangement is as follows : —

■h iiay nijj I'Din n"? ijNin na

pnci nina icfoi asj '■jin njni

"lanni Ssntfi ■'cnprn '\yA ■n'-ai nmn-Sy

aina oyai"' nia Sy >nDpi i:!< Dit" "ijjn ••jin ^dnm

Sn-^-j" idj; aipa

* Note the suggestion of H. P. Smith, Old Testament History (1903), p. 211, that
these visions belong to the opening of Ames's ministry.

t (i) On the relationship of chs. 7-9 to those which have preceded, see Intro-
duction, p. cxxviii ; (2) on the nature of the vision and its use in prophecy, see
references on p. 388.

l60 AMOS

"VII. 1-3. A vision of destroying locusts, whose destructive work
is stayed by Yahweh upon the prophefs urgent intervention.

1. ixr] (S iTTiyovri = ix; (so also Ba., Hoffm., Gu,, We.^, Marti); so ^ and C
nna. Insert rtyn-' as subject of ixr (so Oort, Now., Elh.). — nSnn] Baumann
om. — ^SD^ nj inN cp'? njm] Read pS for Ji^ph (so Hoffm., We., Lohr;
Che., Cri(. Bib.; Marti). (5 /3/3o0xos efy Fojy 6 /3o(rtXei;s; 'A. 6\l/i./xos diria-u)
TT]S 7df)7S ToO PcKrcXicos ; S. /cai ws elirelv S^pifios ixera ttjv Kovpav toO
^a(ri\4us; 0. kuI t'Soi) 6if'i/xos fxera Tr]v Kovpav tov jSacrtX^ws. Gr. \^J pn u'iI'S.
Oort, |i^^ for C'pS (so Val.). Elh. pS^n >aj inx njni. Volz (T/iLZ. XXV.
1900, p. 292) iripSDn r\)i nnx c'p'^ni ; cf. Marti. Schmidt (-ffi?. 4332), ju iSd
or i^nn ju. Che. (Crii. Bid.) S^pni ani na-ixi pS' njn\ This phrase is an
explanatory insertion not belonging to the original text, as appears from
the form, the thought, and the strophic structure (so Now., Baumann). —
2. nSa DN ^^^1] Read nSpp sn ^n^i (so Torrey, /BL. XIII. 63; We.^,
Dr., Oort, £m.; Lohr; cf. GK. 112 uu; but cf. Baumann). We.^ ana ti^i.
Now. nti-Na mm or 13 in^ (so Elh.). Val. as inii. Oet. ^n;n = ijn (cf. Je. 18^).
Volz, ^^^[S] nS iDvyi. Baumann and Marti om. hSd dn. — Nj-nSo] (§
iXeus yevov; "S propiiitis esto, obsecro ; & "^ "■ Gr. ^^"Sin, as in v.^. —
Dip^ ^d] (SSF = Hiph'Il (so also Os., Dathe, Gr., Seb., Oet.). S. tI &u
virocTT-qa-eTai 'Iokc6/3. Cf. the frequently occurring phrase a''pD ps (e.g. 5^).
Oort, mp'D for Dip^ dd (so Val., Now. (?), Elh., Oct.); but the text
may well stand. — 3. onj] <S fieravSTja-ov = ani (Vol.) or onjn (Va.) ; so
^ ov-kaSTi]. U tnisertus est ; 'A. ■wapeKK-qdr]; 2. TrapaK\-^6rjTi.

1. 77zz^j- //zi? Z(?;'rt^ Yahweh showed me'] This is the uniform
introduction to all the visions except the fifth (9'). There is
no evidence to show whether the vision came in a dream, or in
ecstasy. Indeed, it is not necessary to suppose that either of
these methods was employed. They are, nevertheless, real
visions, since the writer clearly distinguishes between them (to-
gether with the fourth vision in 8^"*) and the historical episode in
^10-17^ — Yahweh was forming] Cf. Gn. 2'. To supply Yahweh as
the subject brings the form of expression into harmony with the
corresponding line of the second stanza, and makes unnecessary
the reading of na;; (^formation, breed) instead of the participle,
although this is favored by (©S2E and many scholars {v.s^. The
participle shows that the action was not yet finished. — Locusts]
Perhaps, here, locusts in the larval stage.* Reference was made

* See Dr., pp. 82-91 (= Excursus on Locusts), and, in addition to the literature
Ihere cited, art. " Locusts," in DB, and EB.

vn. 1-2 i6i

in 4^ to the sending of locusts for the purpose of bringing Israel
to see the error of her ways. This was, of course, an act of mercy
on the part of Yahweh. But here the mercy " appears not in
sending the locusts, but in withdrawing them before they had
utterly destroyed the vegetation of the country. It is the same
plague viewed from two slightly different standpoints, from the
first of which appears the active, from the second the passive side
of the divine mercy." * — In the beginning of the coming up of the
aftergrowth'^ The ' aftergrowth ' was either ( i ) the second growth,
the first being cut off, as here, for taxes, or for royal use,t or
(2) a later grass which started up in March and April under the
influence of the late spring rains. \ Ordinarily grass was not
cut and made into hay, but was eaten, as it grew, by the
cattle. § Perhaps, however, in this case, it had been allowed to
grow for the king's levy for the support of the cavalry. || —
And behold there were full-grown locusts after the king's mow-
ings'] This is undoubtedly a gloss {v.s.) intended to fix more
definitely the exact time of the invasion of locusts. Does this
mean the h'ng's mowings, which, as suggested above, were levied
for the army, the people making no use of the grass until
this levy had been taken away?^ This seems satisfactory, yet
some take ''13 in the sense of shearings, the time designated being
the time of the king's sheepshearing.** The translation locusts
involves a change of text based upon (§ {t.ks.). JHST has after-
growth. The appearance of the larvae of the locust in the
beginning of the coming up of the aftergrowth, and of fully
developed locusts after the king's mowings, is intended to rep-
resent a destruction of herbage which threatened to be complete,
since the latter appeared at a time when the rains were all past
and the summer heat was just beginning. — 2. A?id when they
were making an etid of devouring] Mitchell contends (i) that
.Tm should be retained instead of the proposed ^T^ ; (2) that it

* Mit. t Jus., New., Or., et al. % Mit., GAS., Now.

§ Burckhardt, Travels in Syria, 246 ; so Mit., Now., and others ; but see
Gun. {TkSt. XVIII. 222 f.), who questions the statement that hay was unknown in
Palestine, and that Z'p> cannot mean aftergrowth, and cites Ps. 372 726 90^ to show
that two growths of grass were customary, || WRS. Sem. 246.

H Ros., Ew., Ba., Now., Dr, ** Hoffm.. Mit.

M

1 62 AMOS

has the inchoative force (cf. Is. 4^) ; (3) that to suppose that
the locusts would first devour the herbage and then proceed
to the grass is to make a distinction between SWV and VJph
(viz. vegetables and grass) * which, does not exist, and also
to ignore the habits of locusts, who devour everything as they
go. rrm = and it was co??iing to pass, i.e. an act not yet com-
pleted. This is better than the suggestion f to substitute DID for
DK ; but the reading n'??^ xn '.TT. {v.s.) is adopted here as being
still more plausible. — Forgive'] i.e., Israel has sinned; the locusts
have been sent to punish ; the punishment having been inflicted
in part, forgive now the sins on account of which it was sent. —
How can Jacob stand] The interrogative 'tt is used here as in
Is. 51^* = as who, i.e. in what conditiori is Jacob that he should
stand? J The reading dp"' (z;.i-.) = who shall raise up Jacob? is
not necessary; nor is 'a used in apposition with the subject. §
Cf. the reading Dipja (z/.j.). — For he is small] Notwithstanding
his boasts he is insignificant in the sight, not only of God, but also
of men. — 3. Yahweh repented him concerning this] The usual
anthropomorphic expression ; cf. v.^ i S. 15^ Jon. 3^ Gn. 6^ Jo. 2".
— It shall not be] The utter destruction proposed will not take
place. Perhaps sufficient infliction has now been given to bring
Israel to a realization of his sins. Cf. the similar description of
Yahweh's method of work with Israel in chap. 4.

The first vision describes graphically a visitation of locusts sent

\ upon Israel as a punishment, which, however, because of the

\ intervention of the prophet was stayed before it had completely

<, devoured the land. The prophet had in mind, according to

(some, an attack of locusts ; || according to others, an Assyrian
invasion, viz. that of Pul or Tiglathpileser III.,^ or past punish-
ment, of whatever kind, which had been only partial.**

1.

1. 'ui njni] The equivalent of an obj. clause. K6. 361^. — ''ai] From the

root naj (not found as such) meaning ^rt/Zifr / cf. l-AiSfc = N3J (whence xaj,
Is. T,&'^, pool, cisterti); Aram. N33. Three nominal forms occur: (i) i\ (in
pi.), Is. 33*; also (2) 2iJ, Na. 3^^; (3) 131J orig. vowels a, «; cf. GK. 86?;
01s. 216^; Sta. 190 and 301 a. — nj] Hoffm. and Mit. render shearings, main-

*Hi., Ke. JGeb., Ros., Hd. ; K6. 332?. || Pu., Mit., Dr. ** We.

t We. § Hi., Dr. II Har., Dathe, Ros., Hd.

VII. 2-4 i63

taining (i) that mowing and haymaking are and always have been unknown
in Palestine, (2) that u = fleece in Dt. 18* Jb. 31'-°, and in Ps. 72^ ^eece
suits better than meadow. But as We. suggests, (l) the king's shearing
would take place at the same time as that of other people, and the added
genitive would be superfluous, (2) the rendering mowing is made probable
by its occurrence in Arabic. However, Assyrian gizzu is always = shearing,
wool. — 2. n^ni] If correct, freq. Dr. § 120; H. 25, i a; but better as above.

— SaxS rhya] On the use of the infinitive, GK. 1 14 w; Ew.* 285 c; H. 29, 4 a.

— 3. Dm] Niph. pf. ; cf. Ar. t»^<i = to sigh deeply., groan ; with S;; as in
v.^ Je. 8® Ex. 32^2, etc., sometimes with Sn Je. 26', and with a clause intro-
duced by ■>;, Gn. 6*'*'. — pkt] This thing; fem. = neut. GK. \22.q.; H. 2, 3;
not because it refers to z. plague. — n'lnri] Fem.; cf. hnt.

4:-6. A vision of destroying fire, whose destructive work is stayed
by Yahweh tipon the prophet^ s urgetit intervention.

4. C'Na 3>nS N-tp •r\'iT^<\ (3 for 3''-\S has ttjv 81k7]v; B t^i ViN; ^ pD^;
0. Koi 6 KaXuJj' TT]v dlK7]v, H if/' ecce vocabat judicium ad ignem. Ew. inter-
prets (so Hi., We., Now.) vsnp as = nnp (Is. 341*). Krenkel {ZwTh. IX.
271) trx o^Ji'?; cf. Dt. 32^; so Oort {ThT. XIV. 121, and £"w.), Val. ; but
as Oet. says, a^2i is not so used, the usage being as in Gn. 19-*, vn T>aDD.
Gr. !:'N3 ijJ^S. Hoffm. B'N3 :^-h or rx 33^S; cf. Ps. 18'*. Elh. and Hal.,
va nanS, flame of fire. Oet. 2-\p^. Riedel, vn aor'? (Jb. 18^). — ijnN] Gr. cm.
as dittog. — 'jaxm] Elh, Saxn -idn-'I. — pSnn] © adds KvpLov, cf. Dt. 32^
U inserts simul. Krenkel, San hni {ZwTh. IX. 271; so Ooxt, Em. \ Val.,
Oct.). Hoffm. pSnn. — 5. Nj-'?nn] StZT render in same way as NrnSo v.2. —
6. n>nn nS] (§ in v.^, ou/c ecrrai, here oi5 jutj yivrjrai. — 'n> 'N icn] S om. as
in V.8.

4. 7%^ Lord Yahweh was calling to contend by fire"] Cf. Is. 66^^
Yahweh is now in open controversy with his people. This repre-
sentation is not infrequent ; cf. Is. 3^^ Je. 2^ Ho. 4^ Mi. 6'^. Call-
ing, as in 5^ 9^, = giving command. Cf. also Is. 48'^ Jb. 38^.
It is Yahweh who is calling, not an angel,* and the command is
that punishment shall be inflicted by fire ; in other words, " fire
is called into the quarrel." t Other suggestions are as follows A
caUing (Israel) to strife with fire ; J one called that the Lord I
Yahweh would punish with fire. § The reference in any case is I
not to war, || but, as the context plainly shows, to summer heat \ 1
which results in drought. If K"ip is taken as = TTp (v.s.), the I

* Ew. t GAS. t Ba. { Ew. || Hd. II We.. Mil.

164 AMOS

meaning is (cf. Dt. 25" Is. 34") Yahtveh meets {i.e. comes near)
to strive ; but in favor of the ordinary interpretation is (i) the
phrase in Am. 5^, (2) the parallel in Is. 48^^; cf. Jb. 38^; it is
true, however, that these are all late passages. — And it devoured
the deep] So intense is the drought that the great subterranean
depths which supply the springs and streams with water are dried
up.* Cf. Gn. 7^^ Dt. 33^^ Ps. 24-. For similar droughts, cf.
Jo. i^^- ^° Ps. 83^* Is. 9^^t There is no reference to large bodies
of water like the Jordan. J Elh. suppUes "and he said," and then
reads : " it shall devour the great deep and it shall devour the
land." — And had begun to devour the land~\ This has been under-
stood as meaning the land of Israel, i.e. the portion assigned by
Yahweh to his people (cf. Mi. 2^ and npbn in Am. 4^ ; § by others,
as the cultivated land (cf. Mi. 2^ 2 K. Q^o.aef.-^ ^ p •\^^^ jf ^g under-
stand the framework of the land in distinction from sea, i.e. that
which is apportioned to man for cultivation,^ we obtain the climax
which Wellhausen fails to see.**

The first and second visions are parallel with the list of inflic-
tions in 4^^^ ; others might have been added, but these two were
typical of all the efforts which had been made to turn Israel from
her evil way. The fire may have been intended to represent a
more severe punishment than that which the locusts repre-
sented.fl While there is no reference to an Assyrian inva-
sion, J} the two represent every past judgment which has befallen
Israel. These visions are not premonitions of coming disaster, §§
■■but rather interpretations of actual afflictions. || ||

4. anS] Davidson translates, calling fire into the quarrel ; but see GAS.,
p. no; H. 47, 30'; Ew.8 338a. — S'Nj] On force of art., cf. K6. 299 f. —
nvi"! ijin] On peculiar position, cf. Ew.^ 306 </. — oinn nx] On use of nx and
absence of art., Ko. 293 c; cf. Ko. 249 i, on feminine gender. — n'^jNi] in con-
tin, of SoNHi is peculiar; cf. GK. 112//; Dr. § 120 n; Ko. 370/ = it had just
begun to eat, i.e. incipient impf, with pluperfect idea. Cf. Gun. ( T/iSt.
XVIII. 223 f.), who regards this as indefensible (either a slip of the pen or
an incorrect phrase) and would read Sdnhi. — 6. nih'dj] Emph.

* Hoffm., We., Mif., GAS., Now. ij Geb., Ros., Hi., GAS., Dr.

t Thomson, TAe Land and the Book, II. 228. || Now.

J Geb., Ba. H Gal., GAS.

** Krenkel's suggestion of San, the world, is unnecessary, §§ Or.

■ft Cal., Dr. XX Geb., and many others. |||| GAS.

VII. 4-7 l65

7-9. A vision of the plumb-line^ whose destruction is permitted

to become complete.

7. •'JK^n] Add "|J^N with @F (so Oort, Em.; Lohr, Oct.). — ijn nmn]
Read nnin, and om. i^x (so Oort, Gr., Now., Elh., Lohr, Oct.). Val. hdj^.
Hal. fiN 'n. Riedel sugg. that ijn is an abbreviation of nsjN, a pun being
intended here as in 8^. — IJn] ® dSa/aayrlvoi/, a.ha.)ia.%; so %; 'A. 7d«'wo'ts;
0. TTjKdfievov ; U litufn, and irulla caenientarii. — 3XJ 'J^^<] (5 om. 'JiN
(so Lohr); ^^Q""? and Syr. -Hex., avT/p iffrrjKws. Hirscht explains (@'s
treatment of 'jiN as due to the influence of the similar form in \s}- * and
8^, and perhaps also to a desire to avoid the anthropomorphism of fSl®.

— 8a. is a gloss. — ''Jin ncNM] Oort (Em.) adds iSn. — ii3j;] Hal. sugg. i9?.

— 9. pna'i] (5 toO yiXojros ; so &. 2. toO 'laKw^ (cf. a similar change by <3
in v.^^). — la-ipD] (5 al TeXerai. Lohr adds nini dxj at close of v.

7. 77/(? Z<7n/ stationed beside a wall'\ ffilST reads plumb-wall,
but this is very difficult.* According to this interpretation the
picture represents the Lord as a builder, and describes his char-
acter. The wall beside which he stands is a token of his work,
i.e. it is built by a plumb-line ; it is an ideal wall. It is only this
kind of work which he will countenance. His work must be
exact. t But all this is exactly contrary to facts, since the wall is
condemned. The rendering of "];« by " adamant," % referring to
the unchangeableness of God's decrees, or by " sling " § as more
striking and as representing (v.^) the beginning of war, or by
" plaster " || may not be accepted. The " wall " can hardly be
taken allegorically as representing the people of Israel ; nor is the
plumb-line intended to signify the law or revelation.^ It is
equally impossible to render the phrase " wall together with a
plumb-line " or a " wall built to the plummet." ** We may there-
fore suppose that the word " plummet," which occurs legitimately
in the next phrase, has crept in here by mistake. — IVith a plumb-
line in his hand'\ i.e. the purpose of the builder is to test the
character of the wall, in order to determine whether it has been
built thoroughly and exactly (cf. Is. 28'^. There is here an antici-
pation of the work of destruction which is to be spoken of later,
for walls were destroyed by plumb-line, i.e. thoroughly ff (La. 2^
Is. 34" 2 K. 21^'). It is not enough to understand that the plumb-

* Cf. We. + ffifS, Stru. || Schegg. ** Ke., GAS., Dr.

t Cf. Sm. SK., 1876, pp. 622 f. n. \ Staudlin. IT Geb. tt Hi., Pu.

1 66 AMOS

line indicates the measurement of that part of the wall which is
to be destroyed.* — 8. / a;« setting a plumb-line in the midst of
my people Israel'] The builder will test the structure, and that
which does not stand the test shall be destroyed (cf, texts cited
above) . — And I will not again pass by them any more] In the
former visions Yahweh had permitted the intercession of the
prophet, but now any request to this effect is anticipated and shut
off. To pass by or over is to pardon (Mi. 7^* Pr. 19"). Hoffmann's
translation of "iiDU by " harvest " has nothing in its favor. — 9. 77/1?
high places'] Down to the days of Josiah the nation worshipped
Yahweh regularly and legitimately upon the so-called high places. f
These were natural or artificial eminences chosen as being nearer
the abode of the gods. Other nations had followed this same
custom (Dt. 1 2-; cf. also Is. 15^ 16^-, and the Mesha-stone, 1. 3).
On these high places, an altar was raised, which was attended by
priests (i K. 12^^*^- i3^^*^'). When, in and after Josiah's time, the
centralization of the worship had been effected, in connection with
the publication and acceptance of Deuteronomy, a ban was placed
upon worship at the high places. But in the days of Amos this
centralization had not taken place. When, therefore, he speaks
reprovingly of the worship conducted at these places, it is not
because of the many places as distinguished from one place, but
because of the unsatisfactory (^i.e. unspiritual, perfunctory) char-
acter of the worship. — Of Isaac] A synonym used by Amos alone
for Israel. It may include Judah, but not Edom. \ Many sugges-
tions have been made touching the use here of this word, e.g.
(i) because Isaac's example was often quoted in support of this
idolatrous practice ; § (2) with reference to the meaning of the
word " mockery" as descriptive of the worship here conducted || ((§,
followed by Jerome and Theodoret, treats the word as an appella-
tive, "mockery") ; (3) for the altar at Beersheba, built by Isaac
(Gn. 26^^), greater antiquity and authority were claimed than for
the worship at Jerusalem ; ^ (4) to contrast " their deeds with the
blameless, gentle piety of Isaac." ** The spelling pn'tT"' for pVT,

* Ew.

t See my Constr. Studies in the Priestly Element iti the O. 71, pp. 74 ff., and
literature cited on pp. 78 ff. Now. Heb. Arch. II. 12-14.

+ So We. \ Cal., Os. || Geb. U Har. ** Pu.

VII. 8-9 1 67

found in v.^^ and in Ps. 105^ Je. 33"®, has been thought to be pro-
vincial,* and to cast ridicule on the idol-worship. f — And the
sanctuaries of Israel shall be laid waste'\ The exactness of the
parallelism is to be noted; J but the order is chiastic. — A?id
I will rise tip agaijist the house of Jeroboarti with the sword^
Cf. Ho. i^ Drought was the punishment pictured in the first ,
vision, locusts in the second, and now the sword in the third ; cf. 1
the parallel in 4^". The prediction is plainly one against Jero-
boam's dynasty; the great destruction is coming in Jeroboam's,
time ; and, in the prophet's mind, the destruction of the dynasty^
and that of Israel are synonymous. The ruin of Jeroboam's house \
is not an incident in the general destruction, but the climax. The/
sword stands for the Assyrian army; cf 6". The application in.
the third vision is made directly to Israel. One application serves
for all three visions.

7. 31;:] Indicates something more formal and fixed than ncy (Dr.). —
1JN niji] Characteristic Hebrew idiom, cf. Is. 66" 2 S. 16^ Zc. 2° 2 Ch. 26^^
For order of words in circ. cl. cf. H. 45 rm. (d); K6. 362^; GK. 156^. On
meaning of ^jn, cf Lag, BN., p. 175, 1. 5 ; Jensen, Ilittiier u. Armenier,
p. 209; Dl. HWB. p. loi ; Riedel, p. 31. — 8. or ■■jj-i] Ptcp. refers to
present, not to future time. — niy fj^Dix n'^] Usual idiom to express the idea
of doing (or not doing) a thing once more, e.g. ^ 7^^ Dt. 5^^ Gn. S^'- Is. 23'^,
etc. — S "o;"] Pass by, forgive, cf. a">p3 nay (5^")> P^^^ through, destroy. —
9. ic'i:'j] Other words expressing the idea of waste, desolation are Jin, 3ni,
nia*, nxc. — anna] 2 of instrument.

§ 12. An Accusation and a Reply. 7^'*'''.

(i) The priest of Bethel, to whose ears have come the words
of Amos's utterances, charges him to the king as a conspirator ;
and, acting doubtless for the king, orders him to leave Bethel,
the king's headquarters, and return to Judah.

(2) The prophet Amos, in reply to the charges of the priest,
asserts that he is not one of the prophetic guild, but a herdsman
sent by Yahweh directly to speak to Israel ; and, acting as
Yahweh's spokesman, declares the fate of the priest, his family,
and his country.

* Va., Schro. t Ros.

1 68 AMOS

This passage has always until recently (see my strophic arrangement in
BW., Nov. 1898, pp. 333-8) been taken as a piece of historical prose thrown
in between the first and second groups of visions. It is clear that it is an
episode growing out of former utterances of Amos (cf. Riedel's suggestion
that yio-i^ was placed after 7^ because the name Jeroboam occurs nowhere else
in the book). At first sight it would seem to be prose ; and yet mere prose
would scarcely be expected even in an episode if we remember (i) the
very early date of the work of Amos, and the tendency, at this early date,
to describe all events in poetry; cf. Ju. chap. 5, Ex. 15^"^^; (2) the fact that
Amos in his introductory address, which was prosaic enough from one point
of view, and very monotonous, nevertheless adopted the poetic form and
worked out the various statements in so careful a manner as to make them
seem almost artificial. If, now, we note still further (3) the many parallelisms
which the passage contains ; (4) the logical division into two parts (vs.i'*-!^
and vs.^^^^) ; (5) the triple division of the first part, viz. v.i° six lines, v.^^
three lines, vs.^"^- ^^ six lines ; (6) the similar triple division of the second
part, viz. vs.^*- ^^ six lines, v.^® three lines, v.i" six lines ; and (7) the measure
of the first part, regular trimeter, and that of the second, regular tetrameter, we
have sufficient data for supposing that this was originally intended to be poetry.
The artistic skill which put the accusation in a trimeter movement, and the
strong and terrible reply in the heavier and statelier tetrameter is charac-
teristic of Amos. The symmetry is throughout extraordinary. Lohr (1901)
also maintains the poetical character of this narrative and arranges it in five
strophes of four lines each, the introductory statements in vs.1012. w. 17 being
regarded as prose : str. i = vs.^"- " ; str. 2 = vs.^- ^^ ; str. 3 = vs}*- ^^ ; str. 4
= v.^^ ; str. 5 = v.i^. But this arrangement involves (i) the omission of
nini -hn noNii from v.^^ ; (2) the omission of inniN Sj;d nSji nVj SNiif m from
^•■^^J (3) considerable irregularity in the length of lines; (4) the treat-
ment of noN npN as a line, although the corresponding line, nin> idn no pS,
in v.i' is not counted. Elhorst (1900) treats the passage as poetry and
arranges it in three strophes : (i) vs.^*^'^ = 18 lines ; (2) vs.^^-^^" = 6 hnes;
(3) v.^"' = 3 lines. This arrangement exhibits neither symmetry nor logic.
See also Baumann's strophic arrangement. For a discussion of the authen-
ticity and date of this portion of the book of Amos v. pp. cxxiv, cxxix.

10. Pd] 2E X3T as usual. — T-'P] S, dv^in<rev dvarapaffa-o, a corruption of
iTTolTja-ev &vTap<nv (v. Field, Hex^. — 11. HID"'] Gr. adds n\3. — 12. nfn]
@ 6 opCiv; U qui vides. — an"? . . . S^n] © Kara^tov. — 13, Nin] Lohr and
Baumann om. the second time. — 14, ^DJn] OS om. the second (so also
Lohr and Baumann). — ipi3] Lit, cow-hei-d, is inconsistent with }NS in
v,^^ and must therefore either be changed to "ipu, cf, l^ (so Hi,, Gr.,
We., Gun., Mit., Dr., Now., Oort, Ein.\ Elh., Lohr, Oct., Baumann), or be
taken in a general sense, the larger including the lesser. — D''Spa' oSm]
S, exw (rvKOfx.6povs. ST NnSeub '''7 pcpti'i, and adds "because of the sins of
the people Israel, I afflict my soul," — 15. nnxn] @ e/c; 3J cum sequerer.

VII. lo-ii 169

— Sn] S = Sy (so also Elh., Oort, Em.; Oct.). — 16. n'on nS] @ oiJ /n^;
6xXa7w7^<rets, perhaps = iSxn (Vol.), cf. SST, 1'''7n (z/. Seb. m loc). U «(?«
stillahis; S. oi^k ^Trtrt/iTjo-eis ; 'A. ou (rraXd^ets = fHC — pn^i] @ 'laK(vl3;
'B'ilL = v.^ — 17 a. nj?n T'J.'J] Hoffm.'s reading, njm 1^2, is unnecessary, and
is rightly objected to by Gun. because : (i) -\'J = "ix only in Aramaic (Dn. 4I6) ;
(2) njT with 3 is not used to express such an action; (3) other words, e.g.
bw, are regularly used to denote violation of this sort ; (4) ffl® is per-
fectly clear. Hal. njyn. — 176. Lohr and Baumann om. last clause, ©adds,
from beginning of chap. 8, the words : o'vtws tdei^i fxoi Kvpios.

10. And Amazia/i the priest of Bethel'^ This outbreak led by
the priest, perhaps a high priest (certainly not the only priest),
was provoked by the scathing words which now for some time
Amos had been preaching. It is not impossible to suppose that
the interruption was due immediately to the utterance of v.^*
But from the beginning the prophet had antagonized the priestly
order. The interests of the priest were identical with those
of the king. — Amos has conspired against thee'\ The prophet is
not charged with having entered into actual conspiracy ; but
rather with conduct of a deceitful and seditious character which
would produce conspiracy. — The land is not able to contain all
his words'^ Either the land is too small,! the prophet's words
being too many and too atrocious ; or, the people cannot endure
the prophet's work, because it is so hostile, the priest thus pro-
claiming in hyperbolical fashion his own thought as that of the
people. — 11. Jeroboam shall die by the sword'\ The words of
Amos here quoted by the priest contain only the subject of his
preaching, and this, indeed, is given in a form which would be
most likely to incite the king, for it will be noted that (i) the
actual statement of Amos was not personal ; he said the house
of Jeroboam (7"), J although, while Jeroboam was still alive he was
the principal member of the house ;§ (2) the reasons for Amos's
words are not given, viz. Israel's sins and the prophet's inter-
cession. Perhaps, on the other hand, no concise statement of
this kind could be more accurate, and it may therefore be an
injustice to charge the priest with distorting or perverting the
prophet's words. || — Israel shall surely go away into captivity\

* Ke., We. t Va., Ros., Hd., Dr. \ Hi., Ke., We.

\ Os., Geb., Har., Jus., Schro., Pu. || So Now.; per contra GAS., Dr.

I/O AMOS

These words had been uttered by the prophet many times;
cf. 5^-^ 6^ — 12. And Amaziah spoke unto Amos'] This message
was sent by the priest to Amos, either (i) because his words
to the king produced no effect, and he was compelled there-
fore to act upon his own authority;* or (2) after the message
had been sent to the king and before the answer had been
returned ; in this case they were prompted by a friendly desire
to have the prophet avoid the king's wrath, f or, as seems most
plausible, (3) on the authority of the king, the statement to that
effect being omitted ; J such ellipses in conversation are very
common; cf. Is. f^^^. There is no evidence (4) that an un-
satisfactory answer had been received from the king, and is
left unmentioned because it was unsatisfactory. § — O thou Seer/]
Cf. the rendering, visionary. || The history of nm is brief: Tf in
pre-exilic literature it is used only of Gad (2 S. 24^^ cf. i Ch. 21^) ;
in later Hterature it occurs 2 Ch. 29-^ (Gad), i Ch. 25^ (Heman),
2 Ch. 9^ 12^^ (Iddo), 19^ (Jehu, son of Hanani), 29^*° (Asaph),
35^^ (Jeduthun), and (in the plural) Is. 2910301° Mi. 3^ 2 Ch. 331*- ^l
The other word translated seer, nxh, is said (i S. 9^) to be the
oldest designation for prophet, and is used as a title only of
Samuel (i S. gSn-isia i Ch. 9^2 2^"" 2<f), of Hanani (2 Ch. id^-i"),
and in plural. Is. 301°. Amos had just announced three visions ;
it was appropriate to apply to him this title ; ** but it is also
probable that mockery was intended, much as if we should say,
" O thou gazer ! " ft — Go, flee thee to the land of Judah] This
is not the advice of a friend ; but the command of one in au-
thority. In Judah, the prophet's own land, he might say con-
cerning Israel what he pleased. — Eat bread there and prophesy
there] To understand this it must be noted (i) that in the ear-
lier days there were soothsayers, rather than prophets, J \ whom
the people consulted about the affairs of life, making a gift for
the privilege of the consultation (cf. i S. 9^"*) ; (2) that these
soothsayers constituted local guilds {i.e. the schools of the proph-
ets), and, for the most part, restricted their work to a particular
locaUty, securing their liveHhood by means of the gifts received,

* Dr. t Ros. t Ew, § Cal. || GAS. H See Dr., p. 206.

** Dahl, Mit., Dr., Da. {DB. IV. 109). ft Merc, Jus., Ros., Hd., Dr.

XX Cf. Da., art. " Prophecy and Prophets," DB.

VII. 12-14 171

i.e. from charity; (3) that in later times the great mass of
the so-called prophets were only soothsayers of this character,
receiving rewards from the people for speaking according to
their wishes (cf. Is. 301° Mi. 3^ Ez. 13^^ i K. 22^3 Je. zi'^'-'^ 28^-^
2(f^) ; (4) that, in every case, those whom time has shown to
be true prophets were, like Amos, bold in their utterance, and
regardless of public opinion. The priest is anxious to dismiss
Amos, for he supposes him to be a soothsayer, and therefore
one who is in sympathetic touch with the masses of the people,
and these, as always, are ready to rise against those who are
in authority. He orders him to go to Judah, where he will have
no difficulty in making a livelihood by uttering invectives against
Israel, for the people of Judah will be pleased to hear of any
calamity which threatens Jeroboam II. — 13. Buf at Bethel thou
shalt no longer prophesy\ Cf. 2'^. Then follow two reasons for
this banishment : (i) Bethel is the place of the king's sanctuary,
i.e. the principal headquarters in the kingdom for the national
religion ; and (2) it is the royal residence ; these, of course,
were the very reasons why Amos desired to preach in this place. —
14. And Amos answered and said^ With these words the move-
ment leaves the lighter trimeter, and becomes a heavier, more
sonorous tetrameter. The opening words are strong : / am no
prophet, nor a p7'ophet''s son, etc."] " Amos was the founder and
the purest type of a new phase of prophecy."* The use of the
past tense, / was no prophet, etc. {i.e. when I was called), to
avoid a contradiction f with v.^"', is based upon a misconception
of the meaning of the prophet's words, which is, " I am not a
prophet by profession, nor am I a member of a prophetic guild." J
The Hteral use of the phrase, prophet's son, has been defended §
on the ground that among false prophets the office was trans-
mitted from father to son ; but for this no evidence exists. The
other interpretation depends upon (i) the general use of the
word " son " in Semitic in the sense of belonging to, (2) the name
applied to the companies of prophets at Bethel, Gilgal, etc.
(cf. I K. 20^ 2 K. 2^-^-^-^^, etc.). — A shepherd am /] See on i\

» We. Prol. 472. t So ©S, Ros., Schro., AV., RV., Dr.

t Far, Cal., Mau., Hd., Ke., We., Mit., Dr.. GAS. § Har.

172 AMOS

— And a dresser of syca?nores'\ This occupation was of the
lowest in rank, and, joined with that of herdsman, it indicates the
humble origin of the prophet. Dbl3 has been thought * to refer
to the " piercing " of the fruit in order that it might ripen ; but
the verb is better understood as signifying " to tend or dress
the fruit of the sycamores" {v.i.). This fruit resembles a small
fig, although it is very insipid in taste. The tree "grew abun-
dantly in the mild climate of the Shephelah, or Maritime Plain
(i K. lo^ I Ch. 2.7^*), as it does still in that of the deep Jordan
valley; in Egypt, where it also grew (Ps. 78*^), and where it is
found still, its wood was used for doors, boxes, coffins, and articles
of furniture (Wilkinson-Birch, Anc. Eg. II. 416). It attains the
size of a walnut tree, has wide-spreading branches, and, on account
of its shade, is often planted by the wayside (Lk. 19*). The fruit
grows, not on the branches, but on little sprigs rising directly
out of the stem, and in clusters like the grape — it is something
like a small fig in shape and size, but insipid and woody in
taste" (Driver, p. 207).! — 15. Go, prophesy against my people,
Israel^ It was while he was following his occupation that the mes-
sage of Yahweh came to him, a message which he could not refuse
to obey, a command, indeed, to go north to Israel, and to preach
against her. The prep. "^K is euphemistic for h^ (cf v}^'). This
usage in a bad sense (cf. Je. 26" *'^- 28* Ez. 6^) is clearly indicated
by the context. J "There is a note of yearning" in the suffix
V of ^ay (cf. " thy " in 9^^). § — 16. Now, therefore^ All that has
been said thus far is preliminary, the real word is yet to be
spoken. — Thou sayest] A marked antithesis is made between the
thou sayest of Amaziah and the Yahweh hath said (v.^^). — Thou
shalt not preach'\ P|!33 in Hiph. is here first used of prophecy
(cf. Mi. 2«" Ez. 2i2-^ Jb. 2922 also Ct. 41" Dt. 322). The transfer
of drop to preach may rest upon the idea that the word of
prophecy drops refreshingly like dew upon the obedient, weari-
somely upon the disobedient ; || or, better, may have been suggested
by the flow of prophetic speech when in the ecstasy.^ The
verb is here essentially synonymous with K^J of the parallel clause,

* ©TJ, Ba. ; cf. Lagarde, Mit. I. 68 f. ; Che. in WRS. Proph. 396 ; Mit., Dr.
t Cf. G. E. Post, art. " Sycamore," DB. || Pu.

X Mau., We. J Mit. U Dr.

VII. 14-17 173

and does not carry with it any contemptuous idea. — 17. Thy
wife shall be a harlot in the city\ This does not imply that she
is already one of the mnp of Baal ; * or that she shall enter
voluntarily into whoredom, in order to obtain her accustomed
luxuries ; f or that she will be seduced by the conquerors ; \ but
that she shall be forcibly ravished, § and that in the city, i.e. in
public (cf. i^^ Is. 13^® La. 5" Zc. 14-), the disgrace being all the
greater. || — Thy sons and thy daughters shall fall by the sword'\
i.e. thy children. The daughters were generally taken as wives for
the soldiers, but the punishment is here extraordinary. — Thy land
shall be divided by line"] This distribution of land to colonists was
in accordance with the Assyrian policy after the time of Tiglath-
pileser III. (cf. 2 K. 17^^ Mi. 2^ Je. 6^-). The Hne was, of course,
the measuring-hne. — Thott shall die in an unclean soil~\ This
is characteristic of the early Israelitish thought. Any land in
which Yahweh was not present was unclean (i S. 26'^). More-
over, Yahweh could not be present, unless he could be properly
worshipped (cf. Ho. 9^-* Ez. 4^^).1[ The reference is probably
to Assyria. It was for this reason, in part, that no place of wor-
ship was established in Babylon during the exile. — Israel shall
surely go into captivity away from his land~\ The very words
(v.") with which Amaziah had charged him are now repeated.
This shows his daring. These words were, after all, the sum and
substance of his preaching. Perhaps he expected the captivity
immediately. In any case, about twenty-five years passes before
Tiglathpileser III. attacks Israel, and thirty-five before Samaria
is destroyed by Sargon.

y ^ ^

10. Sdip] From Sdi; cf. Arabic ijS\. The 1 of the preformative has
arisen through a depression of the vowel from Sy^ (ground-form yaukhal
= yawkhal') ; GK. 69 r; so K6. I. i, 36, 2; Bottcher, §475 f., Bickell, § n,
Stade, § 486. On the basis of the proper name '^3in« (Je. yf; cf. 38I), Ew.*
§127 /J, explains it as a Hoph. always used instead of the Qal. — ':"'3nS]
From another root, but similar in sound to "^dip. — 11. Jina] Emph. position;
chiastic order; and the emph. inf. ri'^i; cf. 5^ 7^'; GK. 113 «; Ew.^ §3i2a.
— 12. ma] Imv. fol. by another imv., and this by an impf., — a rare combi-

* Jus. ; cf. Har. t Ew. J Geb.

§ Gal., Ros., Mau., Hi., Hd., Pu., We., GAS., Now., Dr. || See RP. III. 51.

t Now. Arch. II. 275^; WRS. OTJC. 249 f.

1 74 AMOS

nation. — N3jn] GK. no/; H. 23, rm.(i). — -i*^] Eth. dat.; H. 39,7; Ew.^
§315 a; K6. 35. — 13. Sn'Oij] Emph. pos.; ace. of place. — Kin] Showing
that Sn'pij is masc, as are all names of towns in which nia appears; Ko.
2484:. — "iij; liDin ah'] Cf. 5^ 78 8^. — •\hr: B'^pn] Note omission of art. with
•]hr2 in this common phrase, cf. Da. § 22, rm. 3. — 14. I>"i] Here used in
the technical sense of retort, or reply to an accusation; cf. Jb. 98. H. 15. 32 153
etc. — dSio] The vb. seems to be a loan-word, being a denominative from

the Arabic ijj*X3, a fig, or Ethiopic balasa = fig, or sycamore (Di. Lex.
Aeth. col. 487; Lag. ^iV. 108), and evidently = /<? care for, or dress, figs,
or sycamores. (5 renders kvI^wv = scraping; 0. similarly (xctpdcrfrcoi') ; this,
perhaps, points to some process of nipping the fruit to aid it in maturing.
(Cf. Lag. Jl/it. I. 68 f.; Tristram, Nat. Hist. Bib. 399.) — 15. ijnpM] The
waw cons. = but. — idn nnN] In contrast with nin^ -\dn no.

§ 13. A fourth vision of destruction, with an explanatory
discourse. 8^".

(i) A vision of summer fruit, the ripeness of which indicates
that its end has come; 8^-. (2) An address: O ye who are
corrupt, who practise every manner of wrong-doing, against
whom the earth quaked, but in vain — the day is coming when
the sun shall be darkened, when slaughter shall prevail, when
mourning shall be universal, when a famine for the presence of
Yahweh shall fill the land, for he may not be found ; when the
strongest shall faint, when men shall swear by their gods, and
when they shall fall, never to rise. 8^«- ^ ^- ^ ^"^ ^- ^^- '^ ^- ^^^

This section is a logical unit. It is composed of seven strophes of trimeter
movement, each of six lines. Each strophe represents a step in the progress
of the thought: str. 1 (vs.^-^), the vision that the end has come; str. 2 (vs.'*'^),
a pointed arraignment of those who stand accused; str. 3 (vs.^*),the threat of
earthquake; str. 4 (vs.^-^), the darkening of the sun, the slaughter of multi-
tudes; str. 5 (v.i"), deep and universal mourning; str. 6 (vs.^i-^^^, the aban-
donment of his people by Yahweh ; str. 7 (vs.i^- w), despair, confusion,
destruction.

The most important modifications of the text are the following: (i) The
omission of v.-", — the question and answer, a gloss, after the style of Zecha-
riah, which has crept in and supplanted the original third line of the strophe.
This third line contained, perhaps, a further description of the yp 21*73, cf.
a similar expanded form in 4'^ 7^; (2) the transposition of v.^, describing the
wailing because of slaughter, to follow v.^, thus making with v.^ a complete
strophe. In its present place v.^ has no meaning, while, after v.^, it not only
continues the thought of terrible punishment, but prepares the way for the

VIII. 1-2 175

following strophe, which is wholly given up to the thought of mourning;
(3) the omission of v.^, which consists of the repetition, with slight changes,
of a***, and the gloss notyj na Seci; (4) the omission of the stereotyped
phrases in v.^": nin> ... run. Hal.'s transposition of vs.^i*"^^^ to precede
9I1 is at least unnecessary.

VIII. 1, 2. The fourth vision of destruction — the basket of
sufnmer fruit.

1. f'lp 3i'73] (5 (S770S l^evTov, perhaps = •<£'[}}> iS? (Schro.) ; 'A., Kaka.Bo%
6irtl)pa$ (=£fl2t); 2., KdXaixos OTrdjpas', 0., &770X dircbpas depiv^s; & j~«>^
]^? = Ti") liD, or Vi2 ^'^^ (Seb.); ST tta''^ ^bvD >?d JND; "E uncinus pomorum.

— 2. -idnm] 5 adds •>hi< nin\ — |>,->n] Hoffm. ntD (so Gu.).

1. Thus the Lord Yahweh showed me^ Each of the first four
visions begins with the same words. — A basket of sumtner fruit'\
The word mbs occurs only once outside of this passage, viz. in
Je. 5^^, where it is "cage" (cf. Assyr. kilubi, bird-net). The

word was doubtless a general term for receptacle (cf. ^^Jlj ,
stitch, braid'), used alike for cage or basket. The use of pp,
sunijuer fruit (cf. Je. 24^*^) is to be connected with the J^f? (end)
of v.^. The picture in the vision is suggested by the thought
concerning Israel. — 2. The end has come unto t?iy people Israel'^
The advance in thought between this and the former visions will
be noted. The end is now close. Paronomasia, or punning, is
not infrequent among the prophets.* "If ' is not to be supposed
that the words ^p and p"p are at all connected etymologically.f

— I wiU not again pass them by\ Cf. 7^ For v.^, v.i., p. 181.
This vision is really a reassertion of the thought contained im

the third vision, which had been interrupted. Three interpreta-/
tions are suggested: (i) As summer fruit, when ripe, may noi
last long, so Israel, ripe in her sins, shall now come to an end. y^
(2) As summer fruit is plucked when ripe, so that it may not rot,
so shall Israel be removed from home and carried into captivity. §
But it is better to adopt another, viz. (3) the summer fruit is late

* See Je. i"f- so^O- 34 5120 Ez. 2516 Mi. iW- Ho. i^ ; cf. Casanowicz, Paronomasia
in the O. T.

t Cf. Hoffm., who substitutes l>'>p for VPi and treats may as in 78.
\ So Cal., Mau., Now., Elh. § Merc, Ros., Hes., Schlier.

176 AMOS

and poor, the best being gathered earlier ; a receptacle containing
summer fruit shows the last of the crop, the end of the year, and,
by analogy, the approaching end of Israel's kingdom.*

4-6, 7f., 9 and 3, 10, 11 f., 13 f. An address, growing out
of the vision, directed to the corrupt and wicked Israelites, an-
nouncing the certain and immediate destruction of the nation,
v."* has no connection with v.'', which for this and other reasons
is transferred to follow v.^

4. D-'DNirn] Read D'>flN'E'n = who tread upon (so We., Now., Oet.). (g ol

iKTpl^ovTes ets t6 irpwl, the last three words being, perhaps, a dittog. of

p
iKTpl^ovTes (so Hirscht). S . > ' *■ « — nvp^'wn (Seb.), cf. C f'?''?''!- —

IV^n] S om. — niaB'Sl] S om.; (§ KaTa5vvaa-T€ioi>Tes; 0. Xi/ovres; "S deficere

facitis. Gr. HN pa'yS. Hoffm. nstJ'l?'!. Now. a^icvni (so Oort, jE'w./ Marti).

Oet. ni3E''^, omitting i (so Bewer, AJSL. XIX. ii6f., who considers it an

adverbial expression meaning altogether). Elh. ninS'V, which he transposes

between D''flN!rn and jr^N. — Ti!<] (S citt^ t^s 7^s. Bewer adds ix'iv —

5. tt'inn] Gr. v:-mT\. — ijir] U 7nerces ; (g om. (so Marti). — narm] Sb adds

a predicate, viz. yOS^o. Gr. jti'in. — 12] <5 0»?(raup6y = ixin; so S (so also

Oort, TkT.XlV. 155, and £/«..• Gr., Elh.). TB frumentu7n. — ]-'^p7t>'\ S,1g,

I p. pi., as also for the remaining infinitives. — my'?] Oort {Em.') nir>^.

We. n-u:Si (so Marti, Now.2), — 6. '?3C] @ awb iravrbs {=hbl2); & L^.—

13] (S yevrifiaros; ©Q'", irpdaecos; perhaps = K13 (Va.. Stek.), or "^nt; (Vol.).

Gr. 133 or 13?. — iO'k;'j] Hoffm. i3'i:'j. Oort rejects the last three words

of v.^; while Lohr and Oet. consider the first six a repetition from 2®, and

doubt whether the last three words should be connected with v.^, or be

looked upon as the conclusion of a missing sentence. We., Now., Bau-

mann, and Marti reject the entire verse. — 7. 3|">jji ]inj3] & om. 3 and

renders as an appos. to nin^. Gr. jinj'^. — PSE'n] (S ^TrtXTjo-^^crerat; so ST.

— nxjS] (3, misunderstanding, renders eh vikos (cf. i^^). — Drfvyn'] @ =
Ds^irjJD (so Marti). — 8. tjip] Hal. adds jidpi (cf. 9^). — nn'?;"] 'A., S. ffKe-
iraa-dricreTai = ns'O]} (Hirscht). — 1x3] Read "iiNO (so Oort, We., Gr., Gu.,
Now., Oct., Marti). All versions render river. Riedel, "in'3 (cf. Baumann).

— hSd] @ o-uj^rAeta = nSs (Vol., Seb.; adopted by Hirscht); so S <n^;
IB universus; other Greek versions waa-a. — npifji na'ijji] (5 uses one vb.,
Kara^Tfjo-eTai, the first being probably a gloss (so Now., Elh., Oort, £m,, Oet.;
Gr. regards it as a dittog.; but cf. Hirscht). Hoffm. na>iJ:i, for ncnjji (so
We.^). Read with QM and several codd. nypiif: (cf. 9^) (so Gr., Hoffm., Gu.,
Now., Oet., et a/.). — Elh. om. ** as a repetition from 9^. We. om. entire
V. (so Now., Lohr, Marti).

* Ba., Pu., Dr.

VIII. 4-5 m

4. Hear this'] The beginning of a new strophe ; the actual
threat will be given later in v.' ; cf. 3^ 4^ — Oh ye that tread upofi]
This rendering, based upon the text D'aKtt-'n (z'.^.),is preferable;
cf. 2'. — And are for jnaking the poor to cease^ The idiom is a
peculiar one but well established.* To translate " even to make,"
etc.jt or, connecting it with D'CKm, " panting after the needy and
to destroy," \ is unsatisfactory. Nor is it advisable to read "and
on the Sabbath after the poor of the land " {v.s?j, which spoils the
parallelism, and fails to furnish a consistent thought ; or, " ye who
oppress the poor " {v.s.^, on the basis of 4^ and (§. — The poor of
the earth'] K'thibh ""l?!? ; in QrL, "f^y ; the latter = poor, wretched
(of the physical state), § the former = humble, meek (of the spirit-
ual). II The emphasis here is on the low and miserable social state
of the poor (cf. 2' Jb. 24* Is. s"'^'), for which either form would be a
correct expression.^ — 5. IVheti will the ne^v moon pas s\ The day
of the new moon was celebrated as a religious festival (cf. i S.
2o5.i8.24.27.34. ^IsQ 2 K. 4=» Is. i" 66^ Ez. 46^^ I Ch. 2331, with
nna; Ho. 2" Nu. 28"-^^ Ne. lo^*'). On this observance cf. Di.
Lev. 578 f. ; Benz. Arch. 464 f. ; also Muss-Arnolt, y^Z. XI. 72 ff,,
160 ff. The reference here is to such observance; it is to be in-
ferred that, like the Sabbath, it included suspension of trade.** The
view that tPnnn means month, the desire being that some disaster
would come which would increase the price of grain, ft or that the
month is the harvest month during which the poor might gather
what they needed, }{ scarcely deserves mention. Note also the
suggestion of Graetz {v.s.) to read "how long till the new (corn)
will pass away . . . and the old (corn) " etc. — That we may sell
grahi] The eager desire to resume a business in which profit
might be gained, with utter disregard of all conventional and legal
restraints, is rebuked. One can see no occasion for the suggestion
of Wellhausen that this reproach is strange, because ordinarily the
corn-merchant is no loser by delay in disposing of his wares. — And
the Sabbath that we may offer corn] This is better §§ than "open
(our) storehouses," " grain " by metonymy for " storehouse " |||| (cf.

« Dr. Tenses, § 206; Da. Syn. ^ 96, rm. 4; GK. 114/. || Geb., Har., Mit.

tAV, tMit. § Ros. II Hi.

** Va., Schro., Ros., Hi., Mau., Ke., Mit. Jt Ki.

tt Merc. §^ So generally. |||| Ros.

N

1/8 AMOS

/"Xpn. 41^"). This is the earliest allusion to the Sabbath in prophetic
literature. — Diviinishing the ephah and enlarging the shekel^ The
size of the ephah is not definitely known, being estimated at from
21.26 quarts (Thenius) to 40.62 quarts (Josephus).* The shekel
given in gold or silver has been variously estimated, perhaps in
gold 16.37 grains (= ^10.80) ; in silver 14.55 grains (=$.6o).t
— Pervertmg balances of deceit'\ i.e. providing false balances. A
third kind of deceit is here mentioned. The attitude of the right-
minded toward these practices is seen in Ho. 12'^ Jb. 22^ Pr. 11^
20^. The legal attitude is given in Lv. 1 9^5. so y)\„ 25^^^^; cf. also
Ez. 45^'^''. — 6. This verse consists of two elements, both of which
are glosses or interpolations : (i) To buy the poor for silver and
the needy for a pair of shoes~\ A double phrase, of which the
first part is a modification and the second a repetition of 2". \
These lines stand in no close relationship with those which pre-
cede (vs.''*"'^^ refer to dealers in grain; ^"^ has nothing to do with
this) ; are entirely out of grammatical harmony with those which
follow ; are a mere repetition (but in a different context) of 2" ;
and may not be adjusted to any satisfactory construction of the
strophic system. — (2) And we sell the refuse of the corti] This
phrase is interpreted, " and buy (the needy) for a share by lot in the
wheat for sale " ; § is declared unintelligible by one, || and at least
out of place by another.^ It is impossible to connect it gram-
matically or logically with what precedes, although it is sometimes
called the climax** of the indictment, or the final proof of their ava-
rice.tt The whole is therefore to be taken as two later explanatory
glosses, coming from different hands. Nowack suggests that per-
haps in ^'' we have a fragment of an old saying by Amos, which, with
the addition of the material in 2^ (suggested by D'Si^i:',"! in S"* and

* Benz. Arch. 183 f.; cf. Now. yf/vr/i. I. 203; and art. "Weights and Measures,"
DB.

t Benz. Arch. 194 ; cf. Dr. p. 211 ; WRS. PEF., 1894, p. 229 ; A. R. S. Kennedy,
art. " Money," DB ; Madden, Coins of the Jews.

X nj|i is used for nsc, and diSt for pns, without any serious modification
of the sense. The infinitive rupS has been taken as indicating the purpose of
the fraud described in v.s, the inf. there indicating the method (Geb.) ; as indi-
cating result rather than purpose (Hi.), and as (Hke Pij.'':') parallel with piDpn'?
and Siijn'^. \ Hoffm., changing text, v.s. || Oort.

H We. (who calls the entire v. suspicious). ** Mit. ff Dr.

VIII. 5-8 179

^^), makes up the verse.* — 7. Here begins a new strophe (vs.'' ^,
marked by the solemn introduction : Yahweh hath sworn by the
glory of JacoF^ The oath is an evidence of indignation, and here,
as in 4^ 6*, " is provoked by the spectacle of some crying moral
wrong." t @ has \ against the pride of Jacob, but 5 after rsu?:
= by. The glory of Jacob is not Palestine, the possession of
Jacob (although citation may be made of Je. 13^ Ne. 2^ Ps. 47*
Dn. 8^) ; nor, the greatness which he has given Israel ; § nor = by
myself (cf. 6^, || for although Yahweh himself is Israel's glory
(i S. 15"'), the author of 6^ could hardly have described Yahweh
as " the glory of Jacob " : it is rather the vainglorious boasting of
Israel (cf. 6* Ho. 5^ 7^^), by which, as an unchangeable fact, Yah-
weh swears scornfully.^ — I will 7iever forget all their deeds'] i.e. the
multitude of their wicked deeds. The elliptical form of the oath
is here employed ; for the full form see 2 S. 3'' 19^'', etc. — 8. Con-
trary to the arrangement usually adopted,** v.^ is to be closely con-
nected with vJ, forming with it a strophe. The indignant feeling
of Yahweh is shared by nature, and in proof of this the earth will
quake. — On this accotmt shall not the earth tremble ?'\ Not on
account of the oath just sworn,tt but on account of the wicked-
ness and corruption of Israel, Yahweh (cf. 9^) will bring a convul-
sion of the land itself. W"i describes the movement up and down,
the restlessness which characterizes the earthquake. Some }J
have thought this refers to the earthquake in Uzziah's time (Am. i^
Zc. 14^). — And every inhabitant in her shall mourn'] Its univer-
sality and its grievous character are thus vividly depicted. — Atid
shall not the whole of it lise like the Nile ?'\ njO has been read like
light, §§ but is almost universally taken for "iK'S, like the Nile (cf. 9^).

* Elh. rearranges the text of vs.'*- "o. 5. and 66_ and translates as follows : —

(4) Hear this, ye who long to plunge the poor and the miserable in ruin,

(6 a) To buy the poor for money and the miserable for a pair of shoes,
(5 6 3) Who say, when will the new moon be over that we may sell grain

And the Sabbath, that we may open the granary, and sell the chaff of the
grain?

Who diminish the measure

And advance the price

And falsify the deceitful balance.

t Dr. X So also Jer., Os., Jus., Schro. § Bauer. |I Hes., Ke., Marti.
II We., Now., Dr. ** Dr. ft Schegg, Ke. J+ Or. §§ Rashi.

l80 AMOS

The reference is to the annual inundation. The rendering, " the
whole land shall be inundated as by the Nile," * makes the subject
of nby not the thing which goes up, but that unto which some-
thing goes (cf. Is. 34'^ Pr. 24^^). The interrogation continues as
indicated in the translation given. — And heave'] A gloss ; omitted
by (^, lacking in 9^ and superfluous ; probably due to inability
to understand nptt^3i.t Cf. Hoffmann's suggestion {v.s).X — And
sink like the Nile of Egypt] Cf Is. 24^^-^. This phenomenon was
known throughout the world. The usual translation makes "lii'S
= as by the Nile.

9. Lohr and Marti reject the first six words as a later addition. — Tisan]
@ 3 p. with CDtr as subj., Si^o-erai. Similarly S., G.; U occidet ; 2C ''E3N.
— in^K'nn] (5 3 p.; hvX'S te^iebrescere faciam. — iiN ora] Gr. dv^ iin; Che.
( Crit. Bib.) or -\y;i. — 3. iSiS^m] S ■ \'=i1o. — nnvj-] Read nnr, singing-
-women, since ^••'^.^v would be expected for songs, and the present text yields
no sense (so Hoffm., Oort, We., Gu., Now., Elh., Lohr, Oct., Baumann,
Marti). @ to. (parvibfiara, variously explained, e.g. as = nms' (Dahl), nn>f
(Va.), 3''ji3D (Vol.), nii^p (Riedel). 'A. <TTp6(piyyes; Q. tcl iirdvcjdev; ^.ifdal;
'S cardines = n-^-\^-i (Dahl). — '?D''n] (ggi have article (so Gr.). — Ninn ara]
Superfluous (so Lohr, Marti) ; cf. 8^. S has this phrase twice, connecting
it the first time with the preceding, and the second time with the following
context. The presence of ouo between the two occurrences renders dittog.
improbable (Seb.). — nin^ >jnN dnj] Lohr transposes to the end of the v.
Baumann, Marti, and Now.2 om. — njan 31] @ ttoXi-s 6 ireirTuiKibs; TB imilti
morieniur; % ]|\'a/ ^^^ '^m 1. — Dn T'Sa-n] Read l'::rn, and om. on as a
dittog. (so Oort, Gun.). (5 imppLxj/u) o-kott-^v = Dn iiS'^n; U projicietur
silentiwn; S> i-lf^ji ^ji'-fcJo. Zeydner (ir33^ =) Dnp> -\-'B'n {ThSt., 1886,
pp. 205 ff.; so Val.). Elh. 0373 '^'''r'lyn. Oet. and Hal. on "^Sttn. Lohr suggests
that n of Dn was originally the article, while D, or c, is the initial letter of a
lost word, perhaps ninarc. — 10. •\'-r\<\ (g dvaTTTjroO. — nnnnvs] (§ roh% fier
aiiTov ; S., 0. t6 ea-xo-Tov t^j yijs. Gr. '^''ni3>"]i. — 11. The first six words
are a gloss (so also Baumann). — y\H2 3yn] Gr. inserts ncxi. — Before yDifS]
<5 inserts Xi/xbv = 2y^. — •'■>3i J Read sg. with (§<SF2r and many Mss. (so
Dr., Marti). — 12. ij?ji] S tO-AJLoiJo. — a^'C] (5 vdara t^s daXdcra-ni, a. donhle
rendering. — laavj" min] Gr. iQaityii nnm jcn (?). — 13. nj£3'?j?nn] (5 exXef-
\pov(Tiv. — NCS2] Om. as superfluous to sense and metre (so Lohr). — 14. Lohr
om. 14 a as a later addition. — nni^Na] (5 /card tov IXaa-fjLov, with Dt^N in

* Dathe, Jus., Ros. t Now.

X There is no good reason for treating (with We.) the whole v. as a gloss.

VIII. 9, 3 l8l

mind; S> li-sLs^. Oort mu'NJ (so Gr., Elh.). — ^hSn] Baumann 'in'?x. —
ini] @ 6 deos aov. Oort, q-)3 = :i"!«<3 (so We., Elh.). Hoffm. ^-\^^ (so von
Gall, AUisr. Kultstdtten, 49; Oct.; Marti; Now.2; cf. Wkl. AOF. 11. I94f.).
Dozy, r^jA {Isr. zu Mekka, 31 f.; so Now.). Gr. i\-i'?n (so Gu.). Gun. q\nK.
Houtsma, Tinij (^ThT, X. 91). Hal. tti.in.

9. The- next strophe is made up of vs.^"'^^ — / will cause the
sun to set at noofi] The writer has in mind the day of Yahvveh,
which is characterized by great natural changes. These are sug-
gested by those with which the prophet is famihar. An ecHpse
had occurred June 15, B.C. 763,* the centre of which passed
through Asia Minor at about 38-39° N. At Jerusalem (31°
46' N.) it would be visible **as a fairly large partial eclipse." f
Reference to an echpse of the sun has been found by some,
also, in Mi. 3'' Zc. 14^ Jo. z"""-^^ 3^^ Je. 15^ 2 K. 20^^ Is. 38^
(689 B.C.) ; X Ez. 30^^ 32^-* (556 B.C.) ; but it is to be noted that
nowhere in the Old Testament is there direct mention of an
eclipse, and that in all the cases cited greater or less doubt
exists whether there was really any thought of an eclipse. This
leaves our passage as the only clear case of an indirect char-
acter. — 3. The result of such an ecHpse is the terror and dismay
which first appear in connection with the palace life : the singing
women of the palace shall wail'\ For text v.s. The word bs'n,
Assyrian ekallu, means large house, used ordinarily of temple in
Hebrew, although just as regularly of palace in Assyrian. § An-
other rendering is " walls " (niiltt>). || Some urge against the trans-
lation palace the representation in 6*"^ and the use by Amos of
msaiK to express the idea oi palace (6* i*- 7. 10. 12 etc.)^; but this
is not conclusive. Wailing was the ordinary sign of grief for the
dead (Is. 15^-^ 16^ etc.). — A iniiltitude of carcassesi The eclipse
foretells and accompanies the direst of all disasters — an indis-
criminate slaughter. — In every place they are cast"] The imper-
sonal one casts is used for the passive,** or better (v.s.) vocalize as

* According to Michaelis, Feb. 9, 784 B.C. ; but cf. Dr. who cites von Oppolzer,
Canon der Fhisternisse = vol. 52 (1887) of the Denkschriften of the Vienna Acad-
emy ; G. Smith, Bponym Canon, 46 f., 83. t Dr.

X V. Bosanquet, TSBA. III. 31 ff., V. 261 ; Pinches, DB. I. 193.

§ Cf. Boutflower, AJSL. XVII. 244-9. II ®. Dahl. H Schro.

** Geb., Va., Mau., Ba.

1 82 AMOS

passive. So great is the slaughter that the burial is thus promis-
cuous. Some prefer to take the verb as imperative, " throw them
anywhere." * If the text is allowed to stand, on is translated
Jlusk /] So deep is the despair, and so great the danger, that
silence is enjoined by those who are removing their dead (cf.
the gloss in 6^-^^). But this is quite doubtful. The principal
treatments of Dn have been: (i) as an adverb, tn silence;-\
(2) as an imperative, l>e silent ; % (3) as an interjection ; §
(4) as connected with the following sentence ; || (5) as a mar-
ginal note added to express the feeling of some reader ; ^
(6) omitted as unintelligible ; ** (7) rendered, with a change of
text {v.s.), " casts bitterness " ; ft (8) it is, most probably, a corrup-
tion of 'tr\, an abbreviation for "^bt'n {v.s.). The strophe is the
most picturesque of this series. It is strictly logical — the eclipse
— the slaughter — the confusion and despair of the burial. The
dramatic effect is probably not so definite nor so strong as is sug-
gested by G. A. Smith. — 10. Ancf I will turn your pilgrimages
into mourning\ The pilgrimages or festivals were the types of
rejoicing (Is. 30^ Ho. 2^^ La. 5^^). — And all your songs inte
dirges'] Cf. v.^ and 5^ — Sackcloth'] i.e. a. coarse cloth made of
goats' hair or camels' hair. It was the garb of prophets (Is. 20"
Zc. 13* 2 K. I** Mk. i") and mourners (Is. 15^ 22'-), and was worn
next to the skin (i K. 21-'^ 2 K. 6'" Jb. 16'^ Is. 32"), being bound
about the loins (Ez. 7^*), sometimes as the only garment (i K. 20^^
21^), and sometimes under an outer cloak (2 K. 6^"). It is prob-
able that a loin cloth of sackcloth was the earhest dress of the
Hebrews (cf. Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt, 200 ff.), and the use of
it in mourning is an illustration of the general custom of retaining
ancient forms and usages in religious ceremonies. W — Baldness]
This was another sign of mourning ; it was artificially produced,
the hair on the forehead being shaved off (Dt. 14^). It was a
custom common to Hebrews, Moabites (Is. 15-), Phoenicians
(Ez. 27^^), Philistines (Je. 47^), Arabs (Agh. xv. 12), and many
others. It seems to be a relic of ancestor- worship, the object of

* 2r, Merc, Hd. t ^lerc, Har. || SS. ** We.

t Cal, Os., Va., Schro., Mau., Ba., St. ^ Drusius. f Gun. ft Elh.

XX Cf. Schwally, Das Leben nack detn Tode, 12 ff.; Kennedy, art. "Sackcloth,"
DB. ; Now. Arch. I. 193.

VIII. IO-I2 183

it being to establish an inviolable covenant between the living and
the dead, whereby the aid and protection of the latter are assured
to the former. In Arabia the hair was deposited on the tomb.
Hair, on account of its rapid growth, was thought to be a special
seat of life and strength (cf. the story of Samson) ; hence, hke
blood, it was considered especially efificacious as a bond of union.
For the later Hebrew use of the custom, cf. Is. 3-^ 22^^ Mi. i'^
Ez. 7'* etc.* — And I will tnake if\ Not the land and its people, f
but the lamentation and sorrow of Israel on this terrible day. \ —
Like the mourning for an only son'\ An expression of the most
intense sorrow, cf. Je. (y^ Zc. 1 2^**. There is no reference to Tam-
muz, the Assyrian Adonis. — And the end of it'] That is, of the
mourning; § not of the Messianic times, || nor of the land.l" — As
a bitter day] Theirs will be a hopeless sorrow, the end of which is
worse than the beginning.** — 11. And I will send a famine] In
such misery the people will naturally turn to Yahweh, but there
will be a famine and thirst, not for bread nor for water, but for
healing the word of Yahweh] The singular, as in versions {v.s.). — ■
12. And they shall wander from sea to sea] i.e. from the Dead
Sea to the Mediterranean ft (cf, Ps. 72^ 107'' Zc. 9^" Jo. 2^) ; or,
perhaps, the term is a more general one, meaning the ends of
the earth. J]; — And from the North even to the rising of the sun
they shall nm to and fro] A brief expression designating the earth
with reference to its quarters. — They shall 7iot find it] Cf, i S, 28^
Ez. 7"^ Je. 37". This is the climax of distress.

The arguments for treating this strophe (vs."* i-) as an interpolation
(Oort, We., Ko. {Einl. 2,OA'^)> Now., Che. in EB., Lohr, et <il.') have little
force. It is urged : (i) that literal and figurative thirst cannot properly
be so closely joined; (2) that the formula in v.^^ points back to v.^, and not
to " Lo, the days are coming" (v."). But in answer it is to be said that
(i) the word XJ2S£D (v.^^) is a gloss; (2) likewise the words, " Behold, the
days are coming; it is the oracle of the Lord Yahweh" (v.^^); (3) these
verses make a complete strophe, the essential thought of which, abandonment

* Cf. WRS. Setn. 323 ff. ; arts, on " Baldness," by Macalister, DB., and W. Max
MuUer, Jew. Enc; art. " Cuttings" (^ 3), by C. J. Ball, EB.

t Cal., Merc, Ros., Hd., Or., Mit. J We., Dr., Elh. H Or.

+ Geb., Hi., Ke., We., Dr., Elh. || Schegg.

** Oort and Gun. are unwarranted in pronouncing v.ioj unintelligible,
tt Va., Jus., Ros., Or., Mit., Marti. 1% Ke., Now.

1 84 AMOS

of the people by Yahweh, is most appropriate after the description of the
bitter mourning (in the preceding strophe). Marti om. i^*- 1^* as glosses.

13. A new strophe now begins, — the last, which describes the
pitiable plight of the nation. The fairest maide7is and the youths\
The flower of the people, and its strength, shall faint'\ This is no
anticlimax ; nor is there real force in the argument for omitting
this verse instead of vs,"-^^* The moment one recognizes the
division into strophes, it is perfectly clear that no difficulty arises
in going from v.^- to v.^^ — 14. The flower of the people have
been they who swear by Sattiaria's guilty The calf at Bethel ;
cf. '!:?'' nxan. Ho. lo* ; but since Amos nowhere else attacks any
special feature of the cult, and since Samaria is not used else-
where by him for Israel, Wellhausen supposes that originally there
stood here the name of the god of Bethel. f Notice should be
taken of the emendation adopted by W. R. Smith, Oort, Graetz,
and- Elhorst of nitt'X, Asherah, for natr^K ; but cf. Stade, ZA IV.
III. 13, and Hoff'mann, ih'd. 123. — And say : as liveth thy God,
O Dan'\ The calf at Dan, in northern Israel, near the base of
Mt. Hermon (i K. 12^). J Swearing was a part of the routine
of worship, cf. Dt. 6'^ io-° Is. 48^ Je. 12^^. Under the Canaanitish
influence, there had come to be different Yahwehs at different
places, with different names; cf. Gn. 16'^ 21'^ 33-" 35''. § — And
by the way of Beersheba'] On account of the difficulty of '^"i'?i,
there have been suggested {v.s.) : (i) thy darling, (2) thy well,
(3) thy lord, (4) thy god. It is possible to understand "way"
of the method of worship at Beersheba (cf. Ju. 2" Je. 10^) ; but,
on the whole, it seems preferable to take it of the pilgrimages
to Beersheba, with which may be compared those to Mecca. ||
— And they shall fall and not rise again"] The conception of
God is so far from the true one, and the worship based upon
it is so far from that which Yahweh desires, that utter ruin awaits
the people.^

1. 2i'?3] A noun of the same form as ria'^, S133, from the ground-form a-iSs
(if -^) as is shown by the Assyrian equivalent kilubi, bird-ttet (cf. Winckler,
ZA. VI. 145; Zimmern, ibid., 157), which occurs as a Canaanitish gloss in the

* GAS. 185. t So Now., Che. {EB.). Marti. % Stanley, Sin. and Pal. 461.
$ Now. Arch. II. 8 f. || GAS., Dr. 11 Paton. ^BL. XIII. 88 ff.

VIII. 13-14 l85

Tell-el Amarna letters. Cf. GK. 84 a, /. — 2. S ^\if\ Cf. 78; these are the
only two cases of this phrase; the more common expression for forgive
is "t; •\t; (Mi. 'j^^'). — 4. n>jr''] With syncopation of n, GK. 53^. Inf. cstr.
continuing a ptcp., H. 29, 5 a; K6. 413 1^; Dr. § 206. — Mjy] For which Qr.
"jy. ^ij>' in Kt. and Qr. is found in one Ms. which is followed by the second
and the third editions of the Hebrew Bible (Naples, about 1491-1493, and
Brescia, 1494) ; w hile another Ms., followed by the fourth edition of the Bible
(Pesaro, 1511-1517) and by the Complutensian Polyglot, has "j;* in both Kt.
and Qr, (see Ginsburg). For explanations of forms cf. Barth, NB. § 113;
Lag. BN. pp. 48, 188, 190, and Mil. I. 81 ; BDB. u;- and ^y; differ in meaning
{y.s., and cf. Lag. Mit. 1. 81), but the line between them cannot be very strictly
drawn, for they are frequently interchanged, — a confusion no doubt partly due
to the Massoretes. — 5. "\3;r ht'^-^'ji] Impf. with 1 to denote purpose; cogn,
ace. — papnS] This infinitive and the following are parallel with icn*? at the
beginning of the verse, the construction being that of concomitant circum-
stance, equivalent to the gerundive; cf. Dr. § 206; GK. 1140; H. 29, 3^. —
'jiNc] Cf. Pr. 11^ 20-3 Ho. 128 Mi. 6" (ysn 'fNc); and the opposite (p-ix 'inc)
Lv, 19'fi Ez. 45I' Pr. 16I1 Jb. 31^ Other words are D^s and r\yp (Is. 46^). —
7. r\yvH dn] Ellipt. form of oath; Ew.^ 356 «; GK. 1491^; H. 48, 9a;
K6. 391^. — nxj*?] Other phrases denoting the same idea are t'ii "i^"''?;
■ni IT ny; dSi? ny (Je. 7" Ps. 103!"); aSij,'"' (Gn. 322); i;-s (Am. i" Ps.\9i0);
■^J? '?? (Ps. 83^8). — 8. nS . . . n] The two particles separated. — nj-p-^'ji]
Kt. npa'ji. In some Mss. r\'ypvy\ is found in Kt. and Qr., and so also in the
Complutensian Polyglot. Cf. n33=>"3J. — 9. onnx] According to Lag. BN.

129, 16, this is connected with Arab. — ^x? (^ = to step forth), and, like the

Arab, /-.^-l^, literally = back (cf. Assyr. I'eru), and denotes the midday as the
highest point in the sun's course. K6. II. i. p. 93 derives it from nnx = int (/<?
shine). It occurs (oinx) in Mesha-Stone, 1. 15. It appears to be a dual
form; cf. ooiy (Ex. i6'2)^ — riK*^] *? introducing the obj., a common Ara-
maic usage; K6. 289^. — 3. Sr^n] Probably a loan-word from Sumerian e-gal
{ = great hotise), which has passed over, directly or indirectly, into Assyr., Arab.,
Aram., Syr., Ethiop., and Heb. (Oppert; Schra. Hollenfahrt der /star, p. 148;
COT. II. 39; Haupt, E-vowel, li f.; Lehmann, Samassumukin, 126). Aram,
and Syr. N'?o"'n, and Assyr. ekallu = palace or temple, but the latter meaning is
rare in Assyr. (Dl. HWB.), while in Ethiop. and Heb. it is the prevailing
one. It is used of palaces, as here, in i K. 21^ 2 K. 20^* Is. 1322 39T
2 Ch. 36" Na. 2' Ps. 459- 1^ Ho. 8^* Jo. 4^ Pr. 30-8, The word is much more
frequent in post-exilic literature than in early writings, which may be due to
Assyrian influence or to the greater prominence of the temple in Hebrew
thought, or to the combined influence of both causes (cf. BDB. 228). —
iSiSin] Other words used in mourning are : nj^p nz'i, yp, ncD, nu, Sax,
mp, njN, nir, ncn, nnj. — 10. n:''p] Cf. 5^. The elegiac measure appears in
this verse with the introduction of the word nj^p; the evenly balanced mem-
bers of the preceding verses are dropped, and their place is taken by mem-

1 86 AMOS

bers consisting of long and short lines, with the long line each time containing
the predicate of the short line. It is limited to this verse (cf. Bu. ZAlV.ll. 30 f.).
— n_] Neut., GK. 135/; H. 2, 3. — i^n^] Obj. gen.; GK.12S/1; Ko. 336 a'.
— 11, as ''3] Here adversative; not, as frequently, exceptive; cf. GK. 163 <r.
Note K6. 372 /t. — TisSariij Pf. with Waw cons, in apodosis following a
ptcp., H. 25, 2d; K6. 361 c. — i'C'i;''?] On use of "? cf. K6. 281/. — 12. jiflx,
nirc] In Heb. the points of the compass are denoted in three ways: (i) with
reference to one's position facing the east they are a-ip or onp {east), pn' or
p^n {south), nnnN {west), Vndc {north); (2) with reference to the sun they
are mtD or E'db' mrn {east), am {south), ccif nud or ai>'D {west), jidx
{north); (3) geographically, 3Jj {south), oi {west). — rataiifi] Denotes an
uncertain roaming up and down in order to find something (2 Ch. 16^ Je. 5^
Zc. a^^ Dn. 12* — to search through a writing). — 13. nj3'?j?np] On form cf.
GK. 54^, 146^. — 14. ;*3rj] The custom of attesting the truth of a matter
by oath was exceedingly common among the Hebrews. Most commonplace
affairs were ratified by oath (Gn. 2\'^^); in certain cases a man's oath was
sufficient to establish his own innocence (Ex. 22^f'**'- 1*) ; treaties were made
binding by oath (Gn. 21^*'), likewise promises (Gn. 24^'^ 50^*'-). This fre-
quent usage caused it to become little more than an emphatic form of state-
ment, as is seen by the fact that Yahweh himself is spoken of as swearing to
do or not do certain things {e.g. 6^ Je. 49^^). Since oath was usually taken
in the name of the god worshipped by the one swearing, it came about that
swearing by a god was considered synonymous with worshipping a god (Dt.
513 lo'-o Je. 12I6 Is. 48^). — •'n] Not the st. cstr. of the substantive •>n (Ew.*
329 ; K6. II. i. p. 42), but a contracted form of the adj. t^ (whose st. cstr.
appears only in Dn. 12"), the two forms of the adj. having been differentiated
by the Massoretes who reserved '■n for oaths sworn by Yahweh, and used ■'n
in oaths sworn by false gods and other non-enduring persons and things
(Hoffm. ZA IV. III. 124; GK. 93, aa, note; BSZ., BDB.).

§ 14. A fifth vision of destruction, with a passionate de-
scription of the ruin. 9^"* *. ( i ) A vision of the downfall of the
altar at Bethel, the chief seat of the Northern religion, and of
the utter ruin of the votaries ; 9^ (2) A vivid expression of the
thought that escape is impossible, whether they flee to the under-
world, or to the heavens, to the top of Carmel or to the bottom
of the sea ; or even if they are captives in a foreign land ;
g-"*. (3) An assurance that, after all, Israel, because of sin,
will be treated like other nations, whose migrations, as well as
that of Israel, Yahweh has conducted ; and that complete de-
struction awaits the nation, in spite of her feeling of false
security; 9""^*.

IX. 1-8 1 87

This section is clearly composed of four strophes of six lines each. The
movement is for the most part tetrameter, although occasionally for the sake
of more vivid description it falls into the trimeter. Strophe i (v.^) presents
the vision of the catastrophe; strophes 2, 3 (vs.^-*) describe the utter impossi-
bility of escape; strophe 4 (vs.^"^*) silences the objection, which, of course, an
Israelite would urge, that Yahweh, as Israel's God, could not thus humiliate
her.

The more important modifications of the text are: (i) the treatment of
vs.^- ^ as a later interpolation, on the same grounds as assigned for 4^* 5*- ^;
(2) the omission of v.^'^, "except that I will not utterly destroy the house of
Jacob ; it is the oracle of Yahweh," as a gloss inserted by a later hand to
modify the absolute assertion of destruction made by Amos, and as a connect-
ing link to the section of promise which was added, perhaps by the same hand.

1. narnn-Sy . . . irr'Ni] 3C ^!^3^p*Sy N-iiyi Nan^D p'?nDx "n Knp'; n^ "'nvn.
— in] Gr. nrN(?); Volz (TALZ. 1900, p. 291) and Marti, i>i. — iinBon]
@ iwl t6 l\aaT-^piov(= rri.ern); U cardinem ; 'A. (rd) olKo56iJ.7]/xa; S., 0. iirl
t6 Kipupiop; Si l^o') **N. Gr. 3D1>"i(?). Lohr calls attention to the possi-
bility of dittog. in niParn •\n. — d^'BDh] @ ra irp6wv\a; "S stiperliminaria ;
Sk \h.3^LSo\. — 3-;s3] Imv., so (5 bidKo^ov; F avaritia ; S ^oiNnl. Seb. avxa-i.
Lag. {Anmerk. z. gr. Uebers. der Prov. V.f.) ajxa = Di'ta, ijt wrath, cf. Hb. 3^^.
Oort, a>r.x or aviax. Elh. zhyzfH -\3D yxa VX31. Gr. a>'X3Ni = ajri-D.si(?).
Get. mxpji. Volz {op. cit.) and Marti, try'^a 0V.X3S icn-i. — aSo] (5 irdvTuv;
so U. — 2. nrn^] (S KaraKpv^Qa-iv. Oort, nno'' (so Gr.). Gun. n-\;i, with
ful. 2 omitted. Lohr and Baumann om. v.^ as late and as out of harmony
with the strophic arrangement. — 3. axi] (@ iav. — "yy ijjd] Baumann and
N0W.2 om. as gloss. — ypip] (S& pi. — ace] Oort om. c. — 4. >y;'] <5 pi,
Lohr and Now.^ om. ''* as Jeremianic. — 5. & inserts icn at beginning (so
Gr.). Before nixaxn] @ inserts 6 Oebs = •'nS.x (so Elh., Oct.); cf. the
remark of We., " Am. does not say nixaxn n^7\■<, but 'xn ^dSn '\" — jicm]
(§ Kul aoKevuv avr-fiv; Sb \^-k\o, — nSo] (5 ffvvri'Keia airrrji (= n^s), the
pron. being absent in 8* ; so S ; U omnis, but in 8* universus. — nj?|-)i:'i]
Gr. r^•;pz>i^. — no laa'i So iSaxi] Elh. om. as repetition from 8^. — Oet. om. s*
as repetition from 8^. — "*><;?] Riedel, -\xn. — 6. inSyc] d is a dittog.; read
vni'^j; or ip>^y; cf. Ps. 104^ (so Oort, Gun., Gr., We., Mit., Now., Elh., Oet.,
Marti). © sg. — imjxi] (§ Ka.1 ttjv iirayye\la.v avrov; S ovla^oitfo; both
possibly deriving it from ^J:; cf. Jb. 21^1 Is. 44'' (Va., Seb., Vol., et a/.).
Other Greek versions, S^o-/*'?''. Gr. imjxi, — nin'>] (§% add niX3S (so Gr.).
Vs.^^ are to be associated with 4^' 5*^, and treated as an insertion; for
the argument in full v.i. — 7. n*^."!] ^ = njn. — iiniJD] (5 S. KaTiradoKlas;
so ESF. — iNi] <3 ^6dpov, deriving it from lip; 9. ro^xoi' ; 'A., E'. Kelp;
& 'fA^; S. Kup^i/T;s ; TB Cyrene; 9E 'JTi?- — 8. nxtann] (§ tCov OLixapTuACiv. —
uix •'jv] Oort, DNj iry. — 'ui o dsn] A gloss.

1 88 AMOS

IX. 1-4. The vision of destructiofi ; the impossibility of escape.

1. I saw'\ This vision has an entirely different introduction from
those of the preceding visions. Here Yahweh himself appears, the
symbol being no longer used.* — By the altar] The translation
on t is too specific (but cf. f) ; the idea is that of leaning, or
hovering, over; cf. Nu. 23^-^ i K. 13^ i S. 25^'* Is. 61 X The altar
in the prophet's vision was not the altar in general as a place of
refuge, § nor the altar at Jerusalem, including the temple and all
that the temple represented, || nor in particular the altar of burnt
offering at Jerusalem ; ^ but, rather, the altar at Bethel,** reference
being made to the form of religion practised at the northern sanc-
tuaries (cf. 8"), concerning which already much has been said.
The chief temple of Northern Israel was located in Bethel. — And
he said] The person commissioned to do the work of destruc-
tion is not mentioned. It was not the prophet,|t but rather
one of the angels J J in Yahweh's court (cf. 2 S. 24^^ i Ch. 21^^).
— Smite the capitals'] Originally "iin?5 was, perhaps, the ornament
or knop (cf. Ex. 25'^^-^'^^) at the top of the column (Zp. 2") ;
later, the capital itself, here used collectively. These capitals
at the top of the columns, on which rests the roof of the altar-
building, shall be smitten with a violent blow. — That the thresh-
olds may shake] The posts, § § or thresholds, || || or sills which
really formed the foundation. Some of the old interpreters 1"^
understood these phrases to be intended figuratively of the kings,
princes, and high priests. According to Ewald both terms apply
to the altar ; mnSD to the knop, i.e. the horns ; CBD to the
bottom of the altar ; so that the whole altar is shivered, and
the pieces fly upon the assembled people. — Yea break them
off {?)] DPitai is so difficult that Wellhausen and Nowack give
it up. It is perhaps an imperative.*** The suffix evidently refers
to the parts of the temple, i.e. the capitals, or the sills, or both.

* Cf. Hi., Ba. + Ew., Ba., Dr. || E, Cal., Ros., Ke.

t Diisterdieck, SK., 1849, p. 914. § Dahl, Mit. H Os., Merc.

** Har., Mi., Ew.. Hi., Ba., Schlier, Pu., Or., Gun., We., Now., GAS., Dr., Elh.,
Marti. ft Jus., Ba.

++ Jer., Theod., Os„ Merc. = Ros., Hi., Ew., Ke., Pu., Now., Dr. ^ Cal., Geb.
nil Jus., Hd., We., Mit., GAS., Now., Dr., Marti. HIT E.g. Merc, Geb.

*** So ©, Merc, Va., Ros., Schro., Ew., Hd., Or., Gun., Mit., BDB., GAS., Dr.

IX. 1-3 1 89

Elhorst by emendation of this and the two following words (z>.s.)
gets this sense : " Those who seek unjust gain from corn, I will
deprive of children." — And the residue of thefn] Cf. i^ 4". This
is not the beginning of a new verse, but a continuation of the
vision,* for the picture includes the falling altar, those crushed
beneath it, and also those who escape and flee to meet a death
even more terrible, death by the sword. There is no reference
to the common people. | The phrase means the last one of
them, { i.e. the one left from the destruction of the temple. —
There shall not escape a fugitive'\ There can be no escape from
Yahweh. It is this thought which is expanded in the strophe
that follows. — 2. Dig through to Sheol'] The under-world, the
abode of the dead (Is. i4''^" Jb. 11* 26^^), located in the very
centre of the earth (Eph. 4^), and therefore a most appropriate
and significant, though hyperbolical, example of inaccessibility.
— Climb up to heave ti] The utmost height (Je. 51^). The two
terms b'lKH^ and W^t are often thus employed as points of-
extreme opposition; cf. Jb. 11^ Ps. 139'^ Is. 7" Mat. 11^. § —
3. At the top of Carmel~\ Carmel was another example of in-
accessibility, not only for its height (1800 ft. above the sea),
but more especially for its limestone caves (said to exceed 2000
in number, and to be so close together and so serpentine as to
make the discovery of a fiigitive entirely impossible), and its
forests, which in the days of Strabo, || were the retreat of robbers.
Cf. Ju. e'' I S. 13^ I K. \%^.^— Bottom of the sea'\ The only
place remaining for a fugitive compelled to leave the land, of
which Carmel, projecting into the sea, was the last portion.**
The sea was of course the Mediterranean, and hence the ser-
pent'] could not have been the crocodile,tt ^^o^ the venomous
marine serpents found in tropical regions; W the reference must
be to the imaginary sea-monster supposed by the ancients to
have its abode in the depths of the sea; Gn. i^^ Is. 27^. §§

* On the contrary We., Now. J Ew., We., Mit., GAS., Now., Dr.

t Cal., Os., Geb., Ros.

§ Cf. Stark, SK. LXXVI. 157 ff., who uses this clause to prove that Yahweh
was thought of as dwelling, not in the heavens, but in the temple at Jerusalem.
II XVI. 2, 28. ** Dr. ft Ki. ++ Pu.

H Cf. Pu.. Ke., Dr. ^ Or., Mit., Now., Dr., Marti.

I go AMOS

— ^.. If they go {about) in captivity'] Cf. 5^. The prophet has
no definite place in mind — either in Egypt or Assyria. It is
perhaps an allusion to another Israelitish conception, viz. that
outside of Palestine Yahweh had no power over them ; since in
a strange and foreign land they would be under the power of
the god or gods of that land; cf. Jon. i^ From this point
of view, the remark, " Elsewhere exile is the worst threat ; here
that is surpassed," * has no place. — The sword and it will slay
them] The serpent, upon Yahweh's command, would bite them ;
the sword, spoken of as a thing of Hfe (cf. Ez. 32" Ho. 11^
Is. 34^'^), at the same command, will slay them. — / will put my
eye on them for evil] This phrase, used elsewhere, " to keep
watch over" (Gn. 44-^ Je. 24*^ 39^-), i.e. in a good sense, is here
defined in the bad sense. With it may be compared " set the
face against" (Je. 21^'' Ps. 34^*^ Lv. 20^ Ez. 15'). The purpose
which was ordinarily good is now hostile. — 5. The Lord Yah-
weh Sabaoth] The proposed logical connection of this verse
with the preceding, " God is able to bring such punishments,
because he is the almighty one " f is unnatural and far-fetched.
We have here a dignified and heartfelt utterance introduced by
one who has been reading the words of Amos in the hght of the
history of the centuries which have followed. It is better to treat
the phrase as practically independent, \ rather than to make it the
subject of what follows § or an oath, " by the Lord," etc. 1| Else-
where, as has been noted,^ Amos always says " God of Hosts." **
With these verses may be compared 4^^ ^^^ — He that touches
the earth and it melts] Cf. Ps. 46^ 97^ 104^^ 144^ Na. i^. The
manifestation of Yahweh's power in lightning, storm, or earth-
quake brings terror. Cf also Mi. i^ Ju. 5* Ps. 75^ — And it
rises up, etc.] A repetition, almost verbatim, of 8**. — 6. He that
builds his chambers in the heaven] This is the Hebrew picture
of Yahweh's dwelling-place. " The Hebrews pictured the sky
as a solid vault {firmamentum) , resting at its extremities on the
earth (Jb. 26") ; in this vault the heavenly bodies were imag-

* We. t Merc, Ros., Jus., Mit., Dr. + Hi., Ke., Or., G.^S., Now.

$ Mit., Dr. II Ew. 11 We., Mit., Now.

** See GAS., p. 2055., for statement on Amos's use of divine names. Cf. Lohr,
pp. 38-67.

IX, 4-7 191

ined to revolve : ' in front of it ' {i.e. in the open air below its
lower surface) the birds flew (Gn. i^) : above it were reservoirs
in which rain was stored (as also snow and hail) ; and above
these 'waters above the firmament' Jehovah sat enthroned."*
The slight change of text (cf. Je. 22" Ps. 104'*) here adopted
(z'.j.) does away with the interpretations, (i) ascents, i.e. air,
fire, and spheres which successively approach nearer to heaven ; f
(2) heaven of heavens, or third heaven (cf Dt. 10" i K. S''^
Ps. 148^) ; \ (3) clouds, as formed by the ascent of moisture ; §
(4) heavenly orbs, supposed to be in steps one above another
leading to Yahweh's- throne. || — His vault upon the earth he has
estabUshed'\ .TipN, used in Ex. 12-^ Is. 58" 2 S. 2^ of something
held firmly together, (?.^. a bundle, has been explained as (1) profn-
ise (from nj:) ; ^ (2) arch = IJ'p'i, firmament, something beaten
out, the vault which overhangs the earth.** — He that calleth
for the waters, etc.] Repeated from 5**. The arguments which
have been urged against the genuineness of these two verses
are : ff (i) the abruptness of their connection with the context ;
(2) the fact that they repeat much from 8^ and 5^; (3) their
similarity to 4''' and 5^", which are interpolated passages; (4) the
use of the title ''Z'l m.T "JnK as compared with Amos's use of
niNS^ 'n'r'K m,T ; (5) the style resembles that of Deutero-Isaiah
and other late writers ; (6) their metre and strophic form differ
from the structure of the original material. — 7. Are ye not
as the sons of the Cushites unto me /] The Cushites or Ethio-
pians, J J in Amos's times, occupied Nubia, with Napata as capi-
tal. About this time upper Egypt with Thebes became a part
of the Ethiopian territory. The king of Ethiopia, Piankhi, after
overcoming most resolute resistance and capturing Memphis, es-
tablished his authority over the petty princes of Egypt, receiving
homage and tribute from them and preventing all attempts on their

* Dr., p. 218. X Pu. II Merc, Ros. ; cf. Hes.

t Cal. § Geb. ^ So fflS and Slru.

** Mich., Ros., Jus., Hi., Ba., Hd., Mit., Now.

ttSo e.g. Duhm {Theol. 119), Oort {ThT. XIV.), Sta. {GVI. I. 571), Gieseb.
{Beitrdge, 190 f.) , Co. {Einl.) , Che. (in VVRS. Proph. xv f. and EB:) , Taylor (DB.) ,
We., Now., Lohr, Marti; but cf. WRS. {Proph. 400), Kue. {Einl. § 71,6), K6.
{fiinl. 303 f.).

tl Brugsch, Egypt under the Pharaohs, 387 ff.

192 AMOS

part to unite in opposition to him. However, Shabako, probably
the grandson of Piankhi, was the first Ethiopian ruler to seat him-
self upon the throne of Egypt and actually administer its affairs.
Israel, says the prophet, is no more to me than the far-distant,
uncivilized, and despised black race of the Ethiopians ; cf. Je. 13^.
No reference is made to their Hamitic origin,* or their black
skin ; f and yet their color and the fact that slaves were so often
drawn from them added to the grounds for despising them. J —
Did I not bring up Israel out of the land of Egypt ?'\ This is
not to be read separately from what follows. The sense and
syntax will be seen either by treating this -clause as a protasis,
viz. " If I brought Israel up from the land of Egypt (as you
assert), did I not also bring the Philistines from Caphtor ? "
etc. ; or, more literally, by reading the three clauses in close
connection. — Did I not bring itp Israel out of the land of Egypt,
and the Philistines from Caphtor and Aram from Kir .?] Yahweh
from his point of view was equally concerned in many, or indeed
all, historical movements, of which three are cited as examples
and placed side by side with that of the Israelites. This thought
was probably not new with Amos ; it was involved in the general
idea of the day of Yahweh, and must therefore have existed be-
fore Amos's day. § All this is in answer to the objection made
by certain narrow Israelites that Yahweh could not, if he would,
desert Israel at this stage of his connection with them. — Caphtor']
Not a part of the Nile Delta, || but Crete ; t cf. Dt. 2^^ Je. 47*
Gn. 10" (in which, "from whom the Philistines came forth"
should be transposed to follow " the Caphtorim "). Cf. also
Cherethites, Ez. 25^^ Zp. 2^ i S. 30". — Syriatis from Kir] See
under i^. Some groundless inferences have been drawn from this
verse, e.g. that the Philistines and Arameans had also been deliv-

* Ba. t Ke.

X Cush (Gn. io6- 7 Is. iiH 18I 2o3-5 378 438) , often mentioned = Soudan (Arabic,
aswM=h\a.ck). In Egj-ptian inscriptions, A't'j/4 (cf. Dr.). Che. (^55. 968) inter-
prets Cush here as designating the N. Arabian district of that name, which adjoined
the land of Musri. See Wkl. Musri, 2 (1898), and Hibbert yournal, II. (1904),
571-590. § Sellin, Beitrage, I. 95 f.

II Ebers, ^gypten u. d. Biicher Mose's, 130 f. ; Yirngsch, Eg) ft under the Pharaohs ;
see, however, Sayce, Academy, April 14, 1894, p. 314.

II De Goeje, Th T. IV. 257 f.

IX. 7-8 193

ered from slavery ; * that according to Amos the PhiUstines and
Syrians were Cushites.f — 8. The eyes of the Lord Yahweh are
upo7i\ Cf. 9*. The use of S marks the unfavorable look ; cf.
Ps. 34^^' ^^. In v.* it was declared that Yahweh would look with
disfavor upon Israel ; v7 asserts that, in reality, no greater reason
exists for the exercise of favor toward Israel than for its exercise
toward other nations ; v.^ goes back again and reasserts the un-
favorable attitude of Yahweh to Israel and its consequent ruin.
This is a clear logical sequence. — The sinful kingdom'\ This is not
every sinful kingdom, \ nor Judah, § nor both Israel and Judah, ||
but Israel alone.^ With the article it might well be rendered this
sinful kingdom.** — I will destroy it from off the face of the earth']
This is the statement of absolute destruction which has been
made so frequently and which, made now for the last time, is
expanded, vs.^' ^^. — Save that I will not utterly destroy the house
of Jacob] A later Jew, who saw that the words of Amos had
not been literally fulfilled, adds this saving clause. The line is
an extra one from the point of view of the strophic arrange-
ment ; it is flatly contradictory to the thought which precedes
and follows ; it has the tone of the later environment. The
entire verse is late in the opinion of some.tt The efforts made
to explain the clause as a part of the text show at a glance the
futility of the effort, e.g. " the favor here granted to Israel is a
special one because of the covenant with their fathers."!}: It is
true that in later days (cf. Je. 5, 30, Ez. 14) this argument was
urged by prophets and others ; but at this time the prophet had
just announced an exactly opposite position. — The house of Jacob]
is, of course, the northern kingdom (s^*" 6^ " ^2.5.10.16 37-)^ f-Q^ the
prophet has had nothing else in mind from 7^ The context
directly opposes the view which would refer these words to
Judah ;§§ nor is there any reason to suppose that Israel in
general is meant. || 1|

1. la'yT'i] 1 of purpose; H. 26, 2 a. — ayxai] For form of suffix, cf. GK.
61^; but see Margolis, AJSL. XIX. 45-48, for a better explanation. — on*?]

* Gab. + Cal., Merc, Pu. || Ke. ** Va.

t Cf. Hi. § Jus. U Dahl, Ros., et al.

tt E.g. We., Che. in WRS. Proph. p. xv, and in Exp. 5th ser. V. 46 ; Volz,
Jahweproph. 23 f. ; Now., Marti. Xl Merc. \\ We. {||| Ew., Ke.

O

194 AMOS

= dat., K6. 286 d. — dj . . . Dir] A somewhat uncommon expression for the
impers.idea; cf. Is. i6i° Nu. 6^ Dt. 176; GK.I44^; Ko. 324/. — a'''?3 . , . taSc^]
Same as prec. except that the cognate root laSs is used as subj., with d instead
of D on account of preceding d of di*^. — 2. dn] Here with impf. in a cond.
sent, assuming an imaginary case = " though they were to dig . . . my hand
wow/d^ fetch them"; GK. 159/; H. 48, 4; K6. 390M; Dr. § 143. — 3. njh,

-\rD] N3n = to withdraw, hide (BDB.). iro, as Arabic JL>m shows, means
to cover, veil, protect, etc. They are practically synonymous in Hebrew, and
neither of them is used in the Qal. N^n, however, is, with one exception
where it is used figuratively (Jb. 38^°), always used with reference to man ;
while iPD is used indiscriminately of men and things (cf. Ps. 19'^ Ho. 13^*
On. 31*^). Hence irD is of more frequent occurrence than N^n. — San^n]
On art., cf. H. 5, i. — >'i"''ip] Root perhaps nip, "to dig out" (so Ko. II. i.

p. 91); cognates, Assyr. qaqqarti and Arabic _5w]s= ground. On form

(^pilpel^ GK. 840; Sta. 243, i) ; change of i to > is for sake of euphony; cf.,
for other cases of dissimilation in reduplicated stems, 3313 = 33JD ; DJ^3
= D3CD (K6. II. i. p. 465). The word occurs in five other passages (Nu. 5^^
I K. 6^^- 1^- ^ 7^), each time denoting the floor of a building. Here it is
the floor of the sea. — 4. anjini] On suf., GK. 59^; on ending p_, GK. 59(2;
on vowel-change, GK. ^')c,g. — 5. ''JINi] There is much force in Ew.'s treat-
ment of this 1 as the 1 of the oath ; other possible examples of this usage
are Ho. 126 Jo. 420 Je. 292^ Is. 5115 Dt. 3281 Ps. 7119 89=^8; cf. Ew.8 340<:;
H. 44, \ d, rm. (if). — jJJij.i] The ptcp. here is followed by jidhi, i.e. impf.
with 1 cons., and this by 1S3X1 (also nn'?;n and n;'p::'i). GK. \12 tt regards
this case {i.e. the pf. with i cons, following an impf. with 1 cons.) as one
of a few instances due to error in the text, or to incorrect modes of
expression ; cf. K6. 366 i who treats the ptcp. as referring to past time ;
Ew.8 343 a. In Am. 7* what seems to be a similar case proves on exami-
nation to be different, since nSoxi is equivalent to an incipient impf. {y.s,^.
The proper explanation is this : the ptcp. together with Jicni expresses not a
descriptive action, but a fact of general experience, a construction ordinarily
denoted by the pf.; GK. \obk; Dr. § 12; H. 18, 3. The whole expression
= " he causes the earth to melt." This was the principal statement, which is
followed by three clauses each giving a detail of the concurrent phenomena.
These clauses are not subordinated as circumstantial clauses would be by
placing the subject before the predicate; they are concurrent and coordinate,
yet descriptive, and hence the pf. with 1 consec. (= impf.) is employed. It
is possible that this peculiar const, points to a late and unclassical date for
vs.^-^. — 6. imjN] His vault; from the root idea of binding (Talm. and
Aram, ijn) come four different ideas, each of which occurs but once, viz.
bunch (of hyssop), Ex. I22'^, company (of men), 2 S. 2^5, bands (of ox-bow),

Is. 58^, and here the heavens, as bound or fitted together into a vault. Cf.
s ^

Ar. 4>L^t. — 7. D''''a'o] On a^"-, GK. 87^. — nVh] Given concessive force in
• ft

IX. 8-15 195

GK. 150^. — '7sn!:''~nN] The force of the position may be expressed by placing
emphasis on the word Israel. — 8. o dsn] An adv. of limitation, = save that;
the other cases of this are Nu. 13^^ Dt. 15* Ju. 4^; also (according to We., Sta.
GVI. I. 199, Dr., Kit., and BDB.), i S, i^ — n*?] For unusual position (else-
where only in Gn. 3* Ps. 49^) cf. GK. 113 v; H. 28, 3 rm. f ; K6. 352/. —
T'C'i'n] Intens. inf. abs., here written fully; cf. Dt. 15" Is. 59'* Je. 3'^; etc.
(GK. Ilk).

§15. A later voice of promise. 9*''-". (i) A modification of
the prophetic utterance concerning the exile, which shall not be
doom, but a source of discipline, destruction coming upon the
wicked only; 98c. 9. 10^ ^2) There will be a lifting up and repair-
ing of David's hut, now fallen, and the acquisition of all the terri-
tory originally intended for Israel ; 9^^- ^. (3) There will be a
return of numerous and plenteous harvests, a rebuilding of cities,
and a replanting of vineyards ; and Israel shall be permanently
reestablished; 9^^^.

This section is composed of three strophes of six lines each. Strophe i,
introduced by the transition clause, save that I will not utterly destroy^ etc.,
furnishes the ground for what follows, viz. only the wicked of Israel shall
perish ; strophe 2 describes the political reestablishment of Israel, including
Judah; strophe 3 pictures the prosperity and permanency of restored Israel.

The chief reasons for denying this section to Amos are: (i) the many
linguistic affinities between it and the works of exilic and post-exilic times
(see especially Che. Exp. 5th ser. VIII. 44 f.; Volz, 23; Dr. 119; Day and
Chapin, AJSL. XVIII. 81 ; Grimm, Liturgical Appendices, 91); e.g. -fccn
(v.8*), SiD'' (v.^), iMT (v.ii), ■s^-WTK and Tiifi (v.i^) scriptio plena; the late
formula D-'xa Qic njn (v.^^); the phrase dSv •<di3; cf. Mai. 3* Mi. 7I* Is. 51^
Je. 4626, which are late passages; the phrase niac 31^', which is post-exilic;
yrh^, cf. Is. 41 10 52" 548 66^ Ps. 147'^ Jq. 41^; p^p;- is later than ifi-w"^, occur-
ring only in Jo. i^ 4^8 Is. 49^0 Ct. 8'^; ro'-in, cf ro^in. Is. 49'^; Jin in Hithpa.
only in Na. i^ Ps. 10726; (2) the fact that this picture of restoration is incon-
sistent with Amos's repeated announcements of entire destruction (cf. 5^- ^
91-*-''); (3) a favorable attitude towards Judah, as distinct from Israel, is not
characteristic of Amos; (4) the emphasis laid upon material blessings, ex-
tension of territory, etc., to the exclusion of every moral characteristic, is in-
consistent with the attitude of Amos, whose whole message is ethical; (5) the
fact that the passage contains echoes of later writings, e.g. cf. v.^ and Is. 11^,
v.iS" and Lv. 265, y.isj and Jo. 4I8, v.i* and 2 K. i9-^9 Je. 148 29«- 28 Is. 548 6521
Dt. 2830*' 39 Zp. i^*; (6) the abruptness of transition from the announce-
ment of destruction to the promise of restoration in v.**; (7) the use of the
title tihSn is in opposition to the usage and thought of Amos (4^2 being a

196 AMOS

questionable passage) ; (8) Amos always represents the whole people as the
object of punishment, but here a distinction is made between the righteous
and the sinner which is characteristic of later thought; (9) the passage
seems *-r> io"V bark upon ? ruined nation !vs.^'^ ^'**); (lo) Amos always con-
templates an exile m Assyria, not a scattering among the nations as here.
(So e.g. Sta.; We., Oort, Marti 1 Uesch. 191 and Dodekapropheioti), Sm. (^Rel.
183); Houtsma ^ Th7 . XXXIV. 433), Co. (^Einl. ed. 3, p. 184), Che. (WRS.
Proph XV. and kxp. Jan. 1897, PP- 44-47j and EB.), Preuschen {ZAW.
XV. 24-27^, JNcw., JAS., Voiz, i^onr, laylor {DB.), Bu. {Jew. Enc), Bau-
dissin {Einl.), Grimm {Liturgical Appendices, 88 ff.); but cf. Val., Dr., Mit.,
Get. (pp. 24 f.), Co. {Einl. ist ed.).)

Some interpreters make the interpolation begin with v.^^; so e.g. Torrey
{/BL. XV. 153 f.; cf. Schwally, ZAW. X. 227; Seesemann, p. 15), who
saves vs.^^o for Amos by pruning them of later additions, viz. v.**, and the
last clause of v.^, which were added in order to prepare the way for vs.^^^-.

9. nnx] (5 a-ijvTpifji,fj.a = -\2V (so also Elh.), S ^^ " - ^« Get. nji: (?),

cf. Is. 17^. — 10. imD"i] (3 TeXevTT^ffovcri; U tnorientur ; % i"*^"! — nynn]
(5 TO. KUKo.. — a'un] Read rjn (so We., GAS., Now., Torrey, Dr., Gort
Em., Elh., Get., Marti). Cf. Hi. who reads JitJ'n as in i Ch, 21^^ Jb. 41I8,
and cites the substitution of C'uc for J^rc in i S. 14^^^. — anpn] Read nnpn,
since Hiph. occurs only in Jb. 41^ (so We., Torrey, GAS., Now., Gort Em.,
Elh., Get., Marti). — in;7a] <5 e0' ^^^s. Read ijnj? (so Hoffm., We., Gr.,
Gort Efn., Torrey, Now., Elh., Get., Marti). Riedel, U'^in. — 11. HDD]
3; nm NPir'^c. Hoffm. nirp and niSsJn (so Preuschen, ZAW. XV. 25;
Schwally, ibid. X. 226; Gu.). At end of v.^^ S adds, im in nur^; cf.
Dt. 32^. — vnonm jnis-iD] S 3 m. pi. suffixes; U, for 'ns, aperturas tnurorum
ejus. We. n\'nb-)ni n^xns (so Gr., Val., Now., Elh., Get., Marti). — 12. v^i"]
(5 ^KfijT^o-wo-ii' = itfn\ — anN n>iNB'-nN] (5, omitting pn, ol KaTd\onroi twv
dvdpwirwv (= O'in), and inserting as obj. of m'"n^ in some Mss. fie, in others,
e.g. (3^, rbv K^ipiov; cf. Acts 15^''. — ani'?j7 . . . ntrN] Gr. nir'xo. (5 ^0' ovs . . .
^tt' aOroiJs; 'S eo quod . . . super eos. — PNr] ©H,S pi. — 13. trjji] 5J >t'r^
= j''B'n (Seb.).— ^ixi|i3 tfim] (§ 6 d/xriTbs rbv Tpvyr)T6p. Vol. sug. as basis
of (§ Tspj ir'nn, but t^'n^ = seedtime, while dfirjTbs = harvest. 2C NT^xna nit\;

pOyO-t i-:-t:t

^ \ => ^ "'•^ |»|. Get. B'^'^nn. Gun. K'n'mo -\si|i. — -rn -d3 B'lajy Ti""] © /caJ
irepKdffei i} ffTacpvXrj iv t^ ffirbpqi, perhaps reading nrn for TiT; cf. Ez. 47^2

(Vol.). S l^^]^ ) ms» 1'^^=; cf. 3C N>nT -15 pspa pao? isj?'!. — d^djj]
®, freely, nnn icn. — njjjinnp] (5 (ri//i0uroi ecroxrai, perhaps reading njjjnnn,
cf. Hg. 118 (Vol.); U culti erunt ; ^ tnSon^; ^ v^m^ai — 14, niDtt'j]
(5, freely, -^(paviffiJiivas. — 15. icnji] U evellajn eos. — anmN] ©'^^ om. suff.
— "I^hSn] (5 6 ^e6s 6 wavTOKpdTup; hence Gr, ni!<3S ^nSw,

9. I^or behold I com7}iaiid~\ The later writer preserves the
continuity of expression, by placing the words in the mouth of

IX. 9-IO 197

Yahweh. The importance of the utterance is indicated by the
use of Behold. The participle represents the action as on the
point of occurrence. — / will shake the house of Israel among all
the nations^ Every Israelite, good or bad, shall be subjected to
the disciphne (no longer doom) which is coming. Instead of a
particular people, among whom Israel is to go captive, as else-
where, the phrase " all the nations " occurs, as in later prophets ;
cf. Je. 43^ Ez. 36-^. — Just as one shakes with a sieve'] The sieve
is ordinarily constructed in such a way as that the good grain is
retained, while the light grain, the dust, and chaff fall through to
the ground when the sieve is shaken. So the captivity is to be a
means of sifting out of Israel all the wicked and worthless who
are a disgrace and offence to the true people of Yahweh. — And
not a kernel shall fall] The good shall remain in the sieve, i.e.
in exile, but the bad shall fall, i.e. perish, "in^ = kernel or
pebble ; cf. the following views : ( i ) that the nation is entirely
chaff;* (2) that 1T1\' = small stones which remain with the
wheat, not one of them shall fall ; t (3) that it means firm and
solid grain, i.e. something pressed together ; J (4) that pebble
= wicked, who shall remain in the sieve, i.e. captivity, while the
righteous fall out or escape ; § (5) that "in:: = pious, who are
bound in a bundle that they may not be lost. || In favor of the
interpretation of "nn^ as grain are : (i) the fact that what remains
in the sieve is the good element according to the description here,
while the bad falls through; (2) the idea of destruction could
not be expressed by the figure of preservation in the sieve, nor
deliverance by falling through the sieve.^ — 10. All the sinners
of my people] This is the point of differentiation. It cannot
mean, " all my sinful people," ** a thought more naturally ex-
pressed through an adjective. These sinners must be removed
through the process of sifting; a violent death awaits them. —
Disaster shall not touch or befall us] For change of text, v.s.

* Cal. t Merc, Ros. % Ba.

§ Hoffm., Preuschen {ZAW. XV. 24). This interpretation supposes the sieve
referred to here to be the Kirbal described by Wetzstein, ZDPV. XIV. i ff., as a
sieve with large meshes into which the grain was first thrown in order to screen out
of it small stones, clods, straws, and imperfectly threshed ears, which could not be
blown out by throwing the grain against the wind. Cf. Ecclus. 27*.

II Hes. H So Now. ** Torrey, JBL. XV. 154 f.

198 AMOS

For a similar attitude of mind on the part of the wicked, cf.
Am. 6^. Looking forward to Yahweh's day as a time of joy and
blessing (cf. 5^*), they scornfully refuse to heed the prophet's
warnings of calamity. With this picture of Yahweh's day as a
time of discipline and purification resulting in the preservation
and strengthening of the righteous, that of Amos is in striking
contrast; cf. 5^^* 8^ ^"-^'-^^ — 11. In that day\ Cf. the introduc-
tory phrase in v.", and the occurrence of both together in 8'^ — /
will raise up the hut of David~\ This expression presupposes the
exile, for the Davidic house is here reduced to a hut ; cf Hoff-
mann (z'.i".) who reads huts, and interprets the phrase, not as
having reference to the union of the two kingdoms, but as a
picture of the coming restoration of the simplicity of Davidic
days which Amos loved, the huts of David being contrasted with
the palaces and forts of the age of Jeroboam. — Build it as in
the days of old'\ This would hardly be appropriate in Amos's
days, but entirely so in later times. — 12. That they may possess
the remnant of Edam and all the nations^ Cf Ps. 60. This
hostility towards Edom in particular seems to reflect the feelings
of the exilic age ; cf. Ob., Is. 63^'*, etc. This political exaltation
of Israel at the expense of the nations in general is strangely
discordant with the teachings of Amos ; cf. v.'^. — Which are called
by my name'\ This does not mean " those to whom he shall have
revealed his divine nature, and manifested himself as a God and
Saviour " ; * nor " those who have been solemnly proclaimed by
him as his property or subject-lands, which was done in his
promises to Israel and David's house " ; f but refers rather to the
thought (cf. Je. 7^" Dt. 28^" 2 S. 12^) that an owner's name will
adhere to what he owns, and to the fact that David had actually
subdued extensive territory and made it submissive toYahweh. J —
13. The ploughmaji shall overtake the reaper, etc.] Cf. Lv. 26^.
Ploughing and reaping will press close upon one another, the time
of ripening will be so short ; before the farmer has his crops all
sown, it will be time for him to begin reaping those first sown. —
And the treader of grapes him who soweth seed'\ i.e. the vintage
will be so abundant that seedtime will arrive before the vintage is

* Ke. + Or. X Now.

IX. IO-I5 199

finished. Vintage begins in September, while seedtime begins as
soon as the October rains have made ploughing possible. — Afid
the mountains shall drop sweet wine'] Cf. Jo. 3^^. The vineyards
were commonly planted on the mountain slopes. — And all the
hills shall melt] It will appear as though the hills themselves were
being dissolved in the copious streams of wine flowing from the
vineyards on their sides. — 14. / will lead back the captivity of
my people] In Ho. 6^^, and everywhere in later writings {i.e. eleven
times in Je., three times in Ez., Dt. 30'' Ps. 126^* La. 2" Ps. 14^
53^ Zp. 2^ 3^), except in Jb. 42^", the phrase nniT "ZW may be
given this meaning (v.i.). The other interpretation turn the for-
tune {turning) of tny people, based on the derivation of nntr from
'2'W rather than nstr, is favored by some scholars {v.i.). The latter
meaning is more general. In either case, the post-exilic origin of
this utterance is clear in view of the detailed description which fol-
lows, and seems to have been written in the light of experience. — •
They shall rebuild waste cities and inhabit them] Cf. Je. 33^*^ Is, 54'
65-^ The opposite is seen in Zp. i^^ Dt. 28*'. — And they shall
plant vineyards a?id drink their wine, and they shall make gardens
{i.e. orchards), and eat their fruit] For similar ideals of the
future see Is. 65^' Ez. 28-"; and note the contrast between this
and Amos's outlook, 4^ 5"; cf. Dt. 28'^'''^'' Zp. i^". — 15. I will
plant them upon their lajid] Cf. Ho. 2^ Je. 24^ 32*^ 42^" 45*
2 S. 7^° Is. 60-^ Jo. 3^. The nation is here represented as a tree
(cf. Ps. i^) . — Arid they shall not again be plucked up from their
land which I have given them] A promise of permanent posses-
sion, qualified by no conditions ; but the nation is thought of here
as righteous, and therefore enjoying the favor of Yahweh. — Saith
Yahweh thy God] Cf 4^ Is. 41^" 52^ 54" 661 This is a phrase
expressive of the close relationship now existing. It is not used
by Amos.

9. y'\y'\ Indef. freq.; literally, is shaken, the subj. 'grain' being under-
stood.— mas] a.X, Apparently from 13 D = intertwine, weave. There seems
to be no sufficient reason on either lexicographical or exegetical grounds to con-
nect it with the modern Jo«.£, described by Wetzstein, ZDPV. XIV. 1-7. —

nnx] Etymol. uncertain; ^exh3.Y>'^ itora 'V^'i — lo press together. The meaning
pebble is assured for 2 S. 17^^, the only other occurrence. Grain of corn suits
the present context better. — 10. ^d;? nsan] Partitive genitive, GK. 1282;

200 AMOS

not "my sinful people" (so Torrey), cf. Da. §240. — ir-jn] Hiph. never
occurs elsewhere meaning " draw near," but rather with causative force, " bring
near." Hence the original consonants tfjn should probably be pointed as Qal.
Likewise onpn] must be pointed as Pi.; Hi. occurs only in Jb. 41^, where
also Pi. was probably original (so Duhm). — ijn;ia] If iUl^ be retained, ^ is
to be explained as scriptio plena, since "lya is regularly used in sg. before
suff. But (i) this unusual pointing, (2) the inappropriateness of this prep,
after the vIjs. used here, and (3) the rendering of <5 {y.s.^ support the change
to 1J"'^V adopted here. The objection of Gun. that 1J? does not elsewhere
occur with suffix of i p. pi. is of little force. — 11. djd] Used here fig. of the
fallen Davidic dynasty; cf. its use in 2 S. 22^2 of the clouds as the dwelling-
place of Yahweh. This is preferable to pointing it as pi., with Hoff m. {v.s.'), and
requires less change in the following suffixes, involving merely the reading of
masc. sg. suff. instead of f. pi. in |n>sifl, whereas the reading mrp necessitates
reading pinDnn, and fn^ja, and rTiVai. Perhaps, however, it is better to
read all three suff. as fem. sg., with We., and refer them to nsD. — Tin] The
scriptio plena is a distinctively late characteristic, not becoming customary
until the close of the fourth century B.C. In 6^ it occurs again, but there it is
certainly a later addition. See Eckardt, ZAIV. XIII. 89 f.; cf. BDB. s.v.;
for the statistics of the two forms of writing the name, see Bonk, ZA W. XI.
127 ff. — vPDin] o.X. ; a passive ptcp. formation (Barth, NB. 126 c), from
DTH = "to tear down." If the masc. suffix be retained it must be explained
as influenced by, or referring to. Tin. — ^d^d] For this use of 3 cf. Ho. 2^. —
12. DHiSy iDsy Nipj ncN] This phraseology regularly denotes the fact of
possession; cf. Is. 4^ 63!^ Dt. 281" Je. 7^° 15^6 2 S. 12'-^. — nsi ncj?] This use
of the ptcp. to express an attribute of Yahweh is found also in 4^^ 5^*- 9^*'-, and
is common in late literature. — 13. Dioy] Pass. ptcp. formation (Barth, JVB.

126c), from DDj; = crush by treading; cf. Mai. 32I; Syr. i_iaik = to explore;

a ^
Arab, yj*^ — to prowl about. This was probably a sweet wine made by not

allowing fermentation to continue the usual length of time; cf. Dr., and

Pliny, //isf. Nat. XIV. 9. In Ct. 8^ this word is used of wine made from

pomegranates, a kind of wine still made in Persia. — njjjinnn] Cf. the use

of this same vb. with reference to the land in v.^, and of the hills, as here, in

Na. i^. In Jo. 4^^, where this statement is repeated, the more ordinary phrase

a'^n "iSn is substituted for this striking expression. — 14. nnr] Best explained

as derived from nar, not from iyi\ Cf. the effort of Barth {ZDMG. XLI.

618) to connect it with naty = to gather (Arab. Lo), translating, "I will

gather a gathering."

A COMMENTARY ON THE BOOK OF
ROSEA.

§ 1. The superscription. i\* This superscription states the
authority, the parentage, and the period of Hosea, the prophet
whose writings make up the collection. The superscriptions of
the prophetic books, like those of the psalms, had their origin in
many cases in an age later than that of the prophecies themselves.
This fact explains the inconsistencies so frequently found between
the contents of the superscriptions and the contents of the books.
The data for determining the value of the statement must be
gathered from the book itself. In the case before us, aside from
the formal utterance concerning the prophet's inspiration and the
name of his father, the questions of special interest are : (i) Why
should Jeroboam alone be mentioned of the Northern kings, when,
if the other part of the date is correct, the prophet must have
worked also during the reigns of several of the Israelitish kings,
viz. Zechariah, Shallum, Menahem, Pekahiah, Pekah, Hoshea?
(2) If Hosea was a Northern prophet, why is the work dated by
Southern kings ? (3) Did Hosea really prophesy during the period
designated? (4) Consideration must also be given to the question
of his home and nationality. These points, already referred to in
the Introduction, will be taken up in the order suggested by the
text.

1. 1. T/te tvord of Yahweh'] While " law " or " instruction " (min
= decision by oracle) was the technical word for the divine com-
munication through the priest, and " counsel " (nil? = " the faculty
of self-determination or devising of measures" f), cf. Je. 18^*, for

* Cf. Che. 9-15 ; Sayce, JQR. I. 162-172 ; Kirk. Propk. 107-110 ; Riehm,
Einl. II. 46-50; Now. 2-6; GAS. I. 211-226; WRS. Proph. 144 ff.; Marti, 13 f.
f Cf. Siegfried in art. " Wisdom," DB.

201

202 HOSEA

that of the sage, " word " ("iS"i) is the term employed in connec-
tion with the work of the prophet (cf. Am. i^ Is. 2^ Je. i^ 2^ * 7^
Ez. 6^ 7^ 12^ 13^0. i^ Jon. i^Mi. i^ Zp. i^ Hg. i^Zc. i^ Mai. i^).—
To Hosea, the son of Beeri'\ The word Hosea (y^^in) means de-
liverance (cf. p. 205) ; with it may be compared the form Joshua
(yiU7i,T). The same name was borne by the last of the Israelitish
kings (733-722 B.C.), but the effort to identify this king with the
prophet is without success. The name Beeri occurs only here ;
cf., however, Beerah, i Ch. 5^ Among various traditions con-
cerning Hosea may be mentioned (i) that which locates his birth
and death in Belemoth * or Belamon f or Bethshemesh \ of the
tribe of Issachar ; (2) that which represents his death as having
taken place in Babylon and his burial in Tsepath in upper Galilee ; §
(3) that which makes his burial place in Almenia, in Northern
Africa. Leaving these stories, we turn to the book which bears
his name for the information not elsewhere given. He was of
Northern Israel ; this appears from (i) the language of the book,
which contains Aramaisms ; || (2) the phrases^ "our king," 7^,
"in the house of Israel I saw a horrible thing," 6^^; "the land"
applied to Northern Israel, i- ; (3) the special interest shown in
Israel ; ** (4) the peculiar information displayed in reference to
their rehgiousff and pohtical conditions, their past history, J J and
the topography of the country ;§§ (5) his famiharity with the
Northern love-poem, Song of Songs, \\ || but this point can scarcely
be substantiated ; (6) " the tone of Hosea's religion, which is, on
the whole, both warmer and more joyous (cf. chaps. 2 and 14) than
that which prevails in the great Judahite prophets." %^ It has
been suggested that Hosea, like Amos, went up from Judah to
Israel;*** because (i) frequent references are made to Judah
(i7.n ^15 ^5.1(^14 54. n 814 jji2 J 22), but thesc passages are doubtful,

* See Wti. pp. iii, iv; Now. Hosea, p. ix; Kno. Proph. II. 154; Pseudepipha-
nius, de vitis prophet, chap. 11. f Pseudodorotheus, de prophetis, chap. I.

X Jer. on ii. } rhi^n rhzhi.', fol. 19.

II Sim. 38; Ke., Giesebrecht, ZAW. I. 258; Che., K6. Einl. 311 f.; Now.
H Cf. Hi. and Ew. ; v., however, Che. p. 10.

** Wii. p. V. "H" Dr. LOT. 304. JJ Now., Hosea, pp. viii t.

\\ Ew. I. 2iof.; Wii. p. vii.; Now. 3. |||| Hi. 5; Che. 34.

HH Che. p. 10; cf. Wii. p. viii.
*** Jahn, Eitil. II. i. J 94; Mau. Observat. in Hoseain, cited by Ros.

I. I 203

and in any case do not involve such an implication ; (2) the super-
scription dates the hfe of the prophet principally according to
the kings of the Southern Kingdom, the name of Jeroboam being
given to indicate the period of his prophetic activity in Israel;
but, as will be shown, the superscription is from a late hand, and
consequently cannot be trusted for evidence of a character so
subtle ; (3) the prophet's attitude toward the people of Judah as
compared with that manifested toward Israel ; but under Uzziah,
the people of Judah were comparatively upright, while idolatry
with all its evils, and oppression with all its accompaniments, were
rampant in Israel.* Nor does the use of the names of kings of
both kingdoms indicate birth in one and work in another.f More-
over, the failure to give the birthplace of a prophet does not in-
dicate that he was a native of Jerusalem. J — In the days of Uzziah,
Jotham, Ahaz, Hezekiah, kings of Judah, and in the days of
Jeroboam, son of Joash, king of Israel~\ This translated into
dates reads : Between ca. ySj and ca. 775, reckoned by Southern
kings ; between ca. 780 and ca. 745, reckoned by Northern kings.
If genuine, this would mean that Hosea's work began, at least
before ^45 B.C., and continued probably through 722 b.c.

As favoring this, and in explanation of the difficulties which have arisen,
it has been suggested : (i) That the names of the Southern kings are inserted
{a) because the line held a more permanent and dignified position, and its
chronology was more trustworthy (Ma. 4); {b) because, as the prophet
knew, they were the true kings (Hav. Einl. II. ii. 278; Ke. I. 11 f.; Hng. I.
i66f.; Pu.); {/) because they were the righteous kings, Jeroboam's name
being added for the reason that he too was righteous in not heeding the
calumny against Amos (7^*'); or (</) because it was customary to date one's
prophecies by the kings of one's native land (Hosea being from Judah)
(Mau.). (2) That the name of Jeroboam is added («) in order that the
prophet may give evidence of his knowledge to foretell future events, since
he first threatens the evil in the prosperous time of Jeroboam (Cal. 38 f.;
Os. 509; Hng. 167; Ke. I. 12 f.); or (J)~) because the prophet's work
was done in Israel (so most comm.) ; but the fanciful character of such
suggestions is obvious. (3) That the names of the remaining kings of
Israel are omitted because they were not regarded as real kings (Cocceius
in Marck, 6; Hng. 168). In favor of the genuineness of the super-

* Kit. Hist. II. 310 f.; Kno. Proph. II. 155, Anm. 5; Wii. p. vi.; H. P. Smith,
O. T. Hist. 821 ff. t Ros. p. 5. X Wii. p. vii. Cf. Ew. I. 210-214.

204 HOSEA

scription it has been urged (i) that "Shalman" (lo^*) refers to Shal-
maneser (Hng. I. 169 f.; Pu.); (2) that Jareb (51^ lo^) is the natal name
of Sargon (Sayce, HCM. 417); (3) that the predictions of Assyrian invasion
in lo^-^ 13^^ seem to refer to the immediate future (Huxtable); (4) that the
allusions to the Egyptian relations (7I1 iii^) are satisfied by the events of
Hoshea's reign (Ma. 341; Ke. I. 15 f.; Hng. I. lyof); (5) that S^" refers to
tribute paid by Menahem to Tiglathpileser (Schm. p. 73) ; (6) that the
whole description is one that accords literally with the period of the last days
of Israel (Hng. I. 171 f.; Ke. I. 16). Against the genuineness of the super-
scription may be urged (Ew., Sim., W(i.; WRS. Proph. 406 f.; Che.; Dr.
LOT. 301 f.; We., Or., Bach., Val., Now.; Da. DB. II. 420; Marti, EB. II.
2121, et al.; Oet.) : (l) the inconsistency of placing the later date (Uzziah,
etc.), ca. jSo to ji^, before the earlier (Jeroboam) ca. 780 to ca. 74^, when
chaps. 1-3 seem to belong to the reign of Jeroboam (cf. the description of
prosperity in chap. 2, which is applicable only to Jeroboam's time; and the
announcement of a yet future destruction awaiting the dynasty of Jehu, i*),
and chaps. 4-14, to the times which immediately followed; (2) the improba-
bility that a Northern prophet would use for his dates the reigns of Southern
kings; (3) the fact that in the prophet's time Gilead was still Israelitish,
6^ 12II; cf. 5I; although in 734 B.C. its inhabitants were carried away by
Tiglathpileser; (4) the absence of any reference to the attack of Pekah
upon Judah in 735 B.C. (cf. Is. 7); (5) the probability that Hezekiah did
not come to the throne until after the fall of Samaria, to which event Hosea
looks forward (13IS 14I) {^e. Jahrbb. f. deutsche Theol. XX. 630; Wkl.
Untersuch. 77 ff.; McCurdy, HPM. II. 250; Marti, EB. 796; Che. EB.
2058; Gu. Gesch. 200; et al.^

The evidence points to the conclusion suggested above, that at
least a portion of the superscription comes from the hand of a
post-exilic scribe, who thus inexactly represents Hosea as a con-
temporary of Isaiah (cf. Is. i^) and of Micah (cf. i^), the name
of Uzziah being omitted from the date of the latter to show that
he was younger.*

* Various opinions regarding the origin of the superscription are : Hi. reads as
original, "In the days of Jeroboam, son of Joash, king of Israel; then spake
Yahweh to Hosea," thus including a part of v. 2. Sim. and Wii. treat the whole
as late. Ew. takes the specification of the kings of Judah as a later addition from
the hand to which we owe Is. i^, and considers the rest of the heading as original
but belonging only to chaps, i and 2. Che. says, " The first part, ' the word,' etc.,
may have been originally prefixed to a roll containing chaps. 1-3 ; the latter part
was intended for the complete book ; both parts were joined thoughtlessly at a
late date." Sayce declares the title to be older than the age of (S, and to be the
work of a native of Judah. It is inexact and imperfect and comes from a later

I. 2-III. 5 205

1. ptrin] From JTB*' = to be wide ; this earlier form was changed to ytt'in'
(Nu. 138- 16 3212-28). @ 'fierce; TB Osee ; Jerome (on i^) notes the writing

Aiff-n, Ause; Rom. g^ 'fiffijs; & ^*%.^o<n; Arabic U\wC. On the original
pronunciation of 5?e'in, cf. Haupt. ZA. II. 261, Anm. 2; Jager, BAS. I. 468.
The form is not (i) an imv. (Hiph.) = Save thou (Ma. 2; Ros. 10.), for this
would require >U'''n; nor (2) pf. 3 m. sg., which would require >;;u'\t ; nor
(3) a compound of in = in-, a form of mn- and yr = >U', (Jer.; cf. Sim. 7, and
Wii. pp. If.), for this is the explanation of >£'in''; but (4) an inf. abs., (Sim. 6;
Wu. p. I; Or. 4 ; BDB.); cf Je. 11I2 i S. 2526-33,

§§ 2-5. Hosea's call to the prophetic work, in connection
with the unfaithfulness of his wife, a picture of Israel's rela-
tionship to God. I "-3^. A family experience leads Hosea to un-
derstand in some measure the love of Yahweh for Israel. This
experience was, in a word, the adultery of his own wife, and the
birth of children in this adultery. Some time after the events
themselves have occurred, he tells the story, minghng with its
details the new and precious truth which he has gained from the
experience concerning Yahweh and Yahweh's bride, the nation
Israel. His narrative, like that of Isaiah's vision (Is. 6) and
Jeremiah's later feeling in reference to the message concerning
the purchase of the field (Je. 32*), reads into the events the
significance which the later history suggests. The present text
as rearranged includes : § 2. The harlotry of Gomer, the prophet's
wife, i^"^ (v.", a later addition). § 3. The purchase of Gomer as
a slave and her retention " many days," 3^"^ (v.^, a later addition).
§ 4. The harlotry of Israel and her punishment therefor, 2*"^- ^'''"- ^
(vs.** ^ ^ being glosses or later additions). § 5. Later voices

hand. Dr. supposes the original title to have had simply, " In the days of
Jeroboam," and to have referred only to chaps. 1-3 ; and the names of the Judean
kings, contemporaneous with and subsequent to Jeroboam, to have been added in
order to indicate that the book as a whole referred to a later period. We. and Now. 2
say that only the beginning of the superscription, " The word of Yahweh which came
to Hosea, son of Beeri," is old. Now. thinks that if any part of the superscription
is genuine, it must be " The word of Yahweh which came to Hosea, son of Beeri,
in the days of Jeroboam, king of Israel." This belongs only to chaps. 1-3. Marti
{EB. II. 2121), suggests " words of Hosea, the son of Beeri" as the original form.
Da. {DB. II. 420) grants the possibility of an early date for "the words of Yahweh
which came to Hosea, the son of Beeri." Oet. rejects the entire chronological state-
ment as coming from a later hand.

206 HOSEA

describing Israel's return to Yahweh and his acceptance of her,
28-9. 16-18. 20-25. 1-3 * With slight exceptions the material is poetical.-f

§ 2. The harlotry of Hosea's wife, i^""^ A man of sensitive
temperament marries a young woman who later proves unfaithful
to her marriage vows. The children born in infidelity are named
Jezreel, Un-loved, ''No kin of t?iine" (lit. not-my-people) . These
names, like those of Isaiah's children, were significant. The
woman, after some years, goes from bad to worse. The prophet
(i) is led to see in this a parallel with Israel's treatment of
Yahweh; and (2) through this domestic affliction is called to
preach to his sinful countrymen.

2. i3i] (SU<2'3r read as a substantive ("i3i) or inf. est. (nai) ; but 'A.
dpx^ ^K €\d\7]<Te. — yti'inj] ^ = -\r\-hy. fB.lK places pisqa after this, thus
indicating it as an independent sentence; so <&, but SU connect with what
follows. Hi. regards the clause 'inj . . . n'^nn as a gloss (so Bach., Now. (?)).
Oet. om. }!Z'^7^ hn nin\ — q->imi nSi] U (Cod. A?niat.) inserts fac before these
words. Bach. {Pr.') om. as a gloss on a^Jiji ns'N. — njr] (g iKiropve-Oovaa.
= nji ; so U. — 3. 1'^] Omitted in some Mss. of Heb. and ©, and in Arabic,
but present in Ethiopia Franckfurter Bibel-Cod. (Bach. Pr.^. — 4. xini]
@ '\oiba.; S., 0. 'iwO. — nioSnc] Oet. and Now.^ sugg. that this is a con-
fusion of raaSo and hd'^dc, and would read pd^dd. — 6. iS idnm] <S inserts
nini as subj. and reads "h for iS; so also in v.®. — ncnn n'?] ® ovk rjXerj/xivrj;
U absque tjiisericordia, both pointing toward a ptcp. as orig. form; but
S has finite vb. Loft. sugg. ^^rin-\ nS — onS n::'N nit'j ^d] <S treats S as sign
of ace, and renders Nt'j, carry away ; U sed oblivione obliviscar eoru?n
(reading nu'j) ; (g dXX* ■^ avTLTaa(TbiJ.€vos d,VTLTd^o/j.aL airoTs; ® takes Nr:
as = /org-ive. Gr. would place this clause in v.'^ after amN. Bach, would
insert Sn (= not that I should forgive) before ''3, its loss being occasioned by
preceding '^Nia'\ Hal. inserts nS = I will not pardon. — 7. Omit as a Juda-
istic insertion (v.i.). Oet. would transpose to chap. 14. — 9. dd*? n^nt< kS]
Read oyr^hn n"? (cf. 2^ Zc. 88) (so (5 codd. 42, 44; Orig. IV. 618; We., Gr.,
Loft., Now., Oet., Hal., Marti).

2 a. In the beginning when Yahweh spoke^ is the proper ren-
dering of iIH2r, and is favored by (§SU ; v.s. It refers to the

* Cf. Hal6vy's arrangement, viz.: (i) the period of prostitution, i2-9; (2) the
period of expiation, 3I-* ; (3) the period of reconciliation, 38 2i-3; (4) interpretation
of the foregoing history, (a) the prostitution, 2-*-"- W; {b) the e.xpiation, 211-15. 8.9 j
(c) the reconciliation, gis-ss. -j- Cf. AJSL. Vol. XVII. 1-15.

I. 2 207

beginning of the prophet's work, which is, therefore, made syn-
chronous with his marriage. It is unquestionably awkward, and
many suggestions have been made to relieve this difficulty ; v.i.
— With Hosea] Yahweh is here represented as speaking with the
prophet, i.e. as entering into communication with him, the person
who speaks being a superior being* (Nu. 12^-® Zc. i^**^) ; rather
than through or by (i K. 22^). — Yahweh said unto Hosea'] The
marriage which is commanded is a means of educating the prophet
to an understanding of Yahweh's will. That Yahweh was actually
. speaking to him when his heart was led to take the step, later
events testify. — Take to thee] Used by zeugma with a double
object, viz. Gomer and the children, and denoting here, as else-
where, marriage (cf. Gn. 4^^ 6' 19" i S. 25^^ Ex. 21'"^ 34^^), and not
concubinage. t — A wife of whoredoms'] Not (i) one who was un-
chaste, i.e. a harlot, at the time of marriage, J because {a) Hosea
would scarcely have attributed such a command to Yahweh ;
{b) this would be inconsistent with the symbolical representation
which makes Israel (and, therefore, the woman) at first faithful
(Je. 2") ; {c) the ordinary word not would better have been used.
Nor (2) one who, like all Israelites of the day, was spiritually
unclean, i.e. addicted to idolatry. § But (3) one who, although
chaste at the time of marriage, had in her a tendency to impurity
which later manifested itself. || For a fuller summary of the dif-
ferent interpretations v.i. — And children of whoredoms] Not
(i) children already born in adultery to the mother before
marriage with the prophet ; If because (a) as Gomer is the wife
of whoredoms, the children to be named (vs.^-®'"') must be the
children of whoredoms ; {b) the symbolical interpretation points
to children born in sin after the marriage ; ** nor (2) children
who, like all Israelites, were guilty of idolatry ; ft nor (3) children,
born to the prophet by his wife, who inherited from the mother
this tendency toward lewdness; J J but (4) children born to her
after marriage and begotten by another than the prophet.**

* Ew. t Thomas Aquinas, Schmidt.

X So most older commentaries, and recently, Volz, " Die Ehegeschichte Hosea's,"
Zw Th. XLI. 321-335. § New., Preiswerk, Sharpe, Riedel.

II So Geb., Mau., Ros., Hd., Che., We., WRS., Kue., GAS., Now., Da., Marti, et al.
H So Abarb., Grotius, Kurtz, Ke. ** So most recent comm. tt Hal.
Jt Sanctius, Or.

208 HOSEA

A summary of the more important interpretations of the marriage of
Hosea is here given.

I. A vision, a transaction in a dream or trance, and never carried out in
real life (so Maimonides, AE., Ki., Hng., Ke., Wii., Tott., et al.), II. Closely
allied to I., and, like it, based upon objection to a literal interpretation, is the
viewf which makes it a parable, or allegory, or figurative mode of speech (so
Rashi, Cal., Pareus, Crocius, De Wette, Schro., Hes., Hi., Sim., Bleek, Schm.,
Reuss, K6., et al.). In defence of both the above as against a literal interpre-
tation it is urged {a) that to take it literally is a reflection upon the holiness
of God, and imputes to Hosea conduct out of harmony vv'ith the character
of a prophet ; (/;) that the woman in 3^ is not the same as the wife in
chap. I, and that Hosea should have made two such marriages is improbable ;
{c) that too much time was consumed by these events for Hosea ever to
have used them as the basis of a striking appeal to the nation ; (a') that
prophets often represent themselves as being under command to do things
which could not have been done {e.g. Ez. 42^); {e) that the chief emphasis
in the whole narrative is on the symbolical names; (/) that the interpretation
of the act is attached immediately to the command to perform the act, alto-
gether after the fashion of vision and symbol rather than as in actual life;
{g) that it would have been psychologically impossible for a man of Hosea's
character to have received such a command from Yahweh.

Against the preceding views, and in favor of a literal understanding of the
narrative, it is urged («) that what is morally and religiously objectionable
in actual practice becomes no more defensible by being presented as vision or
parable; {b) that no indication is given by the prophet that this is vision or
parable and not fact (but cf. Je. 2515^- Zc. Il); (f) that the name Gomer
bath Diblaim yields no symbolical significance; (</) that no symbolical
meaning can be attached to the fact that the second child (v.*') is a girl
rather than a boy; (i?) that the literal view suits the realism of early proph-
ecy better than the supposition that it is a product of literary imagination;
if) that prophets were accustomed to give symbolical names to real children
(cf. Is. 7^ 8'^) ; and {g) that a real experience such as this furnishes the best
explanation of Hosea's message, — it was the outcome of the sufferings of his
own heart.

HI. Those who have maintained that a real marriage took place have
differed widely among themselves. It has been held: (i) That Gomer was
an acknowledged harlot («) who had already borne children (so Abarb.,
Grotius, Kurtz) ; or {b) who bore children to Hosea in lawful wedlock (so
Bockel and Mau., interpreting iS as showing that the children were Hosea's
own); or (<:) who bore, after her marriage, children whose parentage was
uncertain (so Jer., Theodoret, Merc, Sanctius, Burkius, Dathe, Bauer, Ew.,
Hofmann {Weissagung u. ErfuUung, 205 ff".), Pu., Val., et al.). The chief
arguments in support of this view are (a) that the marriage thereby becomes
a direct, obvious sermon against Israel; {b) the extraordinary character of
the act was for the express purpose of attracting attention (cf. Ez. la^*"^)

I. 2 209

and leading the people to question the prophet, and thus furnish him an
opportunity to teach the lesson he desired; (r) if the act of 3^ was a public
one, as is generally maintained, why not also that of i-, since the form of the
divine command is practically the same? (t/) the divine purpose of the
marriage becomes clear — viz. to open the eyes of the people to its sins
against Yahweh, The interpretation of Umbreit is worthy of mention in
this connection, viz, that Hosea, thinking of Yahweh as the husband of
Israel, and of himself as Yahweh's representative to Israel, feels that he
himself has contracted marriage with a harlot, since he by virtue of his
prophetic calling sustains the same relation to Israel as Yahweh does.
Against the view that Gomer was a public harlot are urged two objections
which seem decisive : (a) that if this had been intended nyt would have
been used instead of O'JiJt nrs; (3) that it is contrary to the regular custom
of Hosea and the prophets in general, who always represented Israel as pure
at the time of her union with Yahweh.

(2) Another phase of this view is that spiritual fornication is meant here,
Gomer being a worshipper of idols, like all the Israelites of Hosea's time (so
New., Preisvverk, Sharpe, Riedel, Hal.). But if such were the case, Hosea's
preaching and his use of his wife for illustrative purposes would have had
little force with people who were all sinners like his wife and saw no evil
in their conduct.

(3) Some have held that Hosea took Gomer, the harlot, not as a full wife,
but only as a concubine (so Thomas Aquinas, Schmidt). But this is even
less acceptable than (l).

(4) Another attempt to escape difficulty is the view that makes the wife and
children virtuous and honorable, but says that Hosea called them adulterous
for parabolic purposes (so Luther, Os.), However, this is out of keeping
with his character, and might have brought upon him open ridicule abroad
and misunderstanding at home.

(5) Finally, it is held that the disposition toward adultery in Gomer did
not manifest itself until after her marriage (so Geb., Ma., Ros., Eich., Stuck,
Theiner, Hd., Schegg, Schlier, Che., We., WRS., Kue., GAS., Da., Marti, et al.').
The advantages of this view are (rt) that it accepts the narrative as being
the simple recital of historical facts which it apparently is, while, at the same
time, it does away with the moral difficulties involved in other views that do
the same; {b) that it furnishes a reasonable basis for Hosea's evident love
for his wife; (c) that it most easily explains the processes through which
Hosea came to a realization of the mutual relationship of Yahweh and Israel;
{d) that it is strongly supported by chap. 3, which describes Hosea as taking
back his wife who had been dismissed on account of her adultery, which
dismissal would not have been justifiable if Hosea had married her with full
knowledge of her having been previously immoral. The objections that
have been made to it (cf. Volz, ZwTh. XLI. 321-35; Da. DB. II. 422)
are (<?) the fact that it necessitates the supposition that Hosea, after an
experience running through many years, looked back upon it all, and in-

2IO HOSEA

terpreted as a direct call of Yahweh what was in a large measure due
to his own natural impulses; ((5) the fact that to take out of Hosea's
life the number of years necessary for the occurrence of the events nar-
rated here leaves comparatively little of his life to be spent in prophetic
activity; (c) if we accept the view of We. (so WRS., Kue., GAS., Now.)
that Hosea did not discover his wife's infidelity until after the birth of their
first-born, it follows that his domestic experience had little to do with his
conception of his mission, for he foretells the doom of Israel in the name
of his first child, Jezreel ; (a') however, whether he learned of his wife's
faithlessness before the birth of Jezreel (so Che. in WRS. Proph. p. 112), or
after that event, and before the birth of the other two, it is scarcely probable
that he would have kept Gomer in his house and permitted her to go on in
adultery; (f) the fact that the wife's infidelity did not develop until after the
marriage would have been too important an item to have been completely
ignored in the text (cf. Marti'sview that Comer's infidelity was not discovered
till after the birth of all three children) ; (/) it is no easier to think of
Yahweh as commanding Hosea to marry a woman whom Yahweh knows
to be about to break her marriage vows than it is to think of him as
commanding Hosea to marry a recognized harlot; {g) the purpose of the
marriage does not appear on this supposition ; it was not necessary to teach
Hosea the idea of Yahweh as Israel's husband, for this was a common
Semitic conception; nor could he have passed immediately from the thought
of his own love for his wicked wife to that of Yahweh's love for Israel, —
he must have had a special revelation of this thought, — hence the marriage
was unnecessary; nor was it necessary in order to arouse the prophetic spirit
in Hosea, for he could not have seen in his own experience an analogy to
Yahweh's experience with Israel had he not previously had a prophet's
realization of Israel's wickedness ; nor is it sufficient to say that the mar-
riage was to teach Hosea how deep was Yahweh's love and anguish and
how base was Israel's ingratitude, — such sympathy could come only through
clear insight into Israel's complete revolt from Yahweh in cultus and life;
(Ji) while it is per se possible that the revelation contained in the marriage
was limited to Hosea himself, the brevity of the representation and its close
intermingling with the remaining utterances speak against it, as well as the
fact that in such cases the mediating position of the prophet between Yahweh
and Israel always appears.

2 b. For the land goes a-whoring from after Yahweh^ The
land represents the individual inhabitants and is used in the
narrower sense of Israel, excluding Judah.* The sense of
the symbol is plain : (i) the prophet represents Yahweh ;
(2) Gomer who is married to the prophet, is Israel who is

* Wii., Che., Now., et al.

I. 2-4 211

married to Yahweh ; (3) as Gomer after marriage goes astray,
so Israel, after a period, goes a- whoring after other gods, — 3. Atid
took Gomer, the daughter of Diblaim'\ Much fruitless effort has
been spent in seeking a symbolical meaning for Gomer. This
has been due to the fact that the prophet so interprets the
names of the children, and because "Gomer" is not an ordinary
name ; e.g. (a) " consumption," and this with Diblaim = " cor-
rupt mass of figs " ; * (h) " completeness " (cf. Jer. TereXta--
fji.evr]), with Diblaim = " cakes of figs, sensual pleasure";!

(c) destruction, ruin, | referring to the punishment coming ;

(d) coals ;§ (e) marriageable maiden, daughter of wantonness. ||
Besides the interpretations of Bath Diblaim given above may be
mentioned doppelgattige^ (JL which reads : " Go prophesy against
the inhabitants of the city of idolatry, etc.," and " Gomer, daugh-
ter of raisin-cakes," i.e. ardent worshipper of Baal.** Kimchi
suggests that Gomer was a well-known harlot of the prophet's
time. But no symbolical meaning attaches to the word, since
the prophet gives none, although to the others he gives it, and
since the emphasis rests upon the children rather than upon the
mother. In this case Gomer is a historical person,tt and Diblaim
may refer to her father, or to her home, bath having both usages ;
cf. Diblathaim, a city of Moab, Nu. 33''^ Je. 48-^ — A/id bore him
a soii^ Some Mss. {v.s.') omit " him " ; in any case, the context
demands that the son be one born in sin, though recognized for
the mother's sake. Any son born while Gomer is recognized as
his wife will be his son. — 4. Call his name Jezreel'\ Four points
may be noted: (i) The name is symbolical and refers to the
great battle-ground (cf. Ju. 4'^"'- 6^*^- 7^"'- i S. 29^"') on which
Jehu had massacred the family of Ahab (2 K. 9, 10). In giving
this name to the bastard son, he plainly characterizes Jehu's act as
wicked and ruinous. This opinion, differing from that of 2 K. 10^,
represents the opinion of Hosea and the moral reformers of his
time, a century after the event. A century had given the prophets
a better point of view. The cult of Jehu and his descendants was
not one which the prophet of the period could endorse. (2) Per-

* Cal. § Ges., Mau. ** Riedel.

t Crocius. II Hi. tt Geb., Ew., Sim., et al.

X JU, Marck, Schlier. H Meier, cited by Sim.

212 HOSEA

haps, as Nowack suggests, the prophet had before him EHjah's
prediction of the downfall of Ahab's home on account of Naboth's
blood (i K. 21^*^). (3) The prophet does not yet know, if we
may judge from the name of the son as compared with the name
of the daughter (v.*^), that his wife is faithless to him.* (4) From
the words that follow : / will avenge the blood of Jezreel upon
the house of Jehu, and will cause the kingdom of Israel to eease'\
it appears that Hosea expected the end of Jehu's dynasty and the
end of the kingdom to come at the same time. As a matter of fact
about twenty-one years (743-722 b.c.) passed before the kingdom
ceased to exist, and during this period six kings sat upon the
throne. This is all the more interesting in view of the fact that the
prophet himself lived for some time after the death of Zechariah,
and might easily have changed this definite expression which
was not fulfilled to one more nearly in accord with the facts ;
which goes to show that neither the prophet nor his contem-
poraries were accustomed to place emphasis upon the letter
of prophetic speech. While, on the other hand, it is clear from
history that with the fall of Jehu's dynasty the end in the
larger sense had begun to show itself. — 5. The bow of Israel']
i.e. power (cf. Gn. 49^* Je. 49^ Jb. 29^). — In the valley of Jezreel]
Jezreel was the scene of the slaughter of Ahab's family by Jehu ;
hence the valley of Jezreel is selected as the most fitting place
for the infliction of vengeance for this deed, f — 6. And she
bare a daughter] Now the prophet has discovered the unfaith-
fulness of his wife, for he is instructed : Call her name No-pit)']
Literally, She is not pitied or loved, an independent sentence
used as a proper name ; the explanation follows : / will ?io
longer have pity (or love) for the house of Israel, that I should
at all forgive them] Other renderings of the last clause are :
(i) but will utterly take them away; J (2) but I will take away
from them (everything) ; § (3) but I will completely forget them ; ||
(4) but I will Uft up my hand (in solemn oath) against them.^
Marti omits this clause. — 7. But I will have pity upon the house

* So We., WRS., Kue., Now. ; but cf. Che. {v.s>).

t Meinhold, p. 64, treats v.5 as a later addition.

X Hd., AV., et al. § Hng., Pu., et al. || F, Scholz, et al. U Abarb.

1.4-8 213

of Judah'] This verse is from a later hand * because (i) it occa-
sions an interruption in the description of the prophet's domestic
history, and its connection with Yahweh and Israel; (2) the
phrase " Yahweh their God " does not occur in pre-Deuteronomic
literature; (3) other verses relating to Judah are suspicious;
(4) it reflects the deliverance of Judah in Sennacherib's time
(701 B.C.). — And will deliver thei7i by Yahweh their God~\ The
interpolator apparently forgets that he is representing Yahweh
himself as speaking, and thus drops into the use of the third
person. — A?id not . . . by bow, nor by sword, nor by equipment,
nor by horses, nor by horsemen'^ This repudiation of all human
help and this absolute confidence in Yahweh's ability and willing-
ness to deliver his people in miraculous ways represent a charac-
teristically late conception (cf. Ez. 39^'^" Jo. 2^- 3^^'' Zc. 14^*^). —
8, And she weaned . . . and bare a so7i\ The period of time
between the birth of the first child and that of the third would
cover from six to eight years, since children were not weaned
until they were two or three years old.f — Call his name Not-
my-people, for ye are not my people and I am not your God'\
This expresses the complete estrangement existing between Israel
and Yahweh, and Yahweh's purpose to leave Israel to its fate.
This translation involves a slight change of text {v.s.) which seems
to be demanded by the context. JflST " I will not be to you "
furnishes essentially the same thought.

2. "lai nSnn] Cstr. foil, by relative clause with relative omitted; two pos-
sible constructions: (i) the beginning of that which Yahweh spoke, cf. Ps.
81^ Jb. 18^^ (Ma., Mau., Sharpe) ; or (2) in the beginning when Yahweh
spoke, cf. Gn. i^ = In the beginning when God created, etc., Ps. 4* 90'^;
GK. 130a'; H. 8, 2e; Ko. 385 y^ (Ew., Ke., Now.). Other constructions
have been suggested: (i) to regard 't 'p as in apposition with ^d'3 (v.^)
= " In the days of Jeroboam, etc., in the beginning when Yahweh spoke,
etc."; but in this case we should expect a repetition of the prep. 3 with 'n
and the omission of 1 before ^D''3; (2) to take the phrase as the subject of
the preceding verse, " In the days of Jeroboam, etc. (was) the beginning of

*So We.; Sta. Gesck. I. 577; Co. ZAW. VII. 285; Kue. EinL; Gieseb.
Beitrage, 213; Schwally, 7.AW. X. 227; Che. in WRS. Proph. p. xx.; Oort,
ThT. XXIV. 345 f.; Now., GAS., Gu., Seesemann, Meinhold, Marti; but cf. K6.
Einl. 309 ; Bohmer, ZwTh. XLV. 5.

t Cf. ZDPV. IV. 65 ; Now. Arch. I. 171.

214 HOSEA

that, etc." ; (3) to make nSnn the subj. of what follows, " the beginning
which Yahweh spoke with Hosea was that Yahweh said to Hosea"; (4) to
treat the clause 'ma . . , nSnn as a gloss, and, connecting vs.i'^°<i2, jq read
(^omitting 1), "In the days of Jeroboam, etc., Yahweh said to Hosea" (Hi.).
Other readings have been suggested for lai, viz. na-i (F), inf. const.; 13T
((5Si3C) ; and also lai as a noun, cf. d^d' and Je. $^^ (Merc, Hd.). — ya'ina]
On the following pisqa, or space, cf. Baer's note, p. 59; GK. ij e; and Weir,
I/edr. Text, 94. This is one of the twenty-eight verses in which pisqa is
inserted immediately after athnah. — ^'? np] For other cases of zeugma see
220ft Gn. ill I s. i2i6 Je. 19I Ez. 69 (cf. K6. Stil. I22f.). — D^JW P'^'n] On
pi. in abstr. to express intensity, GK. 124 f.; H. 3, 2 /5 ; K6. 261 d; Ew.^ 179;
on the use of annexion to express characteristic qualities, GK. \Z%p; K6. 335 a.
— njrn njr] Intens. inf. abs. ; the impf. (a fut. in (5 and U) is a freq. of the
pres.; H. 21, 2; GK. 107^. This word njr as distinguished from qsj means
to commit fornication, and is used almost wholly of the woman, either married
or unmarried (used of man only in Nu. 25I, with Dyri as subj.) ; while «1NJ means
to commit adultery, and is used usually of the man, always with another man's
wife ; sometimes of the woman (Lv. 20IO Ho. 4^^^ etc.). — nnND] Lit. from
after, cf. Dt. 7* 2 S. 7^ 20^ Is. 59^^; frequent constr. for from going after,
used of those who abandon a person or party whom they have before fol-
lowed ; K6. 213^. — 3. diSjt na] On cstr, cf. Ko. 306 w. — 4. Sxynf] God
sozus ; cf. similar formations in Ssiiyi, Sxon% Sn^dc^; Lag. BiV. 131. — Tnpoi]
1 marks apod, after prec. protasis, D>*a ^1J; (cf. ipnatt'i, v.^); GK. 112 00
and 143 a^; K6. 367/. — ^m] On force of pi., Ko. 259 c. — 5. nini] The
familiar formula, GK. Ii2_j/; Dr. § 121, Obs. I ; H. 25, 4. — hi<y\v pny] The
prop, name is used in this paragraph of the city, the plain, and the son of
Hosea; for other examples of the plain, Jos. 171" Ju. (y^; cf. also Ho. 2- ^*. —
6. ^D^<"I1] Either impers. or with the subj. (Yahweh) to be supplied. — nnm nS]
This has been taken as a Pu. ptcp. with D dropped, but the regular negative
with the ptcp. is ivs; it is probably a pausal form of the pf. 3 sg. f. (cf. Is. 54II
Pr. 28'^). On this use of the neg. in proper names, GK. 152, note i;
Ko. 352/. — -wy n'^] = Lat. tton jam. — oniN iidin] Verbal appos.; H. 36,
2; GK. 120^. On the transl. /?V}' or love, the Grk. transl. (v.s.) vary, (§ using
for oniN, i\eri(Tai ; Complut, ayairriaa.1. (cf. Paul, in Rom. 9^^). The word is
used of the love of a father for his son (Ps. 103^^), and of God for man
(Is. 30I*). — 'ui a^i id] '»3 indicates result (Mau., Hi., Ew., Sim., Ke., Che.,
Now., GAS.; Ko., 395 b), and is not adversative ((5®F, New., Hd.), while si^j
here = \x; Nirj = take away guilt = forgive (Ko. 209 b). Cf. this usage with
ace. in Ex. 32^2 jjo. 14^ Mi. 7I8, etc.; but also as here with ]^y omitted and
S of person, Gn. iS^^ Nu. 141^ Is. 2^ Ps. 99*. — 7. '."'"' noTiNi] Emph. being
suggested in contrast with 'ci n^a (v.^). It is easy to see the origin of this
gloss. — DDinVs nin^a] Cf. 12'^ Zc. 10^2 Is. 26^^ 451^ Ps. 18^' 44^. — 'ui niypa]
Note the arrangement of the five nouns: (i) by bow and by sword, (2) a7id
by battle, (3) by horse ajid by horsemen; war includes all the others and
is altogether superfluous in the list, especially in the middle of it. Now.

III. i-s 215

and Marti om. it ; Che. translates " equipment of war." Perhaps the thought
is to be divided thus: "and I will not deliver them by bow nor by sword;
nor in battle by horse nor by horsemen." In any case the rhythm demands
that nDn'7D3i go with the two following instead of, as according to the
accents, with the two preceding nouns.

§ 3. The purchase of Gomer as a slave, and her retention
"many days." 3^"^. The prophet was compelled by his love for
Gomer, faithless as she was, to purchase her, out of the depths of
infamy into which she had fallen, at the price of a slave. He does
not, however, at once reestablish the old relationship ; she is to
be disciplined, to lead a life shut off from men, even from her
husband. This period of seclusion will last " many days." The
prophet is led to see in this also (i) a parallel of Yahweh's
treatment of Israel ; and (2) this together with the first act of the
domestic tragedy constitutes his call to preach, and furnishes him
the fundamental factor in his preaching.

The literary form of this section is distinctly poetic. In no portion of the
book is the parallelism more marked, or more perfect. The first person is
employed instead of the third, as in chap. I. There are three strophes of 6,
6, and 5 lines, in which the trimeter movement prevails. The first (v.^)
describes the faithlessness of both Gomer and Israel; the second (vs.^-3) is
devoted to Gomer, picturing her degradation and seclusion; the third (v.*)
is devoted to Israel, picturing her degradation and seclusion. V.^ is a
later addition (y.i.') In this piece, which stands closely related with the
contents of chap, i, both in form and thought, the artistic element is
seen in (i) the distribution of the contents into the three strophes (z'.J.);
(2) the regularity of the rhythm (falling to a dimeter only once, in icni
n>'?N); (3) the parallelism; (4) the use of poetical phrases like y\ nann
PfJNJD; (5) the use of rare and poetical words, like ^•i'''Z'H (v.^) and "yrh
(v.2); (6) the use of the first person throughout; (7) the assonance prevail-
ing in the closing lines of each strophe, viz. the recurrence of Di_ in lines
5 and 6 of strophe i ; of '•_ in lines 4-6 of strophe 2; and of pN in lines 3-5
of strophe 3.

1. yi nanx] © ayairCiiTav irovripd (= y"5 nanx); so S (so also Hermann,
S/T. 1879, p. 515; the reading nans is adopted by Mich., Oort; Patter-
son, //ei>r. VII. 194; Gu.; Volz, ZwTA. XLI. 331; Oet., Marti); but 'A.
ijyairriijiivqv T<p irXijfflov; S. v^' iripov (= nnnN). Gr. nin. Hal. OijJl nanx.
Bach. (foil. Benary) points nans = ^aiik the love of a friend, and om. nssjDi
as a gloss on ijrn, suggesting that the whole expression is a later correction
made to offset the narrative of the prophet's relation to Gomer in chap. I.

2l6 HOSEA

— 'syi 1J3] Bab. Cod. 'tt'i n^a. — 2. msNi] @ Koi ifj-ia-duiffd/jiriv (= nnsiifxi);
so Si (so also Hal.). — Dnptf inS] <3 v^fieX oivov (= i3tt' Saj); so Syr.-Hex.
S om. the first onyc. Gr., foil. (5, p> Saj (so We. (?), Oort, ^;«.). — iiy'ii-N
OOJv'] Gr. D'lJDm Dna'N(?). — 3. ih ^aeri] U expectabis me; so S. 7rpoa-5o-
Ki}(r«s /ie. — ifixS] <5-*Q, dvSpi er^pif. — TiSn ijn"DJi] "^B sed et ego expeclabo
te; (SS om. DJ. We. inserts N13N n'? before T'Sn (so Gr., Now., Oort, Efn.;
cf. AE. and Ki., who supplied it in thought). Linder (^SK. i860, pp. 739 f.;
cf. Riedel, ^Sn vh') substitutes '^Sx for -yhv.. St. adds ijj^n after >jn. Bach,
inserts Sn with some such voluntative as nsnN implied. Get. ^S ijn dji, or
•hjA 1JX DJI, taking ijn as imv. of njN, to sigh. Read tiSn ^ly^ dji (cf. Marti);
for the idiom Sn px, cf. Gn. 31^. — 4. l!f pNi ^Sa j\n] Co. and Now. om.
as gloss. — naxc] @ ^i/o-tao-Tijp/ou (= nam); so SU. Other Greek versions,
ffT-fjkTis. — D'^cini lioN I''><i] <5 oi^S^ ieparlas oiiS^ diqXdiv, which latter word
represents d-idh elsewhere, eg. Dt. 33^ i S. I4''i (Gr.; cf. Che. Crit. Bib.).

' '■ o ^ r ir< D c> Y

'A. Kal CLKOtjovTos di ivdiiiaTos Kal Std fiop<f>o}iJ,dTU}v ; S 1?Q^1 ^^*nN j]?©
l'^'^^ >ojj0o; F S., G. simply transliterate the Hebr. — 5. nnij] @ iKar-fi-
aovTai; ^. iTraivdcruKTi ; & .a^|Jo. — d^DTI nnn>sa] "S i7i novissimo dierum.
V.5 as a whole comes from a later period (so Stark, ZAW. XI. 249; Co.
Z^«^. VII. 285, and Einl. 172; Oort, Volz, Now.; Marti, ^^5. 2122; but
cf. Seesemann, 42 and Now.2) ; this appears from (i) the lack of anything
in the narrative of Hosea and his wife to which the statement here might
correspond. Hosea, clearly, did not take back his wife; he went only so far
as to place her in seclusion. Not a word in the narrative points to her re-
instatement in the family. (2) The tone and contents of this verse accord
completely with those of 2^"^- ^- ^^ *"•, which for many reasons must be treated
as of later origin {v.i.'). (3) The language of the verse points to a later
time: (a) nnj; occurs only in Dt., Je., Ps., Pr., Jb., late parts of Is., and
Mi. 7^'' (a late passage), where the usage here is exactly paralleled ;
{b) DiDin pi-inN occurs besides in Dt., Je., Ez., Dn., Is. 2^ (Mi. 4^) Gn. 49I
Nu. 24I* — the last two passages having been edited late (cf. Stark, ZAW.
XI. 247 ff.); (c) 'Sd nMi, — the expectation of a Messianic king is of later
origin, having its beginning with Isaiah; and the name David is not applied
to him until the days of Jeremiah and Ezekiel. Moreover, the full writing
1M1 is late (this phrase is taken as an interpolation by We., Sta. GVI. I. 577;
Gu., Val., Seesemann, Now. 2, Meinhold); (i/) am, as applied to Yahweh, is
found only in later writings, e.g. Je., Ne., Ps., Is. 40-66.

III. 1. Once more go, love {this) woman'] The 111? is thus to be
taken with ']'?,* and not with "lax'T in contrast with " in the begin-
ning "(i-).f The "woman" is unquestionably the same woman,

* So the accents, (ESU, Cal., Merc, Ma., Hi., Sim., Wii., Or., Che., Bach., Gu.,
We., Now., GAS., Marti.

t Ew.(?) Umb. ; Oort, ThT. XXIV. 355 (who shows that in the majority of cases
"W; follows its verb) ; Gr.

III. I

217

Gomer, described in chap, i,* because (i) she is later defined
as an adulteress; (2) she plays the part, in parallelism with
Israel, represented by Gomer ; (3) her, of atid I bought her (v.-),
refers to a particular woman, viz. the one described in v.^ ; (4) if
this is another woman, why is not some reference made to the
fact? (5) the introduction of two women would entirely spoil the
essential thought. The only considerations for supposing this a
different woman f are (i) the lack of an article with ntTK ; but
v.i. ; (2) the lack of historical data concerning the treatment of
the first wife, but, on any hypothesis, the account must be reck-
oned meagre and defective; (3) the money of v.^ is the dowry,
but this is, in itself, a wrong assumption ; v.i. In order to avoid
the force of the evidence which chap. 3 furnishes for the prevailing
interpretation, it has been argued that the chapter is from a later
date, X because (i) in i^ and in chap. 2 the marriage relation is
between Yahweh and the land, but in 3^ between Yahweh and the
sons of Israel; Hosea might have learned to substitute Israel for
latid, but not sons of Israel; the latter involves such a weakening
of the figure as is scarcely possible in the imagination of one man ;

(2) in 3^ the Israelites are said to have turned to "other gods,"
while elsewhere Hosea speaks only of images of Yahweh set up at
local shrines which he never accredits with real existence as gods ;

(3) chap. 3 represents Hosea as arriving at the thought of Yah-
weh's love for wicked Israel ; if he had done so, this thought must
have ruled his later utterances ; but, on the contrary, no such
thought appears ; the opposite feeling is rather dominant (cf. 9'*-^^
13") ; (4) chap. 3 is in reality an allegorical narrative which was
added to the literal account of facts in chap, i at a later date.
It is evident that, either intentionally or otherwise, something
has been omitted, viz. how Gomer came into the situation in
which chap. 3 finds her. Did she abandon her husband ? or, did

* Geb., Burkius, Stuck, Ew., Hd., Kurtz, Pu., Che., Paton (JBL. XV. 15).
We., Gu., Now., GAS., Hal.

t Schmidt, Bauer, Ma., Eich., New., Ke., Or., Seesemann, Marti.

J So Volz, ZwTh. XLI. 321-5; cf. also Marti, EB. 2123, note 2, and in his
Dodekapropheton, who makes it a later addition intended as an allegory concerning
Israel, chap, i having been taken as relating to Judah ; in which case Hosea had
two wives, one literal, viz. Gomer (= Judah), one allegorical (chap. 3)= Israel;
cf. Ez. 23.

2l8 HOSEA

he drive her from his house? — Beloved of a paramour and an
adulteress'\ The first words are read loving evil (v.s.), a general
term followed by one more specific (but see Nowack) ; loving a
lover, i.e. one not her husband {v.s^, (cf. the use of ''2nK in this
verse) ; loved by her husband* thus making her sin all the greater
(cf. 1?"! Ct. 5^®, and the parallelism in the next member in which
Yahweh's love for Israel is indicated) ; with the love of a friend,
like, etc. (z'.i-.). The IKQT is, however, to be preferred,! ^i^d, if
adopted, greatly intensifies the degradation into which the woman
had fallen. The thought is, go love this woman, disgraced and
fallen as she is. IJ"] means pa7-amour also in Je. 3^ La. i^. J —
As Yahweh loves the sons of Israel~\ This modifies the principal
verb of the command : Love her, and in so doing you will only be
doing what Yahweh does for Israel under similar circumstances.
— Although they turn to other gods'] Cf. 2^- ^^ ''• ^^ ''• ; these gods
were the Canaanitish Baalim who were looked upon as the givers
of the products of the soil. — And are lovers of cakes of grapes]
A clause parallel with the preceding, and describing, not the gods §
(who were foreign and lovers of, etc.), but the Israelites, || who, in
becoming lovers of raisin-cakes, are adopting the customs of the
Canaanitish cult in their worship of Yahweh. While elsewhere
(i S. 25^** 2 S. 6^^) this phrase refers to an ordinary article of food,
although in the latter case, doubtless, associated with a sacrificial
feast, it is here used with some sarcasm, as one of " the Dionysiac
features " of the worship of the gods ^ who were supposed to be the
givers of the grapes. For the rendering flago?is of wine, and
the interpretation of it as a reference to ordinary debauchery,**
there is no support. — 2. And so I bought her to me] This is the
inexplicable point in the entire transaction. We may only guess
why the purchase was necessary. There are three possibilities :
(i) she had been divorced, and was now the wife of another;
but if this were the case, according to Je. ^^^' she could not have
returned to her former husband even if the second had died (cf.

* Rashi, Cal., Schmidt, Bauer, Ma., Stuck, Ros., Ke.

t AE., Os., Merc, Geb., Eich., Mau., Ew., Hd., Sim., St., We., Now.

J Che. § Hi.

II Ew., Hd., Sim., Pu., Ke., Schm., St., Or., Val., Gu., Now., GAS., Marti.

H WRS. OryC.i 434. ** AE., Ki., Cal.

III. 2-3 219

Dt. 24^"^) ; perhaps, however, this law was not yet in existence
in Hosea's times ; * or (2) she had actually become the slave-
concu^ine of some one, and the price paid is the price of a slave ;
or (3) the whole proceeding is exceptional, and a price is paid
merely to prevent altercation with the man with whom she has
been living.f In any case, to regard the money as the price
paid for a slave J is easier than to understand that the prophet
here describes : (i) the provision which he makes for a decent
support until she shall be fully reinstated, § or (2) the dowry
which always goes with a marriage. || — For fifteen pieces of silver,
and a homer of barley, and a lethek of barley'] Five difficulties
present themselves here : (i) the unknown word " lethek " {v.i.) ;
(2) the absence of the preposition 2 (= price) from the words
" homer " and " lethek " ; (3) the apparent uselessness of the repeti-
tion of the word " barley " ; (4) the lack of any explanation for the
payment of this price partly in money and partly in grain ; (5) the
uncertainty as to the value of barley. The text is clearly suspi-
cious. The piece of silver is, as usual, the shekel (=75 cents (?)).
A homer = 10 ephahs (cf. Ez. 45") = 30 seahs = 8 bushels. A
seah of barley, according to 2 K. 7^^, was worth one-half a shekel ;
but this was at the close of a siege. The " lethek " {v.i) by tradi-
tion = one-half of a homer. Accepting this traditional valuation
of the " lethek," and rating the seah at one-third of a shekel, the
price of the grain would be a second 15 shekels. The value
of a slave (Ex. 21^ is 30 shekels, the sum here named. There is
no good basis for (?l's bottle of witie (z'.j.).^ — 3. Many days shall
thou sit still for me] Sitting still is intended to be the opposite kind
of life to that which she has been pursuing (cf. Is. 30^ Je. 8"). The
designation is emphatic, but indefinite. The purpose of this quiet
and secluded life is a moral discipline, which in the end will pre-
pare her "for me," i.e. to resume her former position as wife. The

* Now. t Che. t Hes., Ew., Hd., Or., We.

§ Os., Geb., Po., Pu., Hux., Patterson {Hebr. VII. 220) ; cf. Cal., who makes the
money a purchase price, and the grain provision for the wife.

11 Ma. (the woman being another than Gomer), Ros., Stuck, Theiner, Mau.

H As a curiosity of interpretation may be cited the view of AE. that the 15 pieces
of silver = the 15 kings, beginning with Rehoboam, and counting the sons of Josiah
as one, the lan and -\T\^ being the chief priests of the kingdom of Judah who were
in Jerusalem.

22Q HOSEA

prophet adds three specifications to this general statement, which
throw hght upon this purpose : thou shalt not play the harlot; thou
shall not have a husband ; nor will I be to thee'] This is cHmactic.
The first specification goes without saying ; but two others follow :
she may not have another husband, a thing in itself entirely
proper; and, stronger yet, her own husband will grant her no
intercourse, she is restrained " from even the legitimate gratifi-
cation of her natural instincts " (Cheyne) ; she must give up her
licentious life; the proper conjugal Hfe is denied her "many
days." Literally, thou shalt not be to a man (cf. Ru. i'^ Lv. 22^-
Nu. 30'' Dt. 24-, etc.), an ordinary expression for marriage. The
third clause reads literally according to the present text, and
also I unto you ; according to the text as amended, nor will I
be unto thee {i.e. as a husband). This has been treated in many
ways {y.s}) : (i) "And also I shall be so unto you," i.e. he,
the prophet, will have no connection with any other woman ; *
(2) "And yet I am kind unto thee";t (3) "And also I, even
I, shall not be unto you" {jks.), but the repetition of the pro-
noun is not probable ; (4) " And also I will go away from thee "
{v.s.^ ; (5) "And also I . . . not unto thee " (inserting bx, v.s^ ;
(6) "And also I will be against you"; J (7) "And also I will
not be unto thee," the force of Kb being carried over from preced-
ing clause ; § (8) " And also I will not come in unto you " {v.s^.
— 4. For it is many days that the sons of Israel shall sit still]
In other words, like Gomer, — Hke Israel ; i.e. Israel shall be
put in seclusion, retention, until she shall have acquired a new
spirit. As in the preceding case the time is indefinite ; the
discipline consists in certain deprivations ; and as before, these
deprivations are distinctly designated in climactic order : —
(i) Without king and without prince] The king and prince
represent the rulers of the state (cf. Ex. 3^^ 2 S. 19" i K. 8^ 20''
Je. 26^^, also Ho. 7^ 8^" 13^°, where king and prince occur to-
gether). If they are here viewed as " lovers " with whom Israel
has been faithlessly dallying, the demands of the context will
be satisfied ; || and Hosea seems to regard them in i* as guilty
of injury to Israel. Others think this is too forced and prefer

* Qhe., GAS. t Ew. % Wii. § Mau.. Reuss. || We., Che.

III. 3-4 221

to regard the words as a gloss (v.s.). (2) Without sacrifice and
without pillar^ For sacrifice ^SsS read " altar." The conse-
crated pillar * was a stone erected as an abode or sanctuary for
the Deity at any place where Deity had clearly manifested its
presence and power. There were ' pillars ' at Shechem (Jos. 24^^),
Bethel (Gn. 22>^^^), Gilead (Gn. 3i^«^), Gilgal (Jos. 4*), Mizpah
(i S. 7^), Gibeon (2 S. 208), En-rogel (i K. i»). They were a
common feature of Canaanitish, Phoenician, and Arabic worship,
and in early times were in good repute among the Hebrews,
being a regular accompaniment of every sanctuary ; but the later
legislation prohibited them as idolatrous (Dt. 12^ 16"^ Ex. 23^^
34'^). A part of Jehu's work as the champion of Yahweh was the
destruction of the "pillars" of Baal (2 K. 10-^'). Two of these
sacred stones were discovered in 1900 by Professor George L.
Robinson near the road up to the high place at Petra.f " Sacri-
fice " and " pillar " make a pair representing worship, or the
work of the priest. (3) Without ephod and teraphini] These
represented means of discovery of the divine will and were used
in worship. The ephod J was an image of the deity. This
appears most plainly (i) from the account of the making of an
ephod by Gideon (Ju. 8-**"), for which 1700 shekels of gold were
used, which was * set up ' (2^»i.) in Ophra and became an object
of worship : (2) from the statement that the sword of Goliath
was hung behind the ephod at Nob (i S. 21^), showing that the
ephod stood out from the wall and was not a garment hung on the
wall ; (3) from its connection with teraphim and with graven and
molten images (Ju. 17^"^ jgu. 17. is. 20'j_g -pj^g ephod was probably

* Whitehouse in DB., art. " Pillar"; We. Reste arab. Heidenthums^, loi, 171;
Now. Arch. I. 91, 192, 261 f.; II. 15, 18 f.; Benz. Arch. (Index); WRS. Sent.
203 ff., 457; G. F. Moore, art. " Massebah," EB. III.; Dozy, Die hraeliten zu
Mekka ; Kue. Rel. of Isr. I. 390-5 ; Von Gall, AUisraelitische Kultstdtten ; Evans,
Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult.

t See B W. XVII. 6-16; S. I. Curtiss, PEFQSt. 1900, pp. 350-5.

X Sellin, Beitrdge, II. 115 ff.; Baudissin, Gesch. des alttest. Priestertttms, 205 ff.;
Dr. DB. art. "Ephod"; Now. Arch. II. 21 f., 92!., 118 ff.; Sm. Pel. (Index);
Lotz, PRE.^ V. 402-6 ; Benz. Arch. (Index) ; Sta. G VJ. 1. 466, 471 ; We. Pro. 130 ;
YooXe,yohns Hopkins Univ. Circulars, XIX. No. 145, p. 40; G. F. Moore, Judges,
232, 380 ff., and art. " Ephod," EB. II.; K6. Hauptprobleme, 59-63; Lag. Mit. IV.
17; Marti, Rel. 29, loi ; Reuss, Gesch. d. heilig. Schrift. \\ 102, 139.

§ The phrase " to carry an ephod before me " in i S. 2^8 seems opposed to the

222 HOSEA

an image of wood or stone, covered with gold or other precious
metal, — hence its name liBX (cf. fTiSijt, Is. 30^-) ; cf. the use of
the same word for the garment, or covering, of the priest (Ex. 25^
I S. 2^*). On the basis of this connection with the priestly ephod
and of its relation to the sacred lot (i S. 23^*^- 30^^) it is argued
with much force that the primitive ephod was not an image, but a
loin-cloth, or apron, containing pockets from which the lot was
drawn.* The sanctuaries at Dan (Ju. 17 and 18) and at Nob
(i S. 21^ 23^) are mentioned as having ephods. The teraphim
were penates, images of ancestors! (cf i S. 19^^-^^ Gn. 3i^^"^*-).
That they had human form appears plainly from the story of
Michal's ruse in substituting the teraphim for David her hus-
band. This, added to the fact that they were consulted for
oracles (Ez. 21^^ Zc. 10-), are mentioned alongside of m^Kn
and D''oyTn (2 K. 23^*), and were common to both Aramaeans
and Hebrews (Gn. 31^^' ^*'^^), makes it probable that they were
rehcs of ancestor worship. J If Schwally's proposal to connect
the word with a''KE"i {= shades) be accepted, no doubt remains
as to their original significance. They came to have a place
at the sanctuaries along with the ephod. Are these things re-
garded as ungodly and unauthorized ; has the use of them been
idolatry, parallel with Gomer's adultery ; and are these the
occasion of the captivity which is now predicted? Or, as mar-
riage and conjugal intercourse (something under ordinary circum-
stances proper enough) were denied to Gomer for a certain
period as a punishment for her sins, are these something which
under ordinary circumstances are proper enough, but which in
this case are taken away from Israel in order to punish her?
Or does the prophet's thought include both Yahweh-worship
and idol-worship? That is: in the same manner as Hosea's
wife is to be restrained from all intercourse, both lawful and
unlawful, so Israel is to be cut off from all worship, both true

idea of the ephod as an image of God ; but the word ijoS does not appear in
CSB and S^.

* So T. C. Foote, " The Ephod," JBL. XXI. 1-47.

t Benz. Arch. 257, 382; Now. Arch. I. 260; II. 23; Sm. Rel. (Index) ; Reuss,
Gesch. u. s. w. J 139.

J So Sta. GVI. I. 467; Schwally, Leben nach dein Tode, 35 ff.; Che.

III. 4-5 223

and false.* Much turns on the answer given to these questions.
If the first is true, Hosea, looking at the case from the point of
view of Judah, regards the Northern kings as usurpers, and the
sacrifice and pillars as alien to the orthodox cult and as
the source of Israel's difficulties. f If the second is true, he
regards these things as legitimate and natural; he enters no
protest against them, just as he enters no protest against mar-
riage ; but for this very reason, the deprivation is all the more
severe, since it is to be a deprivation of what was legitimate
and not of what was illegitimate. J In this case, as Wellhausen
says, " It is not without a touch of scorn that Hosea here with
an air of innocence enumerates maggeba, ephod, and teraphim
as something which will be sorrowfully dispensed with in exile."
— 5. Afterward the sons of Israel shall return and seek (or, again
seek) Yahweh, their God.'] V.' is an addition (v.s., p. 216), and
must be so interpreted ; cf. 2^- ". A reader, living at a time when
the period of seclusion is concluded, and realizing that Israel's
return was the next step in the manifestation of the divine grace,
adds the thought which makes more complete the wonderful state-
ment in vs.^"^. It is a picture of the very "last times." — And
David their king] This, interpreted from the point of view of
the Judaistic period, is not (i) merely a king of the Davidic
dynasty, i.e. the dynasty itself (cf. Am, 9") ; § but (2) the Mes-
sianic king, II the second David, an idea which had its roots in
Isaiah's time, and thenceforward developed (cf. Ez. 34^ 37^**^'
45^-^ Je. 30^). — Atid they shall tremble before Yahweh and his
goodness] The punishment inflicted will have been so terrible
that ever afterward, Yahweh will be approached with awe and

» So Stuck, Mau., Ew., Hd., Sim., Pu., Ke., Wii., St., ei al. Cf. W. R. W. Gardner
{AJSL. XVIII. 178), who takes the three double expressions as a series of con-
trasts, viz. the king, God's representative ; the prince, Baal's representative ; sacri-
fice, God's offering ; pillars, signs of Baal-worship ; ephod, means by which God
revealed himself; teraphim, means by which Baalim were consulted. In short the
people were to be without God and his worship, but also without Baal and his
worship. But the use of the ephod was as truly an act of superstition as was that
of the teraphim.

t So Ros., Reuss, Or., Sharpe, Now. t So We., Che.

§ Ma., Ros., Mau., Hi., Sim.; Duhm. Theol. 63; Che.; Di. Alttest. Theol. 165;
WRS. art. " Hosea," in Encyc. Brit.; Or., Wii.

II a:, AE., Os., Geb., Lu., Stuck, Hd., Ke., Marti.

224 HOSEA

trembling (cf. Ps. 119^®^) ; and not only Yahweh, but his goodness
(aiD), i.e. his blessing. — In the end of the days'] Here, as in
Is. 2^ (Mi. 4^) Dt. 4*, and perhaps Je. 23^, characteristic of a
post-exilic interpolation.* This great time, perhaps first sug-
gested in Ezekiel's day, becomes in later prophetic thought the
date when all that is wrong will be set right.

1. nijj] Cf. "{? np "w;, Zc. 11^^; for other cases of niy prec. a finite vb., cf.
Ps. 845 Jb. 2423 Ec. 3I6 129 Je. 29 (Oort, TkT. XXIV. 355). Cf. GK. 142^.—
nuNs] The article is lacking ace. to a usage common in Arabic of which several
cases are found in Hebr., called ' indeterminateness for the sake of ampli-
fication'; here expressed by suck a woman; cf. i>3, Is. 28^; "j^ Am. 6^*;
GK. 125 c; Reckendorf, Die syntaktischen Verh'dltnisse des Arabischen, 163 f.;
but cf. K6. 293^. — ;?i nanN] For construction, cf. K6. 336*?. — "> na.iNo
ijaTN] Inf. fem. with '> forsubj. and ""j^TiN obj., GK. 115 f.; H. 29, 7.c; K6.
229 f and 232 a. Earth (^NB. I. 174 ff.), followed by BDB., retains pointing
of Ifl^, and regards it as a ptcp. act., citing several similar cases in Hebrew.
It cannot be denied that the renderings ordinarily adopted for nariN do not
harmonize in paral. with this phrase; but cf. Bach.'s reading above. — D^jfl ani]
Circ. clause = while they are, etc., or although they are ; GK. 141 e; Dr. § 160;
H. 45, I b; K6. 362 /; Dn is also subj. of lans. — onrN D'Ti'^n] Cf. Ex. 20^
23I3 Dt. 5^ 61* Jos. 23I6 242 Ju. 212 I S. 88 Je. lis 2 Ch. f^. — ■•tt'iti'N] The root is

C'i'N, to found (cf. (uuuu/I and Assyr. ashashu, with same force). Thus it seems
to mean "cakes of /r^«tf(/ grapes." Here only is DOJJ? expressed; and here it
is evidently an offering to the gods (cf. Je. f^'). In 2 S. 6^9 (= i Ch. 16^) it is
spoken of as an article of food; so also in Ct. 2^ where it seems to be regarded
as stimulating nourishment (cf. BDB., BSZ.; Ritter, Erdkunde, XV. 719, cited
by ^^x^z.Arch. 92; Now. Arch. I. 237; WRS. OTJC. Lect. XL note 7; Che.;
Riedel, pp. 15 f.). This meaning is questionable in Is. 16'', where Thes. takes it
as = foundations (so S, Ki., Jarchi; but cf. De. on Is. 16' and Riedel, p. 15).
Cf. Che. CB. DO-ir nhc7. — 2. n^;Ni] Cf. © (t^.^.); if from ma dag. forte
dirimens, GK. 20 h; Ew> 28 b. — ^03] For use of sg., cf. H. 1 5, 3, rm. {d^ . For
omission of SpU', cf. Ko. 314/?, and v. Ex. 21^2 Nu. 7!^ Lv. 273?-. — inS] a.\.
The Mishnah tradition that this measure = ^ -13 = | inn is the only source of
information concerning it (cf. Levy, NHIVB. II. 531). The corresponding
Syriac root seems to have no connection with this word (cf. Lag. Or. II. 32 f.;
Benz. Arch. 183; Now. Arch. L 203). — tSn] Cf. Ko. 319^ and 352 u for
explanation of construction here on the basis of jJHC — 4. px] Circ. cl., cf.
<S, gen. abs. in this case; the repetition is intended to emphasize the monoto-
nous emptiness which the sound of pN itself represents. — a^Din] On signifi-
cance of pi. form, cf. Ko. 2630. — 5. imtj-in] The full writing is found regu-

* So Stark, ZA W. XL 252; Seesemann, 42; Now.2; cf. Meinhold.

III. 5 225

larly in Zc, Ch., Ezr., Ne.; also in Am. 6^ 9II (both late passages), Ez. 3423
Ct. 4* I K. 3" 1 1*- 36 (these three verses are from R^i) ; of. GK. 2, v. note
2, where the full writing in the Minor Prophets is called a caprice of the
Massoretes. — Sn nns] Cf. K6. 213 a.

§ 4. Israel's harlotry and her punishment therefor. 2*-^-
10-14. 15 (18). 19 [English, 2--^- ^'-- ^^ (^•'>' ''] .

Let Israel put away her harlotry, lest I destroy her ; for she has
sinned shamefully in entering into union with those whom she
supposed to be the authors of her prosperity ; and she has for-
gotten that it was I who gave her all these things. But I will take
away my corn and wine and wool and flax ; I will destroy her
vines and fruit trees \ yea, I will cause all her gladness to cease ;
I will punish her for her indulgence in unholy things. I will even
cause these things to be forgotten.

This is (i) independent of chaps, i and 3, which go to-
gether ; and (2) independent of the insertions from later times
in vs.^' ^' '"• '^''- """"■ ^^^ ^"^. There is no very close connection between
this and chaps, i and 3.

This piece may be treated as a literary unit (vs.'**- 6- 12 being regarded as
glosses; v.i.'). Its thought is the simplest possible: Israel has played the
harlot ; she shall be punished. P'or the passages which have been inserted by
later writers (four such insertions may be distinguished), v.i. It is made up
of four strophes, 8, 9, 8, 9; and its movement is trimeter. This is almost
perfect throughout. Strophe I (vs.'*- ^) : Plead with your mother to put away
her sin, lest I destroy her. Strophe 2 (vs.^- 1") : She has sinned in seeking
the Baalim from whom she imagined she received benefit, not knowing that
it was I who bestowed upon her all her comforts. Strophe 3 (vs.^^- 1*) :
Therefore I will take back these things which I have given her, the evidences
of her prosperity, her corn and wine, her vines and fig trees. Strophe 4
(vs.i3. 18. 19^ . J ^rjii cause all joy to cease and will punish her for these
indulgences, and their very names shall be expunged and forgotten. In this
treatment the following modifications of the present text have been made :
(i) 28- 9- 16. 17, 20-22, 23-25, 1-3 are taken as four distinct and independent utter-
ances and treated separately (see pp. 236-248); (2) 2** (ntfiN . . . ■'3),
v.^, v.i" (SyaS vj'j?), v.12, v.i* (onxn ■h unj -(S'n) are glosses; (3) v.i^ is treated
as a gloss; (4) v.i* is placed after v.n, leaving v.i^ and vs.i^ ''"'i i'* in close
connection. These passages will be considered in their proper places.

4. lan ] (S KplOrjre; 'A., S., diKdcra<r0e; "S judicate ; in z\\, judge, rather
than plead; cf. S- — lDni] @ koL i^apui ; so Ethiopic ; 'A. d0eX^Tti>. —
Q

226 ' HOSEA

nij£3D] ® iK Trpoa-wirov ixov; so Ethiopia; = ^:dd (so also Vol. and Loft.,
regarding IHSC's change to 3 p. as made on theological grounds). — 5. Jfl]
(S Sttus Ilv, the opposite of iTOST; but 'A., S., 0. fM-^irore. — y-\H2 . . . lanna]
Gr. and Hal. 3 for D. — ninc'i] ^ om. — nix] 3J inviam. — 7. •'"'ipi:'] @ ir6.vTa
S(ra fwi Kad-fjKei ; similarly S; % iDuiD Sol. — 10. 'Ul ID31] <S And silver
I have multiplied for her. This one, however, }?iade (^things') of silver and
gold for the Baal ; Sk and silver and gold I multiplied to her, a7id from it they
made Baal ; similarly ST. Bach, •nu';? for w^. Oet., on basis of (g and Syr.-
Hex., nnt'jJ. — 11. nox] @ to. l/xaTid fiov. — niDsS] ® rod jxt] KaXinrreiv;

T : IT y y n.

cf. Sievers, Now.^; Tff quae operiebant ; & JjilaZ? t^ai^9 ; Gr. niDsc. —

12. n^D] 'A. ^K x«pds ai^T'^s. — 14. nnoNP] (S (tvkcLs. — njnx] We. pnN (so
Bach., Now., Oet., Marti). — ny] @ fxapT^piov = •\yh (Vol., Treitel). —

13. inaB'm] @ a-Koffrpixp^} (= inborn). (5 pluralizes all nouns of this verse
and inserts /cai between each pair except the first. — 15. onS . . . li^N]
(5 ev a7j . . . avTotj; U quibus ; Sb refers onS to iD\ — iiBpn] Now. and
Marti, ntflpn. — nn^Vn . . . nnu] (5 pi. — 18. iNipn] (5 adds ■>'? after the first
vb. and renders both verbs KaXicrei ; so U, vocabit. Oort (Em.'), Nipn. —
i^ya] (5 paaXel/j, ; U j9a<7/?, both treating it as a proper name; 'A. exwi* M^-
Marti, foil. <S and Duhm, DiSpaS nij; Nipn nSi nrnsS Nnpn. — 19. not']
Gr. nipp (so Loft.). — r.iDU'] S sg. — DDB'a] S has sg. suff. Hal. om. this
phrase. — hidd] Gr. oniDO.

II. 4. Strive with your mother, strive^ Yahweh is represented
as addressing the individual Israelites * (this is better than
to understand merely the faithful Israelites f). The mother
with whom they are to strive is the nation Israel as a whole.
The repetition of the imperative gives intensity ; cf. i^TO lan],
Is. 40^ It is with the mother, viz. Israel herself, that complaint
must be made, not with Yahweh. — For she is not my wife, and
I a?n not her husbandry This is not (i) the word of judgment
pronounced, ""S being = on ; J nor (2) is it merely a paren-
thetical phrase inserted by the original writer by way of ex-
planation ; § but rather (3) a gloss ; || because it interrupts the
connection between lan and ^om, and because, as a matter of
fact, Hosea does not dissolve all relation to his wife nor repre-
sent Yahweh as wholly abandoning Israel. — That she put away
her whoredoms from her face'\ A clause depending closely upon

* So Cal., Grotius, Schmidt, Dathe, Bauer, Bockel, Mau., Hes., Ros., Hi., Sim.,
Ke., We. t Hux., Sharpe. + Geb., Ma., Ros.

\ Bauer, Bockel, Ew., Hd., Sim., Wu., Che.
II Volz, Now. ; Marti om. only the latter half ; Now.2 retains both clauses.

II. 4-5 227

ia''l ; this is the message which the children are asked to convey
to the mother, because it is the mother's " whoredoms " that
have brought shame and disgrace upon the children. Note-
worthy is (3 and I will take away her, etc., i.e. by carrying her
into captivity.* From her face,\ rather than from before her, \
the former contrasting better with breasts of the following clause
(cf. Hor. Odes, I. 19, Is. 7, 8). — And her adulteries from between
her breasts'] A strong parallel for the preceding, breasts here
standing for shamelessness, while face there indicated obstinacy. §
Cf. also Kimchi, who makes the breasts = the law, written and
oral ; Crocius, who makes face and breasts mean open and
secret sins, i.e. the life and the heart ; Hitzig, who, following
Kimchi and Abarbanel, understands whoredoms as the paint upon
the face, and adulteries as the ornaments which hung down upon
the breasts (cf. v.^^). — 6. Lest I strip her naked] Cf. Ez. 16^.
In five successive and climactic phrases there is pictured the
punishment which awaits the adulteress, Israel. It is still Yahweh
who speaks. The representation is at first true to the figure, and
speaks of Israel as a woman ; but almost imperceptibly it passes
over in the latter part to the thought of the land. Stripping
naked the adulteress was the custom of other nations {e.g. among
the Germans ||). According to Lv. 20^" and Dt. 2 2^ as interpreted
by the Talmud, she was to die by strangling; but Ez. 16''^ ^ (cf.
John 8') refers to death by stoning. — And set her as in the
day of her birth] When Israel's history as a nation began,
whether we date it from the time of the Egyptian bondage,^ or
from the time of her becoming independent (cf. Ex. ^^^■-^^**
or from the time of the exodus, ft she was a nomadic people
without house, or possession of any kind. This former low and
hard condition will be hers again. — And make her as the wilder-
ness] But now the writer identifies the nation and the land.
Israel, i.e. her land, is to become a wilderness. \X This is better

* Theophylactus ; see Wahrendorf, In Theophylacti aveK^oTous, etc., super initium
cap. II. Hoseae, etc. (1702), p. 11.

t Schmidt, Bockel, Ros., Theiner, Mau., Hng., Hes., Hd., Ke., Or., Che., Now.
X Dathe, New. § Che. || Tac. Germ. \\ 18, 19.

IT Ki., Ke., Wu. «« Sim., Now. tt Cal., Hi.

Xi So Eich., Theiner, Hes., Hi., Sim., Che., We., Now. ; Seesemann, p. 37.

228 HOSEA

than to read it as in the wilderness* or to interpret the sufifix
directly of the nation, thus made desolate. f — And set her as
dry land'\ A poetic parallel of the former clause, but stronger,
since the wilderness was not always a desert. — And slay her
with thirst'] He still speaks of the land (cf. Ez. 19^^ Koran
30:18). One finds important mat&rial for consideration in
this verse with its splendid climactic arrangement, with its
beautiful and natural blending of two ideas, land and people,
which were really one, with its representation of Israel's future,
so distinctly different from that of v.^^ in this same chapter. —
6. And upon her children I will have no fnercy, because they are
the children of whoredotn'\ This (i) is merely a repetition of
i^ and i^j (2) interrupts the very close connection between
ygSandT (j;./.) • (j) may not itself be treated as preceding v.^ ;
(4) is inconsistent with the strophic structure. It is a gloss. J
A reader, seeing (v.^) that the land had been laid waste, added,
for the sake of completeness and in language already at hand,
a statement concerning the people of the land, the Israelites.
— 7. For their mother has become a harlot'] The change of
person from aattKS (v.*) is not unusual. This is the reason for
the dire punishment threatened in v.^ Of what now has Israel
really been guilty ? Not of worshipping the Baalim as gods
who existed in opposition to, or alongside of, Yahweh, as the
givers of the blessings of field and flock ; § but rather of having
put Yahweh in the place of the Baalim and having retained as
an essential element of the worship of Yahweh the rites formerly
carried on as a part of the cultus of the Baalim. They do wor-
ship Yahweh as the source of these material blessings, but they
have corrupted his worship with so much that pertains in reality
to the cultus of the BaaUm, that they might as well be worshipping
the latter. || — She that conceived them has behaved shamefully]
For this idea of acting shamefully, cf. Pr. 12*1 f. — For she said,

* So Jarchi, Bockel, Stuck.

t So e.^. Cal., Os., Merc, Schmidt, Geb., Dathe, Bauer, Ma., Ros., Schro.,
New., Hng., Ew., Hd., Pu., Ke., Wii.

X So Volz, Now.; but cf. Marti, who om. only S*, and Now.2, where the entire
verse is retained.

§ Bockel, Or., Che., Val.. Gu., Seesemann. || We., Now.

II. 6-7, lo 229

I will go after 7ny lovers'] Israel's paramours were not the peoples
round about,* nor the gods of these people ; t but the Baahm J
whose cult had completely corrupted the more pure Sinai-cult
which had been Israel's in the early days. — IVho give me my
bread and my water, my wool and ftiy flax, my oil and my drink]
Three couplets, of which the first, bread and water, describes nour-
ishment; the second, wool and flax, clothing; the third, oil and
drink, satisfaction and happiness. It is the gods of the land that
give these, hence they must be followed after. The word for my
drink does not mean " strong drinks," § or artificial drinks in gen-
eral ; II but, although rare, has the meaning of drink in general, as
in Ps. 102®; cf. its figurative meaning in Pr. 3^, the only other
occurrence of the word. In view of the reference to water in con-
nection with bread, and the frequent use elsewhere of the phrase
oil and wine, drink may be taken here as = wine. — 10. For she
has not understood that it was I who gave her the corn, etc.] This
verse fits so closely to v.^ that one can scarcely see how a separation
ever arose. It is not to be taken as an interrogative sentence,i[
but as a declarative sentence, continuing the thought of v.'.**
Corn, wine, and oil represented the wealth of Palestine (Dt. 7^*
11", etc.). — And multiplied her silver and gold] Did Israel's
silver and gold form part of the country's mineral resources ?
Or did they come from the sale of the country's products, such
as those just mentioned? The knowledge we have of ancient
mining points to the latter, since in Syria proper there were no
mines for gold. The gold came from Spain, India, Arabia, and
perhaps South Africa. Silver was mined in Spain and in Upper
Egypt. The single passage in the O. T. which refers to mining
of any kind (Jb. 28) must have been written by one who had
seen mines operated in other lands. ft However, gold and silver
were used as media of trade in Palestine in the earhest times, as
appears from references to them in the Tel-el- Amarna letters; J}

* 3r, Jer., Rashi, Ki., Ma., Grotius, Ros. t Bauer.

J Bockel, We., Che., Or., Val, Gu., Now., Marti.

§ Ki., Schmidt, Ros., Stuck, New., Ke., Wii., Che., et al. || Mau., Hi., Hd.

II Ew., We. ** Volz, Now., Marti.

tt See Hull. " Mines. Mining," in DB. ; cf. art. " Mines," EB. HI.

XX Letter 191, 1. lo; 192, Reverse, 1. 7; 239, 1. 50 f.; 265, 1. 12; 280, 1. 8.

230 HOSEA

and it was probably in exchange for the products of the land
that gold and siver came to Palestine in Hosea's time. That
there was much gold in Palestine is seen from the Black Obelisk
of Shalmaneser, " The tribute of Jehu, son of Omri, silver, gold,
basins of gold, bowls of gold, cups of gold, buckets of gold, lead,
etc." Sennacherib also (Taylor Cylinder, col. III. 34 ff.) says
of Hezekiah, " Along with thirteen talents of gold and eight
hundred talents of silver I made him bring after me precious
stones, etc." — Which they have used for the Baal'] This has
been taken to mean the overlaying of images with silver and
gold (cf. Is. 30^^) ;* (2) the golden calves established by Jero-
boam I., the clause in this case limiting only the preceding word
"gold";t (3) molten images of the calf, found in the various
high places ; (4) gold offered to Baal. J But in any case these
words are a gloss as is shown by their loose connection (cf the
absence of the relative pronoun) ; by the use of the article with
the singular of bua ; by the 3d plural of the verb instead of
the 3d feminine singular as in the preceding clause ; and by
their departure from the thought of the context which is con-
cerned with Yahweh's actions rather than with those of Israel. §
— 11. Therefore I will take back again\ Cf. Gn. 26'* 2 K. 21^
24^ Je. iS**, in which as here aw denotes || "not merely the
repetition of the same action, but also repeated occupation with
the same object, though along a different line." — My corn in
its time, and fny wine in its season] The harvest season was
not uniform throughout Palestine on account of the varying
climatic conditions of the land ; but in general it began with
the barley-harvest (2 S. 21^) early in April, and lasted about
seven weeks (Dt. 16^). The beginning was marked by the
Feast of Massoth and the close by the Feast of Ingathering.
The gathering of grapes for eating began as early as June in
some regions, but the vintage proper began in September and
continued on into October. The vintage festival was the Feast
of Booths.^ — A7id I will rescue tny wool and my flax] These

* Hd. t Hi., Or., Che. + New., Hng.

^ So We., Now.; Marti om. also and gold; but, per contra v. GAS. || Sim.
H Now. Arch. I. 231, 236; Benz. Arch. 209, 212; Paterson, DB. I. 49 f.;
Hogg, EB. I. 76.

II. IO-I2, 14, 13 231

gifts had hitherto been put to wrong uses and ascribed to wrong
sources. By withdrawing them Yahweh would not only chastise
Israel, but also teach her to recognize him as the bestower of
these blessings. — Given to cover her nakedness'] Cf. Ez. 1 6*. —
12. And now I will uncover her shame] i.e., and consequently,
cf. 5^ id' Am. (P ; but this is only another form of expressing the
thought of V."*, and interrupts seriously the consecution of vs."*
and 13^ The entire verse is to be taken as a gloss. — hi the presence
of her lovers] These must be the Baalim, whose actual existence
seems to be taken for granted by the interpolator ; cf. Ps. 96*.*

— And none shall deliver her out of my hand] Israel's lovers, the
false gods, must stand by and look upon her reproach without
being able to render help of any kind. — 14. And I will lay waste
her vines a?id her fig trees] Cf. Jo. i^ Here, as frequently, the vine
and fig tree stand for the greatest blessings of God (Jo. 2^- i K. 4^
Zc. 3^"). Wool, flax, vine, and fig tree are representative of all the
products of the earth and their removal signifies general destitution.

— Of which she has said, these are my reiaards, which my lovers
have given me] i.e. the hire of the prostitute (cf. 9^ Gn. 38^"). —
And I will make them a thicket] Another representation of desola-
tion (cf. Is. 5^ 7-^ 32^^ Mi. 3^-), "lU' being here, however, not the dig-
nified and stately forest (as in Is. 7- 10^^ Dt. 19^ Je. 46^ Ps. 96^-),
but the inaccessible brushwood (so also in i S. 14^-^ Is. 21^^
Je. 26^*). — And the beasts of the field shall eat them] i.e. the
wild beasts of the open country. — 13. Atid I will also cause to
cease all her inirth, her feasts] This verse should follow f v."
instead of preceding it, as in fHSE. The cessation of mirth
and feasting is the climax, and not only logically but chrono-
logically follows the desolation of the vine and the fig tree.
Lit. make to rest; used in Ps. 46^ of war, Pr. 18^^ of strife. Is. 16^"
of shouting. In the earlier times joy and mirth were the most
marked characteristics of sacrifice and feasts (Ex. 32^''- Ju. 21^^*^-
I S. i3'i3ff.-) — ffgf. jnirth, her feasts] i.e. the mirth of her
feasts. The feasts were either the three annual feasts mentioned
in Ex. 23^^^' (cf. Is. 9^ 29^), J or the great harvest festival of

* Cf. Marti, who retains the verse as a whole, but treats this clause as an inter-
polation, t So Volz, Now., Hal. J Wii., Che., et al.

232 HOSEA

which mirth was so conspicuous a feature (cf. Ju. 21^^ i K. 8^
12^^).* This is the only one of the three great feasts which
is named in the historical books. For a similar threat see
Am. 8^°. — Her new moon, and her sabbaths and her festal as-
semblies'] The festival in connection with the first appearance
of the new moon probably dates back to a very early period
in Israel's history,| as appears from the fact that it and the
passover are the only feasts having no connection in origin and
significance with agriculture, and that it seems to have been an
occasion for clan reunions and sacrifices (i S. 20'' *^). It was
also regarded as a fitting occasion for visiting the prophets
(2 K. 4^). The ordinary occupations of life were suspended
on this day as also on the Sabbaths (Am. 8^). There seems
to have been connected with its celebration a large amount
of superstition and corruption which was objectionable to the
prophets, for Isaiah also threatens Israel with its removal (2^^*'-),
while JE and Deuteronomy completely ignore it. However,
later legislation incorporated it in the regular sacrificial system
(Ez. 46^-' Nu. 28ii«^- 2if I Ch. 2331 2 Ch. 2\ etc.). J The Sab-
bath § is often mentioned alongside of the new moon (Am, 8^
Is. i^^ 2 K. 4-^ Ez. 46^), and seems to have been closely con-
nected with it originally, the new moon being observed on the
first day of the month, and the Sabbath probably on every
seventh day after. In course of time, however, the Sabbath
came to have more importance than the new moon, and its
recurrence on every seventh day became independent of any
relation to the new moon. The Sabbath was originally a day
of sacrifice and of propitiation of the deity, as appears from

*Now. ; cf. We. /Vi?/. 94 f. ; Now. Arch. II. 150 f.; Benz. Arc A. 468.

t This early origin is made certain if DiSlSn (Ju. 92^) be derived from hhn, to
shine, and thus connected with the Arabic hilal = new moon. Thus the general
word for feast would originally have been used only of the new moon feast. So
Sprenger, Leben ti. Lehre d. Mohanimads, III. 527; Lag. Orientalia, II. 19 f.;
Hovf.Arch. II. 138 f.

X Now. Arch. II. 138 ff. ; Benz. Arch. 464^; and art. " New Moon," EB. III.;
Abrahams, " New Moon," DB. III.

§ See especially Jastrow, " The Original Character of the Hebrew Sabbath,"
AJT. II. 312-352; cf. also We. Prol. 112-116; Now. Arch. II. 140-144 ; Benz.
Arch. 202, 465 f.; Harding, DB. I. 859 ; and other literature cited in my Const.
Studies in the Priestly Element in the O. T. (1902), 114 ff.

11. 13, 15 233

the regulations controlling corresponding days in Babylonia, and
from O. T. references to it in earlier days as a day of religious
observances (i K. 4^ Is. i^ Ez. 46^*^), a day when trade ceased
(Am. 8^), and when the manna was withheld (Ex. 16^), and the
day upon which the showbread was renewed (i Ch. 9-^^). The
rest from ordinary labors which was a consequence of this effort
to propitiate deity came to be in later days the most conspicu-
ous feature of Sabbath observance. Two traditions exist in the
O. T. concerning the origin of the day : Ex. 20" traces it back
to God's resting after his creative work (cf. Gn. 2'), while Dt. ^^'^
makes it a memorial of the Exodus. Festal assemblies* is a
term used to designate a sacred season or feast ; literally it is
an appointed time or place. It is a broader term than Jn, which
is properly applied only to feasts involving pilgrimages. It is
thus used of the Sabbath (Lv. 23^*), the Passover (Lv. 23^*'),
the New Moon (Ps. 104^'), the Year of Release (Dt. 31^**), the
Day of Atonement (Lv. 23^), the Feast of Unleavened Bread
(Lv. 23^), and the Feast of Booths (Dt. 31I" Ho. 12^). In Gn. i^*
this word is used probably of the sacred seasons as determined
by the moon's changes, rather than of the seasons of the year.
In Ho. (f it is used in a general sense in parallelism with feast of
Yahweh. Thus in the terms " feasts," " new moons," " Sabbaths,"
and "festal assemblies," the prophet has included every variety of
sacred feasts ; they are all to be brought to an end. — 15. And I
will visit upon her the days of the Baalim'\ i.e. I will punish her
on account of the days, etc. The days of the Baalifn is an
expression referring especially to the festivals just enumerated
and in general to the whole period during which corrupt Yahweh-
worship had prevailed, since the festivals and even the entire
cultus, though nominally carried on in honor of Yahweh, were
in reality, from the prophet's point of view, corrupt rites and
sensual orgies devoted to the Baalim. f — In which she made
offering to them'\ For this interpretation of "iDp v.i. (p. 235).
— And decked herself with her earrings and her jewels^ It was
a common Semitic custom to don special attire for all festive

L

* See EB. I. 346 ; BDB. 417 ; We. on Ho. 12W; Now. Arch. II. 155. Marti
om. this word as a gloss.
fCf. We., Che., Marti.

234 HOSEA

and sacred occasions. The clothes worn in the performance of
everyday duties must be either laid aside or thoroughly washed,
lest they should defile the sanctuary ; while clothes made holy
by contact with holy things could not be worn afterwards in
ordinary life, unless they were previously washed, since they would
render holy, i.e. taboo, everything touched by them. Jewels, too,
seem to have been a usual feature of the sacred dress ; the
Syriac word for " earring " means " the holy thing," and the
word for " pearls " in the dialect of South Arabia seems to
denote the same idea. Moreover, jewels were common as amu-
lets.*— And went after her lovers, and forgot nie'\ The nature
of their Yahweh-worship was such as to give them an entirely
false idea of the character of Yahweh ; under his name they
were virtually doing homage to the Baalim. — 18. And it shall be
at that day'] A very common form for introducing a gloss. The
reasons for regarding this as a gloss f to v.^^ are (i) the use of
the terms Ishi and Baali, (2) the fact that it is in part a
repetition of the thought of v.^^, (3) its metre differs from that
of both preceding and following context, (4) it is superfluous
in the strophic structure. — Thou shall call me Ishi~\ i.e. my
husband ; this implies Israel's return to a proper understanding
of her relation to Yahweh and of the kind of service acceptable
to him, — a thought which lies beyond Hosea's outlook for his
people. It gives the positive aspect of Israel's future conduct,
which is represented only negatively in the next clause and in
v.^^ — And shall call me no ?nore Baali] i.e. my Baal ; Hosea
regularly uses the plural form Baalim when speaking of Canaan-
itish elements in the Yahweh-worship ; the singular occurs only
here and in the gloss to v.^". The two words Ishi and Baali
express practically the same idea, but the use of the latter is
condemned on account of its connection with the Baahm. —
19. And I will remove the names of the Baalim from her
mouth] Cf. Zc. 13^. This verse connects closely with v.^^
Whereas in the past Israel has devoted herself assiduously to
the cultus of the Baalim, thus neglecting the proper worship
of Yahweh, in the coming days Yahweh will utterly destroy all

* WRS. Sent. 452 f. ; Now. t So We., Volz, Now,

II. 15, I8-I9 235

trace and memory of Baal worship. — And they shall no more
be mentioned by their names\ Their names even shall be for-
gotten.

4. i3n . . . i3n] For other cases of epizeuxis, v. Is. 2i^ 26' 40^ Je. 4^^; cf.
K6. Stil. 155 f. 3 an occurs in Gn. t^i^^ Ju. 6^-; Sn j>i in Ju. 21^2 Jb. i'^'^,
etc.; more common are oj? an (Gn. 26-^ Jb. 9^) and p« an (Ju. 8^ Je. 2^).
— N*?] Instead of yv. in a noun clause with pronominal subject; cf. GK.
152^; K6. 352 w. — iDni] Impf. with 1 of purpose, — nijijr] Now.'s ren-
dering " nose-ring " is without philological or exegetical support, as is also his
transl. of n'sifjNj] by " necklace." These renderings imply an evil significance
for nose-rings and necklaces, such as does not seem to have belonged to them.
n>DiDNJ is a syn. of D''i3NJ (Je. 13-^ Ez. 23*^). For force of the pi., cf. Ko.
261 d,f. — 5. id] Controlling five verbs. — nja^tt'iJN] On form v. GK. 58/. —
cva] On the force of 3 v. GK. 118 «; K6. 319 d. — inNs] Without article;
cf. K6. 299/. — n'Pcni] On form v. GK. 72 «/. — 6. annx] Seghol in pause,
a Massoretic peculiarity; cf. 1DT» Dt. 32^1; cf. GK. 52 «. — Dijur ^ja] On
use of 13 V. BDB., s.v. (8); GK. 128^. — 7. ntt»3n] A pres. pf., GK. 106^;
on formation from C3> rather than B>''3 v. GK. 78 (J; BDB. p. 102. — 10. N^n
'30X . . .] Strong contrast. — 3nti . . . f|D3i] Without article, though preceding
nouns have it. — '?j73Sia'>'] Rel. clause with rel. particle omitted. On force of
S cf. 8* Is. 44". Hosea uses pi. o^Sys except here and in 13I. — 11. aviPK
vnpSi] Cf. GK. \zoe; Ko. 369^, r. — pidoV] A purpose clause depending
upon the preceding nouns; cf. Gn. 24^8 Mi. 5I; Ko. 385 c. — 12. n.i*?3j] a.X.,
meaning shainelessness, leivdness ; stronger than the more common nSa:,
disgraceful folly. — ^Jv'^] A less frequent idiom than ''j"'>3. — 13. njn] This
and foil, nouns are all collective singulars. — nnsw'] On dag. f. in n cf.
Assyr. Sabattii ; v. Barth, NB. § 15; Ko. II. i. pp. 180 f. — 14. dhS^n] On
form cf. GK. 59^. — 15. D'S>'3n] On signif. of pi., cf. Ko. 264 yi Special
names of Baalim are: nna S>'3 (Ju. 8^^ 9*), 313t '3 (2 K. i2f. 6.16)^ ^,^3 .-^
(Nu. 253-5), nj -J (Jos. II" iV 135), ra-jn '1 (Ju. f i Ch. 5''3), pnn '3 (Ct. 8").
rsx '3 (Ex. 142- 9 Nu. 33^), n'lsn -3 (2 S. 1328), pjrn '3 (Nu. 32^8 1 Ch. 58 Ez. 258),
D^xnD '3 (2 S. 525 I Ch. 14"'), ntt'':<tt* '3 (2 K.4^2), inn '3 (Ju. 2088); cf.
■\N3 nSjs (Jos. 198). — "CDiin] Impf. denoting customary action, nap, in pre-
exilic literature, is used of the offering up of sacrifices in general; not until
the times of Jeremiah and later is it applied to offerings of incense; these
latter were probably among the foreign customs brought in by Manasseh
(cf. Sta. ZA W. VI. 298 f.; Moore, art. " Incense," EB.; Now. Arch.; Benz.
Arch.; BSZ., s.v^. The vb. is used chiefly in Pi. and Hiph. and means "to
cause smoke, or odor, to ascend "; cf. Assyr. ktitrii = smoke. Now.'s change
to the Pi'el form is unnecessary, since the Hiph. occurs in preexilic passages,
e.g. I S. 2I6 I K. 925 2 K. \G^. — njjni] Impf. cons. foil, an impf. of past
time; but cf. Ko. 366^. — nn^Sn] i.X. from n'?n, to adorn; >Sn (Pr. 25^2 q^ ^2)
means a necklace, and this fem. form coupled with au probably denotes some

236 HOSEA

specific neck or breast ornament, rather than jewellery in general. — ^dn]
Emph., and in chiastic order with nianNC. — 18. ■h i^npn] S Nip is the
regular idiom for naming; cf. Gn. i^ — 19. '3 nar^] For a similar use of
3 13T, implying "longing after," cf. Je. 3^^,

§ 5. Later voices describing Israel's return to Yahweh.

28.9 216-17 22»-22 2^3-25 a^'^. [Ellglish, 2«- ^ 2""^* 2^^"^ 2"^-"^ l^'>-2\'\

A. Israel, compelled to separate herself frofn her lovers, returns
to Yahweh ; 2^- ^. Israel finds herself cut off from her lovers by
impassable barriers ; she searches for them, but they have disap-
peared, together with the prosperity which she had associated
with them ; she returns therefore to her former husband.

This is a single strophe of six tetrameters, or two strophes, each of three
tetrameters. The measure is rough and irregular. These verses do not come
from Hosea himself (so Now., Volz ; Oort, Th T. XXIV., 345 ff ., regards
vs.^i" as misplaced, and inserts them between 2i^ and 21^; Marti om. only ^^)
because: (i) they break the otherwise close connection between vs/""<ii'';
(2) they do not harmonize with 3^, since here a voluntary return of the
woman is described while there she is held in forcible restraint; (3) they
are rendered superfluous by 3^; (4) they prematurely introduce the element
of chastisement which comes in naturally in v.n ; (5) the rhythm and
strophic structure differ from those found in the context.

8. 13-n] Read npi with <& (so Oort, ThT. and Em.; Gr., We., Loft.,Gu.,
GAS., Oet., Marti, ei al. ; Bach., Alttest. Untersuch. 1. 11, reads niaii; so also
Now.; this is favored by ^S, Syr.-Hex., and the following n>ni3^nj). —
>nmji] ST PIDDNI = ^nntJi (Seb.). — nn^j ns] This pointing is supported
by 9., Cod. Babyl., and Complut. (so Baer, Ginsburg, Loft., Now., GAS., Marti,
et al."). <3 TCLS odoi/s; ^-^-Q add atirijs; hence Oort, nijn. 5J earn maceria;
hence Gr. r\-\-\i nns. — oniDj] ® kv <xk6\o\{/ip. — 9. Nsnn] (SS and Syr.-
Hex. = DNxpn (so also Oet., Marti).

8. There/ore'] The later writer builds this insertion upon the
thought of v.'^ : Because now Israel has expected her food and
clothing from her lovers, therefore, — Behold, I am going to hedge
tip her way with thorns^ As if Israel were a traveller and, as
such, finds in the course of her journey a thorn-hedge directly in
front of her, which proves to be impassable ; cf. Jb. 3^. " It is
very common in the East to put thorns and the branches of thorn
trees along the sides of fields by which sheep are driven to pas-

II. 8-9 237

ture, so that they may not wander in." * — And build her a wall
that she may not find her paths'] If the path comes suddenly up
to a wall, and she cannot proceed further, it is evident that the
path beyond the wall cannot be found. This wall, as well as the
thorn-hedge, represents circumstances and events which render
continued action of any kind impracticable, " some dark calamity
utterly paralyzing the vital powers." f — 9. Arid she will pursue
her lovers and not overtake them] i.e. the blessings upon which
she confidently counted as coming from the Baalim will fail her,
and as a consequence she will no longer feel their " mystic pres-
ence." MBTi is intensive, and represents the pursuit as earnest
and eager. — ... Seek and not find them] For a similar use of
ITpD, cf. 5^ 2 Ch. 11^^. — Let me go and return unto 7tiy former
husband] This implies a feeling that in an earlier period there
was something, at all events, different. This earlier religion stood
out distinctly in contrast with the later religion which now included
contaminating elements from the Canaanitish cults. It was this
primitive, severe, and unimaginative religion which Elijah repre-
sented, and which was still observed by such as Jonadab the
Rechabite (Je. 35^^°) and his comrades. — For it was better with
me then than now] An expression of opinion on the part of one
who has seen in Israel's later history the facts which seem to him
to prove this statement. It was not an idea that could have been
clearly comprehended in Hosea's times. The reference is to
Israel's earliest times, before she had become tangled up with
Canaanitish civiHzation. J This is no genuine repentance (cf. 6'"^,
but only a desire for change, because change is expected to bring
relief (cf. Je. 44^^).

8. ^Jjn] njn presents a new thought and with pron. suf. and a ptcp. ex-
presses the immediate future (K6. 237^; GK. 116/); the pron. with the
ptcp. = an object clause; Ko. 4101J. — yv] Only here and 1^°; allied with

^^B' from which "p, thorn ; cf. ilS.j&i, Assyr. sikkatu ; also "I3D, ^DJ, ^1D (Fran-
kel, 90; Dl. Prol. 195 f.); literally to twirie, here the twisting of thorns into
a hedge. — oniD] Cf. Na. 1^" Is. 34^^ Ec. 7^; and with meaning of hooks.
Am. 42. — mij ^rmj] Her wall, i.e. a wall (for, i.e.^ against her. This is a

* W. R. W. Gardner, AJSL. XVIII. 177. f Che. in loc.

X Cf. Now. Arch. 1. 104, 223; II, 2.

238 HOSEA

late word (Am. 9^^ also being an Interpol.); cf. use of niJ with nix (Jb. 19^),
Tn (La. 3^). The suggestion of Gardner {AJSL. XVIII. 177) to retain fSHHL,
translating " and build a sheepfold " (cf. Nu. 32^^ 34^®)> is not in harmony
with the context which describes methods of discipline rather than means
of protection. Note the cogn. ace. (again in Ez. 22^°) and the chiastic
arrangement of the last two clauses of v.^. — On ni^J v. Baer, p. 60. —
9. naiB'Ni DoSn] Cohortative = strong resolution, — / will go and I will re-
turn, i.e. I will go back to; or better, Let vie go back to. On the verbal
appos., H. 36; GK. 120 (/. — nnj/'D tn] The comp. ]d after 3it3 foil, by adv. of
time which represents a temporal clause, so that the prep, becomes in reality
a conj.; cf. K6. 308^.

B. Israel, after a season of separation from her lovers, will be
restored to former favor ; 2^^- ^\ Israel is kindly and gently
separated from her lovers, and, as in the coming out of Egypt, is
guided to the wilderness for discipline ; after this her possessions
will be given back to her, and she will again be strong and fresh
as in the days of her youth.

This, like the former addition, consists of one strophe of six tetrameters.
It differs from l^-^ (l) in the different usage of njn, cf. ijjn (2^) with njn
OJN (2^*) ; (2) especially in the entirely different point of view, 28- ^ repre-
senting Israel as forced away from her lovers, 2i^-i^ as enticed away; 2*-3
representing the discipline as coming in one way, 2^®- ^^ as coming in another.
This piece is clearly late (so Volz, Now., Marti; cf. Now.'s later views, (i) in
Die Zukunftshofftizmgen Israels iti der Assyr. Zi??V (1902), p. 43, that these
verses belong to a late utterance of Hosea; (2) in Now.^ (1903) that they
are not irom Hosea, and in any case belong in another connection), because
of: (l) the different point of view taken from that in vs.ii*f'; there the
thought is that of punishment pure and simple, here it is tender-hearted
chastise?nent with a view to repentance and reformation; there punishment
only is in mind, here promises of blessing prevail; (2) the different repre-
sentation here from that in v.^; there the land where Israel dwells is to
become a barren waste; here Israel is to be driven from its land into the
desert by Yahweh; (3) the thought of Israel's obedience to Yahweh in her
youth (v.i''), which does not agree with the representations of ii^^- and 12*;
(4) the order of thought in v.^^, which is characteristic of later days; Israel's
return to Yahweh is here represented as due to Yahweh's generous bestowal
of blessings which awaken gratitude, but if Hosea ever contemplated a return
it must have been as a result of punitive discipline at the hands of Yahweh,
blessings coming only after repentance; (5) late expressions; e.g. "the valley
of Achor " is mentioned in Is. 651"; the figure of allurement in the wilder-
ness has parallels in Ez.; (6) the different rhythm and strophic structure
from those employed in the genuine verses of the context.

11. I&-1J 239

16. p''] Gr. pK. — n^nsa] <3 v\avCi avr-nv. St. ri^ip-g. Buhl (ZAIV.
V. I79ff.) nnnoc. — -\3icn] (g ij eprjiiov, Gr. n-i3-<cn. — 17. nims] ® rd
KT'fina.Ta aiiTTji; U vinitores ejus (=^''C"ir); so ST. — HNi Btt'D] Oet. and
Marti, pn 'noB'i. Hal. nw BiPNi. — nipn nna'?] ® Stoyoif at tri/veo-iv a^r^s
= njiari nhDS(Oet.); "S ad aperiendam spem; & oi^kSOlB t^i^La^O?, vocal
king nneS (Seb.) and following @ in the rendering of mpp. — nnj;*] @ xaTret-
I'w&^o'eTat; so S; U t:a«f/. Buhl and Marti, n.-''?;'.

16. Therefore'] Not nevertheless, nor ^//// * but as in v.^ con-
sequently, i.e. because she has gone away after her lovers,t v.^^
being thus fitted in by the later writer. Cf. Keil's attempt to co-
ordinate the "therefore" of vs.^"*'"*^^ — Behold I am going to
allure her] From the first word, there is seen here in contrast
with 2*- ^, as also with 2", the purpose to use kind words and gentle
means by which to bring back erring Israel. She will be allured
or wooed back. This meaning is assured by the parallel furnished
in the following line, speak to her heart. The word nns does not
necessarily have a bad meaning (cf. (§, TrXavw). Other explana-
tions suggested are (i) I will loose her bonds (Je. 40') ; { (2) I
will put it into her head to return while she is yet in exile ; §
(3) I will cause her to err. ]| — And bring her into the wilderness]
The wilderness recalls the events which followed the exodus from
Egypt. It has been taken (i) as a place of hope as well as of
affliction;^ (2) as a place for deliverance, not for punishment.**
It means the captivity which included the idea of the desert
between Palestine and Babylon, and also the idea of sojourn in a
foreign land, for this was in itself like living in a desert (Is. 41^').
Cf. Wellhausen, who seems to favor the idea suggested in 2^, that
the writer does not have in mind a wilderness, but the waste con-
dition of Palestine, a condition which will be changed. — And I
will speak to her heart] i.e. speak kindly and encouragingly to her.
— 17. And I will give to her from there her vineyards] This
means that out of the wilderness, when the purposes of discipUne
sought to be gained thereby have been secured, the vineyards
which have been taken from her will be restored,tt a reference to
the time when she leaves the desert. W With the present text the

* Dathe, Ros., New., Hd. t So Buhl {v.s.). H Sim.

t Ew., Ke., Pu., Wu., Or., We., Now., GAS. $ Ki. || St. ** Ke.

tt Wii., Now., Che., et al. JJ Ma., Ke.

240 HOSEA

interpretations (i) And there I will give to her, etc.,* (2) that the
words are spoken ironically, because there are no vineyards in a
wilderness,! (3) and I will make thereof her vineyards for her, f
(4) vinekeepers (F), are impossible ; (5) the suggestion § that " I
will give to her " = the fuller expression " I will bring to her
mind " has no parallel in usage ; (6) the interpretation || of .TttlS
as "her nourishment," on the basis of (3 and the Assyr. kurmu,
kurmatu = nourishment, finds no support in Hebrew usage. —
And the valley of Achorfor a door of hope'] In contrast with the
troubling of Israel which took place when Israel was first entering
into the land ; Jos. 'f'- ^^ This valley is situated on the northern
boundary of Judah (Jos. 15'') and probably ran back from Jericho
into the hills of Judah (Jos. f").^ It is praised as a valley of
great fertiUty (Is. 65'"). Its use here like that of wilderness (v.^^
is large and free, designating by this historical reminiscence the
second entrance of Israel into her own land. This entrance will
be one through a door of hope, a promise of success.** Some
understand that the valley of Achor is here mentioned because of
its fertility; ft and others that this was a prediction of the exact
way by which Israel was to return. There is no need for the emen-
dations of Oetth and Hal^vy (z^.j-.), though they furnish a smoother
connection, viz. "And I will make the valley of Achor, etc." —
And there she shall respond as in the days of her youth] Israel,
once more, will now yield herself to Yahweh's will, make response
to his advances, conform herself to his wishes ; JJ cf. 2^^--^ This
is better than (i) she will sing, §§ the reference being to antiphonal
singing like that of Miriam (Ex. 15^"^), for such singing here and
in vs.^^"^^ would be out of place, (2) she will humble herself, \\ || or
(3) she will go up thither, ^% which certainly goes well with the ~_
of nair, but is not consistent with the identification of nar with
UVQ, and anticipates the nmbs? of the following line. — And as in
the day when she came up from the land of Egypt] The memory

* We. t Hi., We. + Sim. \ Bach. || Hal.

H EB. I. 36 ; cf. Conder, " Achor," in DB. ** So most comm.

tt Cal., Ma., ef al.

XX 'A., ©., ST, Stuck, Has., Hi., Ew., Ke., Che., We., GAS., Now.

§<S U, AE., Ki., Cal., Grot., Ros., Mau., Umb., AV., Wii.

I] II 85. S. nil Buhl (t/.j.).

II. 17 241

of the exodus is one firmly fixed in the minds of the Hebrew
nation; cf. i29-i3 ^^i ^m. 2^' 3^ 9^ Mi. 6* f Je. 2' f'-"" ii*-^
16" 23', etc.

16. n>neD] On the form, v. GK. 93 ss. nns is used chiefly of persuasion to
evil, e.g. Dt. 11^^ Ex. 22'° Jb. 31® Pr. i^°; it is employed to express Yahweh's
influence upon prophets in Je. 20'' Ez. 14^. There is no need to change the
text with St. and Buhl (v.s.) ; ilfllSr is supported by the parallelism of the last
clause of the verse. — lanDn] Adv. ace. denoting the end of motion. — na*? Sy]
The regular Hebr. idiom for cheeriiigly, comfortingly ; cf. Gn. 34^ 50^1 Ju. 19^
2 S. 19* Ru. 2^* Is. 40^. — 17. Diyc] Though literally local, i.e. from that place,
it is in effect temporal, i.e. when she has reached that place I will give, etc.
The proposal of Get. and Hal. to read TiDsyi or qib'NI (v.s.) relieves the
difficulty of this phrase, but leaves the clause preceding too indefinite, and
spoils the tetrameter of both clauses. — ->13J;] i.e. trouble; for an early
etymological explanation of the name, v. Jos. 724 ff. — nnf] The long form
may have been used for the sake of euphony; note the three a-endings of
this line. The force of the word is purely local. — ^D^o] Lit. according to that
which happened in the days of, i.e. as in the days of; on omission of 3 after 3,
V. GK. Ii8«; BDB. 455. — nniyj] Abstr. pi.; by formations of this kind are
regularly denoted stages of life, e.g. oijipr, old age, o^Sina viaidetihood ; cf.
Barth, NB. 55 e.

C. Israel rescued from all harm, and remarried to Yahweh ;
2^'^. A new ordinance is established that beasts and men shall
do Israel no harm ; and again shall Israel be betrothed to Yahweh,
this time in loving kindness, mercy, and faithfulness ; and at last
Israel shall really know Yahweh.

We have here two somewhat ragged pentameter strophes of four lines
each. This, like A and B, is independent of the chapter as a whole, as well
as of the other divisions. It is peculiar in: (i) its rhythmic structure, (2) its
repetitiousness and prolixity, (3) its point of view. It is to be regarded as
distinct from the chapter as a whole (so Volz,Now.; Marti, £^.2122) because :
(i) this idyllic picture of a state of universal peace represents later ideals
(cf. Is. 4''*'- 65-^); (2) the thought of vs.-^f- has no parallel in the story of
Hosea's marriage, which is the basis of chaps. 1-3; (3) the vocabulary and
phraseology of v.^o are characteristic of a later age; cf. Gn. 9^ Lv. 2()^^-
Ez. 2,j^^^^- Is. Ii6*f- 35^ 2* Zc. 91°; (4) a new metre and strophic structure
appear. Now., in his Zukunftshoffnungen Israels in der Assyr. Zeit, p. 43,
withdraws his earlier view that vs.2**-25 are from another hand, and suggests
that they come from a late utterance of Hosea; in Now.^, however, the
Hoseanic authorship of v.^" is once more abandoned.

R

242 HOSEA

20. in^'x] or Siaa^'K ; so S, both = n>2ii'N (Seb.), — ainasrn] (g Karoi-
KiQ ere; similarly S., 0., reading O'n^B'in (Oct.); 'A. KOLix-qau airoiis. —
21. T'na'nN] 1!,. Xi^fofiai a-e; W IOJD'Qni. — taDtrnai pis^] A gloss (so Now.),
incongruous in view of context. — 22. ">~nN njJTii] U ei scies quia ego
Dominus ; Babyl. Cod., "> ^JN ^3, now corrected to agree with JJIC Gr. n;;^1.
Marti, n^nai.

20. Afid I will make for them a covenant with the beasts, etc^
The pronoun refers to Israel ; and, now, between Israel and the
lower world of animals a covenant will be established, the essence
of which will be peace between man and animals. Just such a
covenant restraining the beasts from harming Israelites, Zc. 1 1^"
represents Yahweh as breaking ; cf. also Ez. 34^^ Such a cove-
nant was rather an "ordinance" than a "treaty" (Cheyne). Is
there here and in prophetic references to close relationship of
animals and men (cf. Nu. 22-1-^ Is. 11*^^ 65^5 Jb. s'^f. q^. 31*-
Ez. 34^) a survival of the totemistic conception involving a belief
in a real blood connection? * — And the bow and the sword and
war I will break out of the la?id'\ There will be peace likewise
between Israel and other nations (Ps. 46^ 76^^ Je. 49^ Is. 9*). War
(cf. i'^), including everything that relates to battle, is here joined
with break by zeugma. f This late expression finds analogies
in Is. 2* Mi. 4* Je. 23^ t,'^^^. — And I will make them lie down
in safety. — 21. Yea, I will betroth thee to me forever^ Security and
confidence are the great ends sought in the administration of the
affairs of a nation. To lie down in safety (cf. Jb. 11'* Is. 14^
Lv. 26^) is the naive and childlike designation of complete assur-
ance. But, in order to strengthen the thought and to bring it
into harmony with the context, the writer goes back to the figure
of betrothal and marriage, a relationship which, now, shall last
throughout all time (cf. Je. 31^37 jg_ ^^s-'O). — Jn kindness and in
mercy"] The preceding words, in righteousness and in judgment,
are to be omitted as a gloss {v.s.), since they are superfluous by
the side of v." ; are inapplicable in the strictest sense to the
figure of betrothal ; present, as they stand, a bizarre arrangement
of thought ; interfere with a smooth strophic structure ; and ex-

* Cf. Gunkel's defence of the genuineness of this verse on the ground of the
antiquity of this conception, Genesis, p. 112. t Cf. K6. Stil. 122 f.

II. 20-22 243

press the thought of a later period. For the manifestation of
kindness and mercy on the part of God to Israel, cf. Is. 14^ 30"
49^" 54*-^° Je. 31^ Ez. 39^. — 22. / will betroth thee to me in
faithfulness, and thou shall know Yahweh'] The thrice-repeated
statement of betrothal makes it both emphatic and solemn. Faith-
fulness from the time of Isaiah (cf. Is. 1 1^) had been one of the
characteristics of Yahweh most frequently dwelt upon in his rela-
tion to man. Three gifts will thus be brought to Israel as bridal
gifts, viz. love, mercy, and faithfulness, and as a result Israel will
know Yahweh (cf. 4'). The custom originally was to pay the
dowry to the bride's family (cf. Gn. 34^-) as a compensation for
the loss of her labor ; later this dowry came to be regarded as the
possession of the wife (cf. Gn. 31'^) which provided for her needs
in case of her husband's death, or her divorce without due cause.*
The fact that the gifts of Yahweh here are all such as would tend
to the happiness of Israel makes it evident that the later marriage
custom is alluded to.f Everything is given by Yahweh, and
nothing is asked of Israel in return.

20. ima] The ordinary word for the making of a covenant; the original
significance of the expression may be seen from Gn. 151" Je. 34^^ Other
phrases used of making a cov. are ni-iaa wa, Je. 34I''; S nna T-ajn, Dn. 9^^;
r>N nna o^pn, Ez. i(P-', nna otf, 2 S. 23^. The breaking of a cov. is expressed
by '3 13;, Jos. 7^^; '-13 nen, Is. 24^; '3 SSn, Mai. 2I"; '3 dxd, 2 K. 171^ —
oy] This prep, often foil. nn3 nna, but S is more frequent ; other preps, used
are ns and pj. DJ? is used with the first two nouns here, and understood with
the third. — T\'y:;7\ pin] The phrase used by J in the creation account, Gn. 21^;
cf. P's nxn pin, Gn. I^s. — 21. Tina-nN] With the change of figure it becomes
necessary to change from the 3d pi. m. pron. of v.^" to the 2d fem. sg.; abrupt
changes of this kind are not infrequent, e.g. 2^- ^» 46 Gn. 49'-^»- =*« Dt. 32"''- i^f ;
cf. K6. S^il 238 ff. The threefold occurrence of the vb. not only adds empha-
sis, but also affords opportunity to add several adverbial modifiers without
cumbering the sentence; cf. K6. S^i/. 298. — ,-nS3] The prep, with this and
foil, nouns is 3 of price, which usually follows trnN with the gift of the bride.

The original force of 3 CIN is seen in Ar. \j^y, a fine, price. — 22. njiDN] A
common formation for abst. nouns; cf. nai3J, might; n-ii3|i, burial; nann,
rule ; nxion, healing; Earth, NB. § '&2e.

* Cf. Paterson, "Marriage," DB.; Benz., "Marriage," EB.; R. F. Harper, Code
of Hammurabi (1904), pp. 49, 57, 63 ff.
t So Now.

244 HOSEA

D. Yahweh's response in faithful love ; 2^^. — "Jezreel (Is-
rael) asks the plants to germinate ; they call upon the earth for
its juices ; the earth beseeches heaven for rain ; heaven suppli-
cates for the divine word which opens its stores, and Yahweh
responds in faithful love." (Cheyne).

This addition consists of three strophes of trimeter movement, of 4, 3, and
4 lines. Its characteristics as a piece are clear and beautiful thought, and
perfect, artistic form, the metre being regular, the parallelism progressive,
and the strophic structure symmetrical; cf. in the last line of each strophe
the pronoun followed by a vb. of saying. Both thought and form are highly
poetic. It is from later times than those of Hosea (so Volz; Marti omits
2'^*--^), as is seen from: (i) the fact that it contemplates the full restoration
of Israel to Yahweh's favor; (2) the eschatological phrase sinn ara n^ni,
which belongs to later times; (3) the use of nj;*, which is found in this sense
only in late passages, e.g. 14^ Ps. 65^ Ec. lo^'; (4) the materialistic blessings
spoken of here which are not in keeping with the spirit of the teachings
of Amos and Hosea; (5) the new metre and strophic structure; (6) the
presupposition of the exile contained in v.^^o.

23. njj?N] ®S, and Syr.-Hex. om. the first (so also Seb., Oort, Marti). —
25. nipjn?] We. in>nj?-ir (so Bach., Now., Oct.), the suff. referring to '7Kyii\
— nns'^Dj?] % om. nnx. — ^nSvs] @ K\jpi.os 6 6e6s fxov eJ <r^, adding nnx (so
also Hal.) ; so Iff, Syr.-Hex.

23. / will respond to the heavens'] The petition from Israel for
prosperity comes last of all through the heavens to Yahweh, who
is the fountain head of authority. The representation is not
merely poetical ; for it was the popular belief that rain and dew
came as the direct gifts of Yahweh. It was at his command that
the clouds were opened or remained closed ; cf. Am. 9^^ Jo. 3^^
Ez. 34^^-28 47I-8, also Dt. 28^ Lv. 26^^ — 24. And they shall re-
spond to Jezreel] The corn, wine, and oil will respond to Israel,
here called Jezreel with reference to the meaning of the word,
God sows ; cf. the use made of it in v.-^. — 25. And I will sow
her unto me in the land] Cf. Je. 31^-^. Jezreel = Israel restored,
is to be sown again in the land, this time unto, i.e. for, Yahweh.
All Israel, wherever scattered, will return to the land of their
ancestors. The purpose of the sowing is, of course, that they may
bring forth fruit. — / will have pity upon the un-pitied one] The
name of i® is here reversed. — And to not-my-people I will say.

II. 23-25 245

thou art my people\ The name of i' is likewise reversed. — And
they will say, thou art my God'\ Israel's confession; cf. Zc. 13®
Rom. (f I Pet. 2^^

23. Ninn ova n^ni] For the use of this phrase in other late passages, cf.
v.i^ Jo. 4^* Mi. 5^ Zc. 132. Other phrases of similar import are: rr'n' Ninn ova
(Zc. 13^); D''N2 O'Di njn (Am. 9!^); nmh nj,'^ ry^rw (Am. 51^); p"nnN n>ni
(Jo. 3I); D^D^n nnnN3 nim (3^ Mi. 4I). — njj,'N] Repeated for the sake of
rhetorical effect; to omit it once, as some do, spoils the rhythm of the passage,
and robs it of its dignity in some measure. — am] From this point on through
V.2* the clauses are all circumstantial, depending upon v.^".

E. IsraeVs vast numbers, united as one family under Yahweh,
and victorious against all enemies ; 2^"^. — In the future time,
Israel's numbers will be beyond calculation ; instead of estrange-
ment from Yahweh, her people will be recognized as the sons of
the living God ; and instead of schism between north and south,
there will be united action resulting in victory over all opposers.

We have here two strophes of four lines each, in the pentameter movement.
Each strophe contains an important idea, and both together form a splendid
unity. Strophe i : Israel's numbers will be great, and she will again become
Yahweh's people. Strophe 2 : She will be reunited, and thus enabled to meet
all enemies. This piece has been recognized as occupying an impossible place,
and has been transferred to the end of chap. 2 (so Heilprin, The Historical
Poetry of the Ancient Hebrews, II. 125 f. ; St., Kue. Einl. II. 319; Che., K6,
Einl. ; Gu., GAS., Oct.). The grounds urged for this are the fact that it avoids
the abrupt transition from threat to promise involved in passing from i^ to
2^; the better connection secured in placing 2^^ after the promises of z"^^"^;
and the very similar arrangement found in Rom. 9^^- where these verses are
quoted. But it is superfluous after 2"^, being little more than a repetition of
vs.23-25. it uses |.-ixn (v.^) in an altogether different sense from that in vs.^"
and 25. ^DJ;-^<S is given a different interpretation from that in v.-^; and it forms
a very poor ending for chap. 2. It is better to treat it as an entirely later piece
(We.; Sta. G VI. I. 577; Co. ZA W. VII. 285, and Einl. 172; Giesebrecht, Bei-
trage2ur/esaiakritik,2iT,^.; Oort, 77«r. XXIV. 358 ff.; Loft.; Che.inWRS.
Proph. p. xviii; Volz, Now.; Seesemann, 33; Da. DB. II. 425; Marti, EB.
2122; Grimm, Liturg. Append., 61 ff.) ; because, in its present position, it
breaks the connection, nor can it be satisfactorily placed elsewhere; the refer-
ence to Judah is suspicious, the rest of the chapter speaking only of Israel; it
presupposes the exile (v.-) ; its vision of Israel's future passes beyond Hosea's
horizon; the tremendous increase of Israel is a later eschatological concep-
tion (Gn. 22^'' 3212 js_ 48^^) ; and it differs in poetic form from every other

246 HOSEA

section of this chapter. Skipwith {/QR. VI. (1893) 298) joins 2^- - to end of
chap. 3, but rules out 3^, 2^, and 2^, with the exception of the last clause,
'Ui '?nj 13, as an exilic interpolation. 6S and Sb give vs.^'^ to chap, i, and v.^
to chap. 2.

1. n-rni] ® and IL use past tense, changing to fut. in the second nini. Sb, by
mistake, inserts negative. Gr. suggests the insertion here of Is. 2--^ (Mi. 4^"^).

— Dipca] Transl. literally in all versions, viz. in the place where ; % introduces
the apodosis with /'-^d'/-^. — 2. li'xn] (g a.pxr)v; so IL. — int<] Gr. would add
here: '^Nynr pnya oni^^N 'ry n3Ji. — 3. armnx . . . dd-'pn] Read both nouns
in sg. with ® and IL (so We., Now., GK. 96, Marti). Get. retains pi., but
vocalizes the second noun, nrn'TixS. — '1J1 iSj?i] Bach, reads iSji, and would
transfer the whole clause to the conclusion of i^.

1. And it shall come to pass that the number of the children of
Israel shall be'] It is of Northern Israel that he speaks,* for in v.^
Judah is distinguished ; cf. also i^-^ — As the sand of the sea] Cf.
Gn. 13^" 22^^ 32^^ Jos. 11^ Is. 10-^. Prosperity always includes
numbers; cf. Mi. 2^^ Is. 48^^ — Instead of its being said] Better f
than iti the place where it was said, which has many supporters. J

— Ye are " 7iot my people "] The name designating their estrange-
ment from Yahweh (i^) will no longer be used. In its place will
be given to them a title denoting the closest fellowship with him,
viz. the S071S of the living God], not sons of idol-gods. This
phrase (cf. i S. 17-® Dt. 5-") includes two important elements, viz.
(i) sons (cf. Nu. 21^^ Mai. 2") of God, in accordance with the
common Semitic conception that the nation is the offspring of
the deity ;§ (2) the expression living God, i.e. a god who is the
fountain or source of life (cf. Ps. 42- 84-) ; here used for the first
time (except perhaps the use by J in Jos. 3^") ; cf. its later usage
in oaths, Ju. 8^^ i S. i4''^*^, placed even in the mouth of the deity,
Dt. 32^ Nu. 14^^- ^^ etc.; v. especially Am. 8^*. This verse is not
entirely consistent with 2^, v.s. — 2. And the children of Judah
and the children of Is7-ael shall be gathered together] The separa-
tion of north and south at the death of Solomon, although brought
about by prophetic influence (cf. i K. ii^*^- 12-^-^^), is regarded by
Hosea (3''*'- 8'* 13^°-") and by the writer of this passage as lacking

* Merc, Hd., Sim., Ke., Che., Now., Marti, et al. ; on the contr., Hi.

t Ki., Grot., Hi., Ew., AV., Che., We., Now., Marti, et al.

X <S&V, Dathe, Ros., Umb., Ke., Wu. § See WRS. Sem. 40 ff.

II. 1-3 247

divine approval. This schism, therefore, will be healed (cf. Is. 1 1"
Ez. 37^. — And they shall appoint for themselves one head'\ This
head is a king, probably of the Davidic family. — And they shall
go up out of the land'] i.e. the land of exile (cf. Ezr. 2^ 7" Ne.
12^), the whole reference being to the time and circumstances of
the scattering.* Some prefer to understand go up of marching
to battle (cf. Na. 2^ Jo. i^), the land in this case is Palestine, now
too small for the inhabitants, who therefore seek to enlarge their
territory (Am. 9^ Is. 11" Mi. 2^--^^).t Besides, it is urged, the
going up from the land of captivity could not have preceded the
appointment of a common king. Still others % understand Egypt
to be referred to (cf. Ex. i^") and used symbolically of all captivity.
Notice also may be taken of the translation, they shall grow up
from the ground, i.e. like grain after it is sowed. § — For great
shall be the day of Jezreel] Does this mean the day of scattering, ||
referring to the dispersion? Or does it mean the day of sowing ?%
Clearly the latter, for the name Jezreel has been given a new
meaning. In the former case, great means terrible ; in the latter,
glorious. By this name the writer evidently described the day of
Yahweh, the time when punishment was to be meted out to Israel's
foes and blessings showered upon Israel herself. — 3. Say ye to
your brother^ " my people," and to your sister, " compassionated"]
This is only a repetition of 2^. The words have been taken as
addressed (i) to the people of Judah bidding them greet the re-
turning Israelites and welcome them back to the land ; ** (2) to
the disciples of the prophet bidding them announce to the whole
nation the news of its restoration to Yahweh's favor ; ff (3) to the
members of the united kingdom bidding them greet each other as
Yahweh's people ; J J (4) to those who had been allowed to remain
in the land, bidding them welcome the returning exiles ;§§ and
(5) as a fragment of some lost statement. || ||

1. ID"'] Potential impf. denoting possibility; H. 22, 2^; cf. Je. 31^^ 33^2, the
only other occurrences of the Niph. used of impossible acts as here. — aipna
■irN] = iB'X nnn; for another instance of this use, cf. Is. 2)2>'^' The regular

» Ki., Cal., Ros., Mau., Hd., Wu., We., Now., Marti, et al.
t Hi., Ew., Umb., St., Che. IT Hi., Ew., Umb., Marti. §J Marti.

lE.g.Ke. j Reuss. ** So Hi. ft Che. |||| Meinhold.

II Theod., AE., Cal. ++ Hng., Ke., Wu., Or.

248 HOSEA

significance of the phrase is local, in the place ivhere (Lv. 4^* 2 S. 1521 i K.
21^^ Je, 22^2 Ez. 21^5 ]sje_ 4I*) ; cf. GK. 130 <r; Ko. 337 Jc, and 393. — idni]
Customary impf. in the first instance; simply future in the second. — 2. nni]
Really a noun in adverb, ace. = in his unitedness; always having the force of
an adv. = together, in union. — stni] Used of the head of the state; cf. i S.
Xi^"^ Nu. 14*. The phrase tTNi Ditt" is found only here; cf. Nu. 14*, vvr\ jnj;
Is. 3*, inj with ace. of person and iu' in apposition; Ps. 18**, DiB" with ace.
of person, followed by a'NnS. — 3. DDTiinN] = DoiniiriN, the final radical has
disappeared here as in Jos. tP' Ez. i651-5S. 6i. ^f. GK. 96. The context, how-
ever, requires the reading D^ninN; but cf. K6. 25 8 f.

§ 6. Yahweh's contention with Israel, on account of sins
encouraged by the priests. 4^'^^. Yahweh has a contention with
Israel ; for on every side is wickedness. In this wickedness the
religious guides, the priests, take the lead; and for their failure to
perform their duty they shall be rejected, degraded, and put to
confusion. Because of their example the people of Israel indulge
in idolatry and adultery. May Judah not join in iniquity with
Israel, who is committed to vice, and will continue until the enemy
utterly confounds and destroys her.

This piece contains five strophes of twelve lines each; the measure is trim-
eter, occasionally falling into dimeter. Strophe i (vs.^-2'3) describes the
situation; Strophe 2 (vs.^- !■*''• ^- '') places the responsibility upon the priests;
strophe 3 (vs.^- *• ^- ^"^ ^-") describes further the priest's responsibility; strophe 4
(^vs.ii- i2cei. 13. I4a5c^ picturcs the madness of the people in their sensual indul-
gence; while strophe 5 (^vs.^^- 1^- 1''- 1*- ^^) depicts Israel's sins and her conse-
quent destruction. Cf. Ew., who makes four strophes, ^-^-^i"- i^-^^-i^^^; also
Wii., who divides, 1-3- 4-io. 11-14. 15-I6. ^nd Marti, who secures thirteen strophes
of four lines each, omits vs.^-^-^"- 1^^-^^- 1^'', and transposes v.^^ to follow v.^*.
In the present arrangement the following transpositions have been made,
viz. (i) of v.^2" to precede v.^^; this leaves (a) a better connection with
v?^, than v?^ afforded; (J>) a better connection with v}^^, than v.^^a afforded;
(<:) a much easier connection for the circ. clause in ^2 a. and {d^ no good
ground for calling v. 11 an interpolation (Ru., Now.), although it is proverbial
in form and contents; (2) of v.^*"* to precede "[T}':), the last word in v.* as
the text now stands. These words (oaS^ fi3''~N'7 oyi) (a) are evidently out
of place where they are, the context contrasting on (the priests) with the
young women of the nation ; {b) fit in perfectly with the last clause of v.*
as amended (v.i.), adding still another circumstantial detail of the picture,
Yea, a people, etc.; (c) perfect the symmetry of strophe 2, while they com-
pletely destroy that of strophe 4, in which they are now found ; and {d ) on
this supposition need no longer be regarded (Ru., Now.) as a gloss.

IV. I 249

IV. 1-3. The announcement of Yahweh's contention and its
occasion. Listen, Israel, to Yahweh : The land lacks everything
good ; it abounds in everything bad : consequently it, with all its
life, is now suffering.

In this strophe the parallelism is less regular than in the remaining strophes;
but the irregularities greatly heighten the artistic effect. These consist of
(i) the elegiac measure (3, 2) with which it opens; (2) the gradual abandon-
ment of shorter for longer lines, until in lines 7 and 8, the climax is reached
in the long series of infinitives, making tetrameters, in which the very vowels
(i and 6) add to the strength of the passage (cf. the repetition of j''!* in the
preceding line, the sound of which is well adapted to the thought); (3) the
gradual falling away again of the sound in lines 9-12. The whole strophe
is a magnificent example of the musical swell (crescendo and diminuendo)
expressed in measure and sound.

1. an] @ Kplffis. — 2. ixiij] © k^x"^*' > 5J inundaverunt ; % g^ i*"
All disregard the pausal accent. (@ and 5L add iirl ttjs yris, perhaps = Y'^'^
(= V"\Na), a wrong reading of isic, which was later corrected, the old reading
being allowed to remain (Vol.). — D'ai] Hi'S sg. — i>uj] ^ o^ul^kM. —
3. 'U1 S'?CNi] (S Kol iJ.iKpvvdri<T€Tai aiiv ird<Tii> tois, k.t.X.; (§^% 0. Kal fffii-
KpvvO-ijaeTai, /c.T.X. ; S ^ii^jJo. — mrn] (g adds koX criiv rois epireroh t-^j
7^s ; so IL. — 3j] (S om. — idDN^] "S congregabuntur ; (5 iKKel-^ovaiv.

1. Hear the word of Yahweh'\ This word was spoken after
the death of Jeroboam II. (743 B.C.), and during the anarchical
period which immediately followed (Zechariah, Shallum, and
Menahem all coming to the throne within a year),* or a little
later, perhaps in the reign of Pekah (736 B.c.).t It is with
these words that Hosea's public ministry really begins, the pre-
ceding chapters (1-3) being intended rather to picture the
internal and domestic struggle which led him to enter upon
the ministry. Hosea's experience, as described in chaps. 1-3,
sustained a relation to his prophetic work similar to that which
Isaiah's vision (chap. 6) sustained toward his ministry. \ While
nothing is said, the sense is evident that these words are spoken
through Hosea and to Northern Israel, for in v.^^ Judah is dis-
tinguished from Israel. — Yahweh has a contention with'\ This
was not merely "a just cause," nor a reproof, accusation, § but

* So Ma., Ros., Schro. + Cf. WRS. Proph. 183.

t Riehm, Einl. 48. § Schmidt, Now.

250 HOSEA

contention, quarrel (cf. Mi. 6^ Je. 2^).* A relationship has
existed between Yahweh and Israel, the terms of which Israel
has not observed. The time has come when Yahweh will enter
into contention with the nation. — For there is 710 truth . . .
love . . . knowledge of God~\ This is a negative statement of
Hosea's ideal. By truth he means fidelity, honesty, constancy,
trustworthiness in thought, word, and deed (cf. Je. 9^'*) ; by love
he means not love of man for God, nor love of God for man;
but love for fellow-men (cf. Gn. 21^; cf. for the use of these
two words together, Gn. 32^° (of God) ; Gn. 24*^ 47^^ Ps. 85^" (of
man)). The opposite of fidelity and love are indicated in the
following verse. These elements of character and of conduct
are lacking, because there is lacking also the knowledge of God
in which they take root. By this he means not knowledge of
Yahweh (cf. 2^ 4^ 5^ 6*'), which would be from the standpoint
of those times something less broad, more national ; but " the
general, legal, divine duty of humanity."! — 2. Swearing and
lying~\ i.e. perjury (cf. Kitr mbx, 10*). "bx alone means simply
swearing, of which in itself there was no prohibition, unless,
perhaps, the reference is to cursing, which is so common in the
East (cf. Mat. 5^^*'^').+ The two together stand in opposition
to " truth." § — And killing and stealing and coniinitting adultery]
Violation of the 6th, 8th, and 7th commandments. The infini-
tives absolute are used instead of the finite form of the verb
for vividness and emphasis ; cf. 13 above. These are in opposi-
tion to "love." The fancied "security in Samaria" (Am. 6^)
no longer exists. There is every reason to suppose that the
decalogue in its original form was at this time in existence. ||
— They break into] sc. the houses of their neighbors (Jb. 24^^), or,
acts of violence.^ Cf. also the word ffi^ns = robber (Ez. 1 8^°) ;
and the interpretation which makes the act a breaking into the
law.** Cf. 3 above. — Blood striking blood] The plural = blood-

* Wii., GAS.

t Carl Abel, Ueber den Begriff der Liebe in einigen alien und neuen Sprachen
(Berlin, 1872), p. 63. % So Cal. § Now.

II See WRS. art. " Decalogue," Enc. Brit.; Paterson, art. " Decalogue," DB.;
Ew. Gesck. /sr.s II. 231 ; Kue., J?e/. Isr. I. 285 ; but cf. W. E. Addis, art. " Deca-
logue," EB.; We. Comp. Hex. 331 f. ; Sta. GVI. I. 457 ff., and Marti.

H Che. ** Rashi, Ki.

IV. 1-3 2$ I

shed ; i.e. murder follows immediately upon murder. The phrase
is a striking one, but this fact and the change of subject need not
excite suspicion.* — 3. Therefore the land mounts'] The prophet
evidently speaks not of some future f or past J calamity, but of
one present, a severe drought existing at the time. § It is doubt-
ful whether he has in mind, at this point, the anarchy which fol-
lowed Jeroboam's death. || — And every denizen in it languishes]
This refers not merely to animals,^ but as well to men. — Even
to the beasts of the field, etc.] Even to ** or including (cf. Gn. 7-^)
is preferable to (a) through,'\'\ making the beasts the agents, as also
to {b) together with (cf. Gn. 9^,++ {f) among, putting birds and
beasts on a level with men, §§ and (d) for the lack of. || || — While
even the fish of the sea are taken away] This is the climax of
the presentation, the drought being so great that the streams are
dried up, the phrase D'n "'JT not being restricted to fish actually
in the sea.^^ The association of the animal world and even the
inanimate world with man in his suffering is an idea widely held
among the prophets (Am. 8* Is. 16^ 24'^^ Zp. i--^ Je. 12^ Jo. i^is^
cf. Rom. 8^, and is based upon the early belief that land and
man and animal were in some way closely connected.*** Cf. the
totemistic conception referred to on 2-*.

1. 'D] Used demonstratively, as in Ps. i iS^"*'- (cf. BDB. p. 472), as a particle
of asseveration = "surely, etc"; or better, to introduce direct discourse, as
in Gn. ai^o Ju. 6^6 (cf. BDB. p. 471; H. 47, 3 a); not causal (Wii.), nor
explanatory and introducing a parenthetic clause (Sim.). — an] Cf. the
forensic terms ostt'D^ lawsuit or case, as in Dt. lo^^ Jb. 13I8 23* i K. 8*^ and
Mi. 7^ where the two words are used as parallels; and jn used in similar
sense in Dt. 17^ Ps. 14013 Jb. 35". — pt*] Its repetition is significant. Cf.
also Ho. 3* Nu. 2i5 Jos. 6^ \ K. x^P Jb. 3422 Is. 4128 j g. 26^2; for cases of
px joined with two or more words, cf. Ne. /^"^ Gn. 41'^^ 45^ Dt. 12^2 je_ 22^'^.

— 2. "IJ1 hSn] These five infinitives furnish one of the best examples of the
use of the inf. abs. for a finite vb.; H. 28, 5 a; GK. 113^; K6. 217 a, b;
cf. also Is. 21^ Je. 8^^ Ec. 42. — ij;jj, isnc] Pfs. denoting an action begun in
the past and still continuing. Cf. Dr. § 8; cf. also Am. 5I* Ps. 2^ Is. 21!*.

— ui a'DTi] Is clearly a circ. clause, H. 45, i; GK. 142 a, c; Dr. § 156 f. —

• We., Now. ; cf. Hal. IT Marti. §§ Schmidt.

tRos.,Wu. **SoEw., GAS. |||| Gab.

i Ke. tt Abar. UH Now.

§ Sim., Now. II Che. ++ Stuck, Wu. *** WRS. Rel. Sent. 126.

252 HOSEA

3. Saxn] Descriptive, H. 21, i. — SSck] Pulal; cf. also Jo. i^o Is. 33^ Je. 142,
— Ss] Distributive; GK. 127^; BDB. p. 481 a. — nina . . . fjijia] On force
of 3, cf. Gn. 721 81'' 910- 16 Ex. I2i9 Nu, 31II. — 'IJI ijt dji] Another circ. clause,
adding a new feature in the details of the description.

4-6. The Priest responsible for IsraeVs wicked7iess. The people
need not blame each other for the wretched condition of things
on every side. It is thou, O priest, who dost cause this mischief,
and for this reason thou shalt fall. Thy whole stock shall perish.
As thou hast rejected knowledge, so I will reject thee ; as thou
hast forgotten me, so will I forget thee.

The poetic form is a regular trimeter movement in twelve lines. Three
important modifications of the text require to be made. These are: (i) A
change in the reading of jhd ijnDS 7D>, which will place jnj in the following
verse (v.i.). (2) The connection of nS^S (v.^) with what follows, and the
omission of i in 'ffmi; this secures a better division of the words, as well as
better thought. (3) The transfer of t33S> pa'' nS aj?i from v.^* to follow v.*.
This clause is plainly out of place where it now stands. In the new position
it fits well and completes the strophe.

4. IN'] <& Stpws; U veruntamen ; S = because no one is, etc, — Bach, "in
ifiN nor Sni 13 3-\i Vn B'in = only let no one strive with him {i.e. Yahweh) and
let no one reprove for my people, etc. Ru. naiDD noiDa •'3 = for the blamer
is as the blamed one and my people, etc. — ]n3 ''3nD3 inyi] (5 6 5^ Xa6s ^lou
ws avTiXeydfjievos tepei/j = jn3 Tilba Ty (Vol.) ; & Y^^hliD ]J<7LA ^1 -^ViSo
= jn33 3nD ^\'oy^ (Seb.) ; 'A. ws 6 dcriSt/cwj' iepet; 2. ws avTlppri<ns ij irpbs
lepia. Read 1DJJI (with Beck, Bockel, Bach., Ru., GAS., Now., Oct., et al.)
and inD33 (with Beck, Bockel; Mosapp, ZAIV. V. 185; GAS,), and transfer
jna to beginning of v,^ as a vocative (GAS,). Beck reads jribn as voc. at end
of V,*, Mosapp {ZAIV.V. 185), p3i mnaa Ojji = and the people worship
like their priestlings, Hermann {SK., 1879, p. 516; so Ko. 360c), i3na qoj;}
|n3 = and with thee is my strife, O priest. Mich. jn3 i3nD qovi = and thy
people act like those who strive with me, O priest. WRS, {Proph. 408;
so Che.), ]n3 ''3 nn riDVi = and thy people have rebelled against me, O priest.
Oort ( Th T. and Em.; so Val., Gu.), pan '3n ^p>*, the ca being due to dittog.
Bewer {JBL. XXI, iiof.), j? 31-10 qD^n = "and thy people is striving thus,"
the phrase being a gloss explanatory of <". Gr. pa qann rioyi, and Hal.
pa ni^nn ic>7i = and thy people it is that blames thee, O priest. New. Dvai
pa nanna = and as is the people, so is the provocation of the priest. Heil-
prin, pa vanDa "inyi, Ru. (so We.^, Now.), jnan qina idjji = and my people
are like thee, O priest. Marti, fol, Duhm, piia N^aji inba 0j7i, — 14 (J, vh ojJl
103^1 i''3''] (5 KoX 6 Xa6s 6 ffvvluv (some codd, oi avvluv) avveirX^Kero yuerd
irdpvTjs, connecting the first two words of v,i* with v.^*; so &. Gr. ipS;.

IV. 4. 14, 5 253

Gardner {AJSL. XVIII. 179), lOaS^ o-'BXJd oj;i = and with adulterers they lie
down. — 5. nSco] @ da-dev^o-ei (='7C3i); 5 ^\p/(^|o ( = nSptt'i ( ?) ) .
Read DDii nnStt's (so We., Now., Oct., Marti). Cf. Bach's sugg. that arn]
may represent an original vocative, e.g. oyn or JJ^b'^. — lOj;] Some Mss. of
(@ yuer' ayroO (so also Ru.). — nSiS] ® reads nS^SS, and joins to following
clause; S makes it a separate clause. Ru. nS>'7n. — idx ^n^mi] ® w/ioiaxra
(='>ri\o-i); 'a., 6. i>vkt6s i<nu}inj<ra; U wt^t/i* tacere feci fnatrem tuam ;

D /!• y .»

S '^1 ^-c£wA.o. Gr. qoj; n''D-;n\ Bach, nnas qiDni (in Praeparatiotten
(1892); but later in Untersuch. (1894), '^0? ''n^pt vi'^''"Sr, for 'U1 n'?'''?).
Ru. I'D^n -iD^l. Wkl. qD'T" '•n-'pi nSiS*? = I will turn thy day into night
{Untersuch. 181; so Val.). For ^C!<, Now. q^J^, and Hal. qsv. Gardner
{AJSL. XVIII. 178) om. ^D^< in^ani as a dittog, Marti, jj on ''nb-ii. — 6. loij]
© renders like \"i"im (z'.J.), but in pass.; so S; U conticuit. Gardner, nmj.

— rOND nyin dpn] Marti, -idxd rvn^-pN. — ind.scn] Read with many Mss.
^Dxn^<. Bach. (Pr.) i'?n;?D qPK D?<p?<V — T'ja] Wkl. q3(?); Bach. (/V.) rinna.
Marti changes all 2 pers. forms to 3 pers. in vs.^- ^.

4. Still let none find fault, and let nojie reprove'] Who speaks ?
The prophet, and of his own words uttered in vs.*"^. This reproof
of Israel, he concedes, is really out of place ; it is at all events use-
less.— Since my people are but like their priestlings] This mean-
ing {a) is supported in part {rny people^ by ® (z/.j.) ; (J>) furnishes
clearly the thought demanded by the context (cf. the reading
" since my people are like thee, O priest " ; but this makes it
necessary to keep " priest " where it stands, thus maintaining two
difficulties); {c) is in accord with the use of "priestlings" else-
where, this word always having a bad sense (cf. 10^ 2 K. 23^
Zp. I*). This circumstantial clause, giving a reason why the people
should not be upbraided, is strengthened by another, transferred
from v.''*. — 14 d. Yea, a people stupid (and) falling to ruin] A
more appropriate juxtaposition could scarcely have been effected.

— 5. O priest! thou shall fall by day] For text, z^.j. According
to another interpretation this should read thou dost stumble, and
refers to the actual sin* in which the priest is engaged, rather
than to the punishment which is to fall upon him.f The render-
ing by day is given, though incorrectly, to DVn by (SS and others. \
— And the prophets also shall fall tvith thee] These are the proph-
ets, the word being collective, who prostituted their calling for the

* So Marck, Sim. t So Ki., Ros., Ew., Now. J e.g. Hal.

254 HOSEA

sake of support ; they were in great numbers at many times, cf.
Je. 5^^ 6^^ 14^2" I K. 22®% and made prophecy a means of liveli-
hood (Mi. 3^^ Am. 7^-). They would perform their functions
even while in a drunken condition, Is. 28''.* — And by night I
will destroy thy mother] Cf. (©F. Confusion has arisen between
the two meanings of the verb, "to be silent," and "to destroy"
{v.i). Thy mother hardly means the nation (cf. 2^,t for the
pronoun evidently refers to the priest, and it is the priest of whom
the prophet now speaks ; but rather, thy stock, % i.e. a portion of
the nation, the caste or clan of priests ; cf. city used in this sense
(2 S. 20^^ Ps. 149"), with which may be contrasted "I will also
forget thy children " (v.®). Indeed, Nowack so renders the phrase
here, changing the text (z'.j-.). — 6. My people zvill be destroyed by
reason of their lack of knowledge] This sentence determines the
meaning to be attached to the verb of v.^', and also seems to favor
the conclusion there reached on " thy mother," — since now the
people are dealt with as a whole. The knowledge lacking is
knowledge of God (cf. v.-). The ordinary rendering without
knowledge utterly fails to express the sense. The reference is not
to the present situation, but to the future destruction of the people
because of the sins into which the priest has led them. Nowack
and Wellhausen, without good reason (viz. because it is unneces-
sary to the connection, and because it has no corresponding par-
allel member), treat this line as a gloss. — Because thou hast
refected knowledge] It is evidently the priest who is addressed §
(both on account of the preceding context, and on account of the
phrase following), and not the nation ; || and besides, the idea of
the nation as a priest-nation is probably late. " Knowledge, viz.
of God's revealed will, was theoretically a deposit in the priestly
order (Dt. 33^" Ez. 44-'' Mai. 2^)."^ — / refect thee from being
priest to me'] Clearly Hosea had at one time recognized the

* F. Da. Exp. 5th sen II. 1-17; and art. " Prophets and Prophecy," DB,; May-
baum, PropA. 85-130 ; Sm. ReL 248-255 ; WRS. O TJC. 278 ff.
t Jer., Ki., Ma., Res., Hi., Sim., Ke., Wii., GAS.; cf. Or.

I Schmidt, WRS. Proph. 407; Che.

\ So AE., Ki., Cal., Bauer, Eich.,Ros., Mau., Ew., Che., We., GAS., Now.

II Stuck, Schro., Hi., Umb., Sim., Ke.. Wu.

H Che. On the importance attached to knowledge of God by Hosea, see espe-
cially GAS. chap. XXI.

IV. 5-6 255

Northern priesthood as legitimate. This is a rejection of the
entire priest-clan; and not of the priest-nation (Ex. 19^ is early
preexiUc; Dt. f, barely preexilic ; Is. 6i^ exilic). D«!a is the
opposite of "ina. — And {because) thou hast forgotten the law of
thy God~\ The torah, instruction, was supposed to be a deposit
with the priests, and God was supposed to be particularly near to
them. This instruction was in considerable part oral ; but even
at this date there must have been a written code (the Covenant
code, Ex. 20^-23^).* — I will forget thy children, even /] i.e.
the members of the clan, Winckler's suggestion of " thee " for
" thy children " being unnecessary in view of Dt. t^^

,8ff.

4. in] Here in its limitative sense, however (Wii.), cf. Gn. 9* Ps. 49!^
Jb. 13^^, rather than asseverative (Ki.), of which examples occur in Gn. 44^8
Ps. 73^ — B'''N . . . C'n] Note chiasm; cf. the view which would make the
second »•■'}< the object of the vb. (Hi.). ST paraphrases the first C'N by neo,
the second by noj. — 'ui >c>] A circ. clause, H. 45, i d; GK. 141^; cf. K6.
360 f. — 14 d. a^S^ pa' nS d;?i] The impf.'s are coordinate and are adjectival;
H. 21, 4; GK. 155 f. — 5. nSs'31] If jn^ is placed in v.^, either («) > is used
to mark apodosis (cf. Is. G Ho. 8" Am. I*), GK. \\2x; K6. 415 j; or (<J)
the \ may be omitted and the vb. treated as a proph. pf. In any case it is
future in idea, not frequentative. — Dvn] It is difficult to treat ov with the
article, when the corresponding rh'h has none; the natural rendering to-day
is inappropriate; hence the suggestion of We. (z/.i.). — \iioi] Cf. confusion
in versions. To be distinguished are: nan I., to be like; and net II., to
be silent, to cease, to cause to cease, to destroy (= nnc; cf. on*', to be dumb,
silent, Wii., p. 146), which occurs four times in Hosea, viz. here and in 4^
lo^-i^, elsewhere in sense of destroy. Is. 6» 15I Zp. i^^ Je. (fl 47^ Ob.^ Ez. 32^
Ps. 4913-21. — 6. icij] PI. the subj. being collective, H. 40, 4/^; GK. 145 (J;
not to be taken as future (so Ko. 129) but as present pf.; the change of time
is marked by the dropping of the i cons, which appears in previous verse. —
nyn •hiti\ p is causative; from lack of knowledge ; cf. the use of iSac in
which ya is neg., the -hz being a second neg, (as in r^c) = without knoiving
= suddenly. Is. 5^*; cf. K6. 403 if. — ^^<DNC^t1] n (after d), a mistake retained
on account of the superstition entertained concerning the letter; it is desig-
nated (note the <> over it) by the Massoretes as n\-^' i.e. superfluous, and is
lacking in nearly a hundred Mss. (cf. Kenn. and De Rossi in loc. ; cf. cod.
Babyl. lOiOA.D.); so BSZ. and BDB.; Ew. §2471?, treats the word as an
Aramaic form. The 1 with S'^wa (De. Complutensische Varianten, i8f.; Baer,
Duodecim Prophetarum, 61) marks the apodosis; GK. \\2x\ K6. 4150. —
inin] Reg. use of jn = that thou no more shall be priest; H. 41, 40'; GK.

* See Kit. I. 94; Di., We., Kue., Co. Einl., Bu. ZAW. XL

256 HOSEA

iigjf. — nDii'm] Paral. with nOND and dependent on •'3, presenting an addi-
tional point, and further, because thou hast forgotten ; cf. GK. Ill x. — nnin
TTiSn] Hosea uses mm three times, viz. here and in S^- '^. In all three cases
there is evident reference to a body of priestly instruction; on the original
meaning of the word, see We. Prol. 394; Sm. Rel. 36; Benz. Arch. 408, and
art. " Law and Justice," EB.; Now. Arch. II. 97; Dr., art. " Law," DB.; but
ci.Yio. Offenbaru7ig, II. 347; 'Q^.-adix's&va., Priesterthum, 207. — 'JN DJ] Triple
emphasis; (a) as expressed by aj, {b') as expressed by the use of the pro-
noun; (f) as indicated in the position of the pronoun.

7-10, 12 a, Z». The priests^ wickedness, their contagious exam-
ple, and their abandonment of Yahweh. The wickedness of the
priests is great in proportion to their number. They live on the
vices of the people. Their punishment shall come upon them as
a reward for their deeds. They shall perish, because, filled with
sensuality, they have abandoned Yahweh their God, and gone to
consulting with that which is wood.

This strophe presents no irregularities; v.^^ being made to follow v?^^, the
logical difficulty involved in going from v.^" to v.^^, and from v.^^ to v.^^ is
avoided. Every line is a good trimeter.

7. D2->o] ® = ariiair. — p] Bach. D''jnD, without necessity, yet with force.
— DinD] Geiger {Urschrift, p. 316; so Gr.), foil. Jew. Sopherim, ma3. —
^S] Om. with S>. — i^dn] Read n^D^n with Si2C (so Geiger; Houtsma, ThT.
IX. 60; Oort, ThT. and Em.,- Val., Ru., GAS., Marti; cf. Buhl, ZKW.
1881, pp. 227 f.). Gr. n''D\ — 8. HNon] (5F pi. (so Oort, Em.); 9. a/xapTias
6 Xo6j fiov ecrOiei. Kohler (Bibt. Gesch. II. Ft. ii. 33 ff.), n.san. — i'^dni] Bach.
I'jaN'' (?); Gardner, nS nN' = they consent to it. Bewer (/5Z. XXI. iii f.),
>S5N\ — Djiy] @ pi. Oct., Marti, and Now .2 ijv;. — 1{<;:»] Bewer would either
read NiJ'^ and om. previous Sn, rendering, " My people's sin shall devour it
and their guilt shall take away its life," or change Sn to Sy = "and because
of their guilt shall they take, etc." — irijj] In some Mss. Dtr'DJ; so in all
versions (so also Hi., Oort, Gr., Bach., Ru., Now., Oct.). Wii. and Marti,
r-i.i; cf. GK. 145 w. — 9. psa] Ru., on basis of 2C's TDaiS i^in iib"ini,
inserts T'Cn p'?!-;^ ni2r.— rSy] % pi. suff. as also in 1*^ and v'^'^rr. — 10. isnc^]
Read vx-]n^, foil, (g, Kanve-uvfjiaiv (so also We., Oort, Val., Bach., Now.).
'^.,Q.v\n]OvvOi](TovTtx.i; TB cessaverunt ; S> " - *■■ Ru., «nji. Gr. n'Si'v —
i:rn] Perhaps to be read vv (We., Oort, Now., Oct., Marti). — norS] (S
transl. as inf. expressing purpose and connects put of v.ii with it as object;
S joins to v.ii and renders, nVii.^o. Oort (ThT. and Em.) om. as gloss.
Bach., foil. Saadia, supposes a nur to have been lost from end of v.^". Now.
and We., nrr nS (?). Gardner connects with it as obj. the first word of
v.ii, pointing .iijr. Oort and Marti suspect the last five words of v.i° to

IV. 7-8 257

be an editoriaJ addition. — 12 a, b. 1S>*3] © iv ffviu.p6\ois, perhaps originally
ffVfjL^ovXais = nix;":] (so Stru., Seb.); cf. S oifiwfcl^JAiS = inxya (Seb.). — Sn-*;",
T'j''] ©pi. Gr. Sni:'. — i^d] ® ^«' Mi^Sotx aiiroO = niSpDJ (Vol.).

7. According to their number, so they sin against me^ Cf. the
rendering, " As many as they be, so many have sinned against
me."* This is spoken of the priests,! i^ot of the people, J as
is shown by the meaning of v.^ The priestly numbers and in-
fluence have prospered and grown with the progress of the
kingdom under Jeroboam II. — They have exchanged their glory
for shame'] Thus following the Syriac (v.s.), and a reading cur-
rent among Jewish writers. The substitution of my {i.e. God's)
giory (v.s.) is forbidden by the context, which is dealing with
the priest's degradation. For similar expressions, cf. Je. 2^^
Ps. io6^. Their g/ory = their position. — 8. They feed on the
sin of my people] This describes more distinctly the manner of
the priests' sin. Sin (nKtin) does not here mean sin-offering %
(the thought being that the priests encouraged the people to
sin in order that they, the priests, might have the larger num-
ber of sin-offerings, i.e. greater perquisites), for four reasons :
(i) the parallel word is pu, iniquity ; this seems to demand for
nston the meaning sin; (2) in Hosea's times, while compensation
was given to the priests (cf. 2 K. 12^^, it was not counted as
an offering to Yahweh ; (3) to eat the sin-offering was no sin
(Lv. 6^- ^*') ; (4) the sin-offering was unknown prior to Ezekiel. ||
Nor does it mean money paid as an expiation for sin,^ since
"eat" can hardly be used with such an object. Nor may it
be interpreted of the whole cultus as described in vs.""^^** Nor
can the rendering (v.s.) " My people shall eat sin, etc.," be justi-
fied in view of the context, which is concerned primarily with
the priest. The word is to be explained therefore as sin, or
with the versions sins, and is interpreted (i) by pr of the next
line, (2) by 8" (cf. Am. 4*), in which Israel's sin is defined as
belief in the efficacy of offerings to satisfy Yahweh, viz. " for
Ephraim has made many altars to sin." The sin of the priests

* GAS. t Ki., Che., Now. t Sim., Ke., Wu., Or.

5 Sim., Ke., Wii., Che., Or. ; Sellin, Beitrage 2. isr. u.jiid. Rel. I. 160 f. ; II. 303 f.

II We. />■£»/, 73 ; Now. H Marti, /?^/. 113 f. ** Baudissin, /'r/^j/^r/,4?/»?, 236.

258 HOSEA

consists in encouraging the people in a false conception of
Yahweh, in order tliat they may increase their gain. — And unto
their iniquity they lift their souls] They direct their greed, their
longing, their appetite, to the guilt of the people ; " they live
upon the vice of the day";* cf. Je. 22^ Ps. 86* 143* Pr. 19^^
The singular sufifix is either to be changed to the plural (with
versions), or read distributively. — 9. And so it becomes like
people, like priest] The priest has become like, no better than,
the people, his special privileges and his nearness to Yahweh
now serving him no good.t It does not mean that the people
have become hke the priest, i.e. " they have fallen under ritual,
doing from lust what the priests do from greed," J In the latter
case v.^ would mark the transition from the priests to the people,
who, contaminated by the priests' example, are corrupt and
sensual; the thought here and in v.^° is of the people, and
not of the priests. In the former case, v.® continues the de-
scription of the priests' wickedness and approaching punishment.
— But I will visit punishment upon his zvays, mid his deeds I
will requite to him] The priest shall suffer for his failure to
perform aright his functions, for the conduct which has brought
reproach upon his religion, and for his deeds which have been
in violation of his vows. — 10. And they shall eat and shall not
fijid satisfaction] Mi. 6" Lv. 26^. This is still spoken of the
priests, as even those agree who would assign the following clause
to the people. § The reference is to the sacrificial meal, in which
the priest would take part with the worshipper. — TJiey shall
commit adulteiy and shall not find satisfactio?i] The sin referred
to here is a part of the Baal cult which the Israelitish priests
have introduced into the Yahweh-service. According to this,
every woman was required to prostitute herself once in the
temple with a priest. || Against the ordinary interpretation of
the second clause, they shall not iticrease, i.e. the punishment
of childlessness, is to be urged (a) the fact that increase of off-
spring was not expected or desired from this immorality, {b) the
(§ reading {v.s^, which (cf. i S. 29*) means to fi?id satisfaction.

* GAS. in he. + GAS. \ Wu.

t Che. II Herodotus, I. 199; Sfrabo, XI. p. 532.

IV. 8-IO, 12 259

If the sin is that of the people, the ordinary interpretation is
more appropriate. Cf. non dirigentiir; * es soil ihnen nicht
geHngen.j — For they have left off heeding Yahweh'] The priests
by their conduct have actually abandoned Yahweh, and now there
follows what would naturally be expected and what furnishes the
transition to the next strophe, — 12 a, b. {Yea) My people ask
counsel at their wood'\ This is the climax. The priests have
turned the people away and will no longer themselves have occu-
pation, for the wooden teraphim are sought for advice ; cf, 8^
2 S. 2^ 1 6^, — Their staff declares to them the oracle'] This may
be (i) a staff with a wooden image carved on the top ; J (2) the
diviner's wand (cf Ez. 21-^, where the king of Babylon combines
divination by arrows with consultation of the teraphim) ; (3) a
miniature asherah, or sacred tree, the foregoing " wood " being
applied to the ordinary asherah; thus the entire charge would
be directed against surviving elements of tree-worship. §

7. p . . . d] Correlation, cf. i S. cj^^ Ps. 127* Jo. 2<; Ko. 371 <?. — D-ino]
Position emph. — ?iS"'3] 3 = price; cf. Ps. 10620 je_ 2^^; and GK. 119/;
K6. 332 0. — T'Dx] This is not impossible ; but n^nn seems much better. —
ixon, n^cn] Pres. pfs. — 8. PNan] Emph. pos.; cf. K6. 339 w. — iS:in\ ixiv^]
Freq. impfs. — ^z'Zi] = appetite, desire ; cf. Sellin, Beitrage, II. 303 f. ;
Briggs, /BL. XVI. 25 f. On force of suff. cf. K6. 348 &.; GK. 145 vi. —
9. n^m] = and it shall be, not, "thus it comes to be" (GAS). — jn^j dj.'3]
The 3 is really a subst., lit., the similitude of the people, etc.; cf. K6. 371^.
— vSVyDi vail] Chiasm; sg. suff. used collectively. — 10. idb''? my] This
expression is awkward, and might be improved by omitting iDtt'?, which
stands in a peculiar place, and furnishes a construction of which no other
example appears {i.e. '^ with inf. after 3?j;)- For other suggestions v.s. —
12 a, ft. •'?2v] Pathetic : — My people, consulting their wood, while their
staff declares to them the divine will !

11, 12 c-14 c. The madness of the people in their sensual
indulgence. Indulgence in wine and harlotry has driven the
people mad ; everywhere is sensuality to be seen ; but the young
women who engage in lewdness do not deserve punishment ; it
is rather their fathers, whose example they follow, who shall suffer.

* Jar. % Pococke.

t Lu.; cf. Stuck. \ So WRS. Sejn. 196; cf. Foote. JBL. XXI. 36.

26o HOSEA

The poetic form of this strophe is simple and regular. Two points only
deserve notice : (i) v.'^'' has already been transferred to follow v.*; (2) ij
nSx 3113 (v.^^) is probably a gloss (cf. Now.), added for explanation when
the usage had died out. Such an explanation would not have been needed
in Hosea's time.

11. put] (S connects with v.i° {v.s.). S (v.s.) renders, And they loved
fornication ; Arabic seems to use "laty'? from preceding verse, that they may
serve fornication aftd drunkenness. — J"] Versions prefix 1. — 2*?] @ makes
subj., joining with it •'D>? of following verse. S adds suff. = aaV. Ru. regards
vs.ii and 14 (J as a proverb originally placed on the margin by some reader (so
Now.). — 12 c, d. n;;nn] Read with SiS, oynn (so Gr., Bach., Ru., We., Now.,
Oort (£w.), Oct., Hal). Marti, inj?nn. — ddmSn] Bach, an-'^ns-. — 13. nVxi]
Now. sugg. that a vb. has dropped out after this word, which expressed the
licentious practices of the men, or that it stood in place of n^n 3it3 •'3, which
may well be a gloss. We. would supply the missing vb. after nVx aia 13.
In view of these suggestions Gardner proposes to read 1*?^^ nua'? = they go
up to the harlots, or \'-:y niD^'? for nS.xi njaS. — n'^s] (g om. suff. Gr. zh-i. —
14. nipDN nS] @ joins to v.i^ by kolI; so IL. Bach. {Fr.) 'an vhry. — aaTiua
OD^niSs . . .J Gr. changes suff. to 3d pi. Dn_. — njANjn] Bach. {Pr.') adds
after this, Dn''J3 hy\ — on] Sb fem. = mn. — mil''] Gr. Tnsi (so Oct., Marti).
Hal. unp^, they sacrifice.

11. Harlotry, wine, and ftew wine take away the hrain'\ The
prophet introduces the new strophe with one of the many " wise
sayings " which were familiar to him, moral sayings which consti-
tuted the stock in trade of the wise men who sat in the gate.
Other examples of the use of wisdom sayings may be found in
^16. Md g45 g7a jQisf. j^9^ Thls Saying formed a most appropriate
introduction to a strophe which pictures the wildest possible in-
dulgence of passion. — 12 c, d. For the spii'it of harlotry has led
them astray"] They are actuated by an impulse which leads to
harlotry; cf. the use of "spirit" in this same sense with "jeal-
ousy" (Nu. 5"), " perverseness " (Is. 19"), "uncleanness " (Zc.
13^).* — And they have played the harlot from under their God]
Cf. i^. — 13. Upon the tops of the mountains they sacrifice] Cf.
I K. 14^ 2 K. 17^° Je. 2^ 3^ This was the Canaanitish practice,
and, as such, is condemned. Mountains and hilltops were sacred
because regarded as nearest the abode of the deity ; cf. the " bare
places" of Je. 3^ — And upon the hills they make offerings] Cf.

*Che.

IV. II-I4 26l

Am. 4^ ; also v.s., pp. 133 f. — Under oaks, etc.'\ Something seems
to be wrong here. Gardner's suggestion (z/.j.) is not without merit.
Besides the difficulty already mentioned is the logical connection
with what follows : — Therefore your daughters, etc.'] This is a
natural element in the situation ; it could hardly be otherwise,
for the rehgion thus cultivated demands hcentiousness. — 14. /
will not putiish your daughters . . . nor your spouses] The paral-
lelism corresponds exactly to that of v.^'^. Guilty as they may be,
these women do not deserve punishment. — For they themselves
with harlots go aside] /",<?. the elders, the priests ; to the leaders
belongs the blame for the situation. Observe the change from
2d pers. ye to the 3d pers. they; cf. Gn. 49250.260 j^g ^125 jg_ jS
I K. 1^*.* — And with consecrated harlots they sacrifice] i.e. pro-
fessional prostitutes connected with the ceremonial of worship
{v.i.).

11. irn^ni j"] Fermented and unfermented wine. Omission of 1 with |'>
favors the reading of (@ which takes nut with v.^", — npi] Frequentative
impf.; H. 21, 3; Dr. § 33 (<5). The vb. is in sg., because the compound sub-
ject expresses one idea, debauchery; Ko. 349 r. — 12 c, d. Note the chiastic
arrangement of these two clauses. — 13. P'^n] Oak, a tree closely related to
the r\^n, terebinth, as the two words evidently go back to the same root.
— njaS] If the text is accepted, is of uncertain meaning; its only other occur-

rence is in Gn. 30'''. Its Arabic cognate ,^^ favors the meaning star ax,
and so (5 translates in Gn. 302'^. But here (S and S render Xew/crj (poplar)
which seems to be the only suitable sense (Low, Aram'dische Pflanzemiameri) .
These three nouns, standing in the sg., and without the article, are used in a
generic sense, each representing its class. — 13. Note chiasm in last two
clauses. — 14. mo''] They go apart, i.e. from the sanctuary. It is clear that
the n1t^'^|■) and their companions withdrew from the sanctuary itself; cf.
Herod. I. 199, efw^ToO Upov, and other evidence cited by WRS. Sent. 455.
There seems to be no occasion to follow Ru. in supposing that tio designated
any special ceremonial action. — pic'ipn] Literally, consecrated ones, i.e. women
who had sacrificed their virtue in honor of Astarte; cf. Assy t. kadistu. Such
sacred prostitutes were common in ancient sanctuaries; cf Strabo, XI. 532;
Gil-ga-mes Epic; WRS. 5^^.455; Jeremias, Izdnhar, 59 f; Benz. /ire//. 428f ;
Now. Arch. II. 132, 307; Jastrow, Rel. 4S5; Che., art. " Harlot," EB.; W. P.
Paterson, art. "Harlot," DB.; and the many references to the devotee, or
sacred prostitute, in the Hammurabi Code, e.g. §§ no, 127, 178, 182; see

L

* See K6. Stil. 238 f. Marti unnecessarily changes all the suffixes in vs.i3- 1* to
the 3d pers.

262 HOSEA

R. F. Harper, Code of Hammurabi (1904); Cook, The Laws of Moses and
the Code of Haitiniurabi, 149 f. Religious prostitution of this sort was dis-
tinctly prohibited by the Deut. Code (Dt. 23I''*').

15-19. Though Israel is committed to idolatry may Judah
not follow her example, nor resort to the places of idolatrous
worship. Israel is given over to idols ; she goes from bad to
worse ; her rulers are enamoured of infamy. An enemy will sud-
denly and violently carry her away.

If v.i^ is authentic, this strophe, like the preceding one, consists of twelve
lines. Here, strangely enough, as in strophe i, the 7th and 8th lines are
lengthened, as if to indicate by their very length the sadness and seriousness
of the situation. The authenticity of v.^^ or at least of 15 a, is denied by
many (so ^.^. We.; Sta. GVI. I. 577; Co. Einl. 172; Che. in WRS. Proph.;
Gu., GAS., Now.; Seesemann, 2of.; Marti, £^. 2122; but of. Hal.) on the
following grounds: the reference to Judah is forced and unnatural, lying
aside from the prophet's thought in the preceding and following context;
the sentiment concerning Judah is radically different from that expressed
elsewhere in Hosea e.g. 55.10.13.1454. a.nd the awkwardness of the address
to Israel when the thought is directly concerned with Judah; but it may
perhaps be said that Judah's affairs were always closely connected with those
of Israel, and this mention would serve only to make more pointed the
rebuke of Israel.

15. njirON'] <@S'3L join with v.l'*. — oa'Xi Sx] (5 /xtj ayvbei = Dit'NP Sk;
^ = orxn Sn (so also Ru.),with ^NntT'i subj. and min> obj. — mini] ® inserts
Ktti before it, and joins with foil, vb, so IL; U supplies saltern. — p« n^^] @ eh
rbv oIkov '^v; 'A., S., 0. eZs oIkov di/w^eXoOs ; ST SxP^a; IL in domum Og.
One cod. of (5 adds here the end of Am. 5^ — lyjiiTi] Insert here, with We.
and Now., yar in33 {v.i.^. Ru. supposes some such word as onicU't<3 to
have fallen out. — 16. n-no] IB lasciviens. — oyn''] Oort (.£;«.)» 0>'"*'''^' Hal.
Djj-11 n':'. — 17. inn] We. nan (so Ru., Now.). Bach. (/V.), mjJ3. — iS mn]
(5 eOrjKev eavrcfi (TKavdaXa, (so IL) ; perhaps <3 represents some word that
has been lost; 'A., 6. av^Travo-ev eavT(^; U dimitte eum. Gr., foil. (S, mjn
SiaoD iS. Bach, (/"r.), I'^nv. Ru. DinDiD iS n^jn, using no of v.^^; cf. (S. Oort
{Em.), iS^njn. Miiller {SK. 1904, p. 124), iS n:n (cf. 2 K. 1728). Marti om.
as gloss. — 18. CN2D no] (5 rjpiriffev Xavavalovs (=D''Ji?:33 nn^), so IL;
"B separatum est convivium eorum ; S om.; 'A. S.px'^v a-vfiirofflov airrwv;
2. iwiKXivev rb (Tvixirbffiov aiirdv. HL evidently read nf for nD. Jer. renders
(5 hy frovocavit Canan, which represents 7)p46i<T€ ; hence Vol. proposes nnn
for no. Read Dssob ib (so Houtsma, TAT. IX. 60; We., Oct., Marti). Ru.
Di:i?J33 1X3. Hd. ax3D no dx = when their carousal is over (so Che., GAS.).
Gr. 31X130 Dnnt:'. Oort {Em.), njtn 0S3 dx3D icS. Bach. {Pr.), av'751 Q^aiD,

IV. 15 263

to be joined with v.^'^. Gardner, di!<3D -\d. — nn nnN] (5 ■^ydTrrja-av ;
U dilexerunt ; & a^^bo; S. ■^ydwrja-av dydirrjv. With (5SU and some
Heb. Mss,, omit lan (so, f.^., Dathe, New., Hi., Oort (TA7\ and Em.), Val.,
Gu., Gr., Ru., GAS., Now., Hal.). Wii. unN jriN. Sim. i^hn jnx (Houtsma,
Wkl. Untersuch^. Bach. Sjn lariN. — nijJD pSp] @ dTi/xiav iK (ppvdy/iaros
avrrjs; "S afferre ignominiam protectores ejus; 2. o5 17 ^oi^deia drifila;
S> \b^,M')0 Yr^t- Many, foil. ®, orNjp 'p or nr^JD (Houtsma, Gr.; Oort,
ThT. 2ind Em.; Vol., Val., Gu., GAS.) . Cappellus, nujD -p. Ru. Dn\m 'p.
Bach, i^sp (or Pr. Dn''jrND) on^'Si'^p •I'^i'^, connecting first word of v.^^ with v.i^
Wkl. {^Untersuch.), ansj orSp, the last word being joined withv.^^. Bottcher,
.T'jiD 'p. — 19. "i"ix] (S avarpocp'^; 'A. ivdefffiuv; S. ua-irepel ris Sijerete ;

,S >.*j|-^».i = will howl; %, kaec conversio. Gr. n^sri Ru. nnx. Oort (j5'w.),
rmx. Oet. Dnix(?). — nn] Bach. (Z*^.) would insert some such vb. as
nnp'^, or nNtf'j, or n'^'OJ ; cf. Oct., who sugg. dpn'^'J- — ^T\w'] (§ cri/ el (^= nnx);
'A. (irvev/xa) aiiTTJs; ^2^2. om.; U if«/«. Wkl. nh-N or in\x. Oort, DPiN (so
Gr., Val., Now., Hal.). — DninaiD] Read OP'inaTpn with (5 iK tQv dwiacFTi)-
piu)v aiTQv; so S9CiL and Arabic (so also We., Wkl. Untersuch., Bach.,
Oort, Em.; Val., Ru., Gu., Now., Da. DB. H. 425, Oct., Marti). Gr. DnwD(?).

15. Although thou, Israel, play the harlot'] For the reasons
urged against regarding v.*^" as genuine, v.s. Noteworthy is the use
of the participle to express the continuance of the action. — Let
not Judah become guilty] i.e. let Judah keep herself free from
contact with that by which Israel has been contaminated. The
admonition to Judah closes with this brief exhortation.* — Come
not to Gilgal] cf. Am. 4^ 5^ also Ho. 12'^; addressed to Israel,!
not Judah, J although Judah may have been prone to go to Gilgal
(cf. 2 K. 8^* 16^ Ez. 23^^). The northern Gilgal is of course in-
tended (v.s., pp. 91 f.). — Nor go up to Beth-aven] Cf. Am. 4^ 5^ i K.
1 2^^^^ ; copied from Amos, § and as before an intentional pun on
the name of Bethel. On " go up " with Bethel, cf. Ju. i^ i S. 10''.
— And swear not in Beersheba, "By the life of Va/ne/eh"] Cf.
Am. 8": "As thy way, O Beersheba, lives." The insertion of
" in Beersheba " || is justified by the parallelism of the context,
which demands in this line the name of a town, and by the
analogy of Am. 5* 8". Swearing by Yahweh was not regarded as
sinful (Je. 38^^), but was permitted (Je. 4^) and, indeed, later

* Cf. Hi., who would extend it to v.i" or v.i9. f Abar., Cal., ei al.

X Ki., Os., Schmidt, Geb., et al. § Ew. || We., Now., GAS.

264 HOSEA

commanded (Dt. 6^^ 10-"). In Am. 5^ the prohibition is against
coming to Beersheba for worship. It is quite certain therefore
that a word designating the place has fallen out. Without this
word the passage has been taken to prohibit (i) the blending of
the name of the true God with those of idols (cf. Zp. i^ Ez. 20,
2 Cor. 6^^) ; * (2) swearing by Yahweh as a local god, cf. Am. 8",
©.I — 16. Yea, like a stubborn heifer, Israel acts stubbornly'] Cf.
II* Je. 31^^ Dt. 32^^ This stubborn rebelliousness is seen in
Israel's unwillingness to follow the leadings of her master Yahweh ;
there is no reference, however, to the yoke of the law. J — Can
Yahweh tiow feed them like a lamb in a broad place .?] Not a
declarative sentence indicating that Israel will be Hke a lamb
in a great pasture-field, open to attack on every side and with-
out proper protection, § but, although no interrogative particle is
found, a question implying surprise. The connection with the
preceding clause is close ; Israel being a stubborn heifer, how
can she expect to be shepherded hke a lamb ? The " broad
place " = plenty and prosperity; cf. Ps. 18^^ 31* 118^ Is. 30-^
"•S here means yea, not but ; and the connection with v.^^, while
not close, is assured. || — 17. Ephraim is wedded to idols ; leave
him alone] The figure is that of husband and wife (cf. Mai.
2") ; ^ of such a character was the " mystic relationship " of the
idolater and his God (Is. 44"; cf. i Cor. 10-").** The accusation
here is not that of following strange gods, but of using idols to
represent Yahweh, as, e.g. in the case of the calves and the
Baalim. The latter half of the verse is a rhetorical imperative
addressed to the audience ; the thought being that it is useless to
try to reform Israel ; he must be left to meet his well-deserved
fate, — 18. A band of topers ! they devote themselves to harlotry]
The text of vs.^*- ^^ is very difficult, perhaps hopelessly corrupt (so
Nowack). This rendering is based upon a slight change of text
i^.s'). The A.V. "their drink is sour"|| is impossible; likewise
" their drinking is degenerated " (cf. Je. 2"^) ; % % and " he is gone after

* Ki., Abar., Cal., Ros., Hd., Pu., Ke., Wii. t Hi., Or., We.

t Ki., Abar., Geb., Bauer, et al. § Cal., Os., Ros., Hd., Ke., Wii.

II So Abar., Ew., Hi., St., Che., We., Now.. GAS. H Ros., Sim. ** We.
tt Lit. departs (cf. Is. i22) ; so Ros., Pu. ; cf. rend, putrid, of offensive smell ;
so Ki., Cal. ++ Ew., Ke.

IV. 15-19 265

their wine." * On the basis of iiHST it will be " their drunkenness
over {i.e. when their carousal is over) they indulge in harlotry." t
Following the example of the versions {i'.s.) many have attempted
to find an interpretation by changing the text {v.s), e.g. Ruben, " he
provoked the Sabaeans"; Graetz, "their princes are drunken";
Gardner, " they have turned aside (they have become) drunkards " ;
Bachmann, " briers and thorns " (to be taken with v.''). Neither
the causative idea, viz. "they strive to lead others to idolatry" (cf.
4'^ 5^ 2 Ch. 21^^); J nor the idea of threat, "they shall commit
whoredom enough," i.e. will exhaust themselves in it (cf. inf. abs. in
Am. 9^) § seems to have been intended ; but rather the thought that
when weary of drunkenness, they plunge into licentiousness ; they
go from bad to worse. — Her rulers have fallen in love with sha?ne'\
Here again the text is uncertain ; the rendering adopted involves
a slight change of text (cf. Ps. 88^^). || "Shield," the literal ren-
dering, is used figuratively of rulers (cf. Ps. 89'^ 47®). With iiHST
as basis, the sin mentioned was that of: (i) bribery, "the princes
love (to say) give ye (a bribe for the perversion of justice), and
this is a shame " ; ^ or, (2) loving shame, " her princes love, they
give shame," i.e. so love shame as to give it to others.** Of special
interest are the following interpretations (z'.j.) : (i) (§, " they love
shame rather than her pride," i.e. Yahweh ; (2) " their sceptres, or
scales, are lighter than a grain of corn " (the first word of v.^^ being
joined with v.^^ ; ft (s) " i" their gardens they love shame " ; + +
(4) "they loved their shame; their pride the wind carries, etc."
(the last word of v.^* being read with v.^^) ; §§ "on account of
their gardens their faces shall blush." || || — 19. A luind has envel-
oped (i.e. will sweep') her in its wings'] Israel shall be carried
away with the suddenness and violence of a wind-storm (cf. Is.
5 7")-1[1[ It is not the disappointment which comes from finding
oneself wholly dependent upon what proves to be wind, i.e. noth-
ing.*** With this idea may be compared the expression " wings of
the wind"(Ps. 18^" 104''), and in i3i^"the east wind." fft — ^w^

* New. t Abar., Hd., GAS., ei al.\ cf. RV. + Ros. ^ Hi.

II So many, including Hi., Che., Gr., Ru., Val., Oort, Gu., Now., GAS., Hal.
H AE., Ki.. Grot. ** Abar. tf Bach. JJ Ru. §^^ Wkl. |||| Marti.
UH Ki., Ros., Hi., Che., et al.
*** So AE., Ki., Abar., Cal. ; cf. Schmidt, pp. 186 f. ttt Wii., Now.H

266 HOSEA

they shall be ashamed of their altars'] Cf. 8". This requires the
adoption of (§ and S> {^.s^.

15. D«] With concessive ioxc^, though; and so representing Israel's case
as irremediable (Wii.); cf. GK. i6oa; K6. 394«. — nji] Used figuratively,
in emphatic position. — ditn^] The use of the 2d pers. by (5 and % makes
the construction much more natural ; however, sudden transitions from one
person to another are not so uncommon as to necessitate adoption of the
reading of (5 (cf. i K. i^ Is. i^ Ez. 20*0 2961-, and v. K6. Stil. 238 ff.).—
min>] Is construed here as masc, the thought of the people being dominant ;
cf. K6. 249 15. — JJ3B' 1X33] An additional argument for this insertion is the
pun that it furnishes ; cf. ps nn and common prophetic usage, e.g. Mi. i"f-.

— nin> in] Lit. living is Yahweh; cf. our as true as I live; Ew.^ 329 a. —
16. Note the alliterative recurrence of n in ^^". — niflD] Cf. Am. 4^ for use
of same figure. — 17. man] On the use of the cstr., cf. Ko. 3360. — iS"njn]
For similar use of this vb., v. 2 K. 23I8; cf. K6. 289 a'. — 18. a''N3D id] (z/.j.)
A band of topers ! This reading satisfies the context and involves but slight
change in the consonants of the text. The phrase may be taken as exclama-
tory or as a casus pendens. — lan ijhn] i3n seems to have arisen through
dittography, not being found in the chief versions. Bach.'s conjecture (v.s.)

is unnecessary. Other treatments of lan are: (a) denom. from y^^S^, to
fear, i.e. love and fear shame (Mich.) ; (^) from 3in, consecrate, used as adv.,
" they bring with zeal their shameful gifts " (Bauer, transl. ]m as gift) ;
(c) = lani in pf. and in verbal appos. with lanx = they love to give shame
(®, Jer., Ros.) ; {d) the two words to be read as one : nnnnx (cf. '•Jinnpx,
Ps. 88"), (Fiirst, Lex.; Mau., Hi., Hd., Pu., Ke., Or.), — 19. lis] the
versions, with the exception of Sh, support the existing text. It is unnecessary
(i) to supply nnpS or hnb'j (Bach.; cf. Oct.); (2) to make the verb -ns
fern. pf. (Oort), or impf. (Gr.), or verbal noun (Ru.). A proph. perf. Note
the use of nn as masc, with this vb., but as fem. with suff. ni_. — nniN]
The use of the fem. sg. suff. here is difficult to account for, being preceded
and followed by masc. pi. forms referring to Israel. Moreover, Hosea rarely
uses the sign of the definite object (Now.). Bach.'s conjecture that this is a
corruption of onx, which was a remnant of an original DONrj, is attractive,
but involves the connection of iix with the preceding verse, for which there
is no sufficient ground. — itt'SM] An impf. with i conjunctive following a
proph. perf. and denoting a coordinate circumstance; cf., however, K6. 147 «.

— DriinarDT?] This reading is supported by S^^ and by the fact that nat does
not form a plural with fem. ending.

§ 7. The Guilt of Priests and Princes, and their Punishment.

5^"". Israel has become defiled under the leadership of the
priests and princes, who do not know Yahweh, and, therefore, have

V. 1-7 26/

been faithless to him. Punishment will be inflicted ; this will
be twofold, viz. from without, an invading army which will lay
waste the land ; also, from within, corruption and anarchy with
civil war ; the 7noth, and the lioji.

This piece, consisting of four twelve-line strophes, trimeter movement, has
suffered little or no change. Strophe i (vs.^"^) indicates the responsible per-
sons ; strophe 2 (vs.'*"'^) describes the relation of these persons to Yahweh.
Strophe 3 (vs.^^) pictures the destruction as coming from without, viz. an
invading army; strophe 4 (vs.^^'^'*) pictures the destruction as coming from
within, viz. corruption and anarchy. The four strophes divide themselves
very naturally into two groups of two each (cf. the Massoretic Perasheth, d).
Each double strophe is introduced with a phrase inviting attention, viz.
Hear this (v.^) and Blow the trumpet (v.^).

V. 1-7. The priests and princes, a snare to Israel (^"^) / their
ignorance of Yahweh and consequent faithlessness to him (*"^.
(i) The priests and princes have proven to be a snare in which
Israel has been entrapped ; for Israel has been led by them into
harlotry, and has become unclean. (2) They are filled with the
spirit of harlotry and do not understand Yahweh. They will fail
to find him when they seek him ; for he will have withdrawn.
Alas, they have dealt treacherously with Yahweh ; for they have
abandoned him for another.

1. Snib'> n>3] Oet. and Meinhold treat these words as a gloss. — ncsn'?]
(S t5 <r/coiri$, npt treating it as a name; so 'A. t% a-Kowe<j(Tei; S. ry TrXaref^;
IS speculationi; 2C PD''?';'?'?; 5 )-0Of^; IL speluncae in visitatione. — il3n]
@ t6 'Ira^^piov; 'A. da^tlip; S. rb 5piov; ©. t6v dpvn6v; ^ a^ nitS; 3L in
staium in se. — 2. ipTyn D''DB' nanu'i] @ 6' ol dypevovref rr/v drjpav Kar^irrj^av
= D^notr inot:' (so also Bauer); S. and E', Kal dvalav . . .; IB et victimas

declinasiis in profundum. Sb \jlsi 0| Vi ^ ^i-». » 1'r^A® 5 ^ quam qui
venantur confixerunt bestiam. The following readings for this clause deserve
consideration : Vol. 'yn xy<nav "inpri. Seb. 'yn d-'BE'h a^-i^xi = and hunters
going round about lay snares. Umb. 'j?n D'DC*ri nnB'i = and the pit of Shittim
they have made deep (so We., Che., Ru., GAS. Now., Oort {Em.), Marti).
Val. foil, a sugg. of We. npiDj; o"'!3B*3 nntri. Gr. 7n nnaii'n nn^B'i. Houtsma,
'yn o'CtDtyn rnc'i. Bach. {Pr.) o''D>Jn D''!pnir nanc* du'i. Linder {SK. XXXIII.
741), 7n ctOE' nor. Oet. '•;n nitaiyn nne'i. Bach, copn "'IDsk'd ^nacri. Ew.
'jjn D'«OE' nnnB'i (so Sim.). Oort, 'j,'n nnu'i. Hal. nantfa or DDntt-a. Che. (CB.),
yn D''Dtain nnB*). Miiller {SJir. 1904, p. 124), nnori. — ijni] Read jini (so Che.,

268 HOSEA

Marti). — iDic] @ iraiSevTT]^ = id'C (so also Oort (Em.'))', & jj^]; U eru-
ditor. Umb. nD^c, fetter (so Linderj SK. XXXIII. 742). Gr. "loib;. Oort,
niD'C. Hal. nnn. — d'?3S] (@ y/iwv (= do*?). — 3. nny] Read nnx (so We.,
Now., Oct.). — nn^jrn] (5 e|€7r6p>'ei'o-ev = njrn; so SU (so also Ru., Oort
{Em.)). Some Heb. Mss. nnjtn. Oet. and Marti, n^jr. We. and Now. treat
3* as an explanatory gloss. — 4. urr'] We. suspects the text and suggests
some vb. meaning "forsake." Oet. foil. S Dijn'> (so Hal., Now.^, Marti).
Bach, urnv — Dni'?'?>'r] <5 ra Sia^oi^Xta avrcDc. 'A. iinTr)devij.aTa; S. ^oi/Xds;
0. yvunrjv. Oort, D[i''^';'>. — 5. njjji] (§ Kal Taneivwdria-eTai', of. ,S f i'?^^o
= njjji (Seb.; so also Oort). Marti, 7\y;\. — onsNi SNia^i] Om. one of the
words (so Oct., Marti). We. om. both. — iStio'] <S a.<7devi)(Tov(yi.v. — S'i'o]
(gS^Vti-oi (so also Oort, TkT. and Etn.; Ru., Oct.), or '?->ro> (so also We.,
Gr.). — 6. anp32i djns^] (S om. suff. — ixsc^] <& adds airbv. — ySn] (S
precedes by Htl (=ir); so also ^. Oort {TkT. and Em.), iSn. Oet.
^'Vn or yhr\). — 7. 'ui nin^j] @ 6Vt t6»' K^piov, k.t.X. Marti, •'31 nj3 o on ■'3
(so Now .2). — nSi] @ ^7ei'i'7j^7;(rai'ai}ro£S (= nS'). S 0|^o]. — nnj,'] S om.
the entire clause. — a'ln] (S ^ ipva-l^T}, mildew ( = tnn = D-in) ; We. sugg.
that (& may be a corruption of epvsi', which was a transliteration of t:nn.

Arabic, Jl»JLM. Grotius and Che. (C£.), S^pn. Ru. r">nG. Bach, ain or
(/■r.), a-^n (so Hal.: cf. Oct.). We. 3nn^(?). New. fpn. ^Oort, n^na-D {TAT.
and £w. ,• so Val., and Marti, who supposes a verb, 3nn^i or lain';'!, to have
fallen out from after it). Gr. hni En\ Oet. D^.n or ann DJi'psP. — DnipVn]
Oet. Dnmon.

1. O priests . . . house of Israel, and house of the king. . . .]
The address is threefold, viz. to the priests, who have especially
received rebuke in former statements ; to the people (viz. the entire
Northern Israel, not the elders *), who likewise have been entan-
gled by and with the priests ; and then, a step forward being
taken as if by an afterthought (the chiasm is noticeable), there is
added, the house of the king (cf. Isaiah's address to the house of
David, Is. 7'''), i.e. the court, including the royal family. In this
addition, the thought of the prophet begins to concern itself, as it
has not before done, with the political side. A little later, this
thought becomes predominant ; for it is true that, after all, the
king and court could control the priests. The prophet, however,
does not direct the sermon especially to the court.f With this
arraignment, cf. Is. i^ Mi. i^ Jo. i^ — Hear . . . hearken . . .
give ear'] These three verbs present a climax, the second being

*AE. tSoWe,

269

more specific than the first, and the third than the second. — For
for you is the judgment'\ Very different from Mi. 3^ " Is it not for
you to know judgment?" but all the more true because Micah's
statement holds good. The "you" does not refer exclusively to
the court (" Yea, O house of the king, give ear, because to you
belongs the administration of judgment"), although this would
(^a) explain the '3 which is otherwise difficult, {b) suit the par-
allehsm, and {c) be favored by Mi. 3^ Dt. I^^* It refers rather
to all the persons addressed. Judginent, here, is not the act of
judging as in Mi. 3^ but the sentence of the judge, i K. 3-^ Ps. 17^,
here unfavorable, as in Is. 53* Je. 1^^ 4^- 39'. This sentence (cf.
also v.*^) points to the position occupied by Israel in relation to
Assyria, perhaps in the reign of Menahem (cf. 2 K. 15^^"'"), and
to the ultimate destruction of the Northern kingdom which was
soon to follow. — A sfiare . . . a net. . . . (v.-') a pit'\ This is the
triple figure, borrowed from the hunter, employed to designate the
entanglement into which Israel has fallen. For similar usage, cf.
Am. 3^ I S. 26^ Ps, 10^ 11^ The rendering /// rests upon a
restored text {v.s^. — On Mizpah . . . on Tabor . . . of Shittim~\
Mizpah = Mizpah of Gilead, Ju. 10^'^ ii"- ^^; also = Ramoth
Gilead, Jos. 20* 21^ 2 K. 9^- *■ " ; also = Ramath-Mizpeh, Jos.
13-^. This was the place consecrated by Jacob (Gn. 31^^*^) ;
perhaps es-Salt in Belk'a.f Tabor (= Jehebet Tor) was in the
territory of Issachar and Zebulon (cf. Ju. 4*'). — 2. Shittim (cf.
text above), also called D'tatrn b2K, was a camping-place of Moses
and Joshua (Nu. 25^ Jos. 2^ 3^). It was here that the affair of
Baal-Peor took place. These three places were celebrated, per-
haps, for the peculiarly seductive character of the worship which
they represented. For other renderings of the first clause of v.^,
v.i. — And there is no correction for any of them'\ This \ is more
consistent with the context than, "And I am a rebuke to all of
them," § although the latter is the more commonly accepted
meaning, and, according to Wellhausen, furnishes the transition
from the priests to the people, from the seducer to the seduced.
' — 3. / know Ephraim, and Israel is not hid from me'] i.e. " It is

* Cf. Rashi. + Che.

t But cf. GAS. HG. 587 f. § Ew., Hi., Sim., Now., GAS.

270 ROSEA

I who know, etc.," in striking contrast with the oft-repeated state-
ment that Israel does not know Yahweh. — Yea thou, O Ephraim,
hast committed harlotry, and Israel is defiled '\ For text (v.s^.
The ■'a cannot mean /^/- unless it goes back to v.^*. — 4. Their
doings do not suffer them to 7'eturn to their God^ This rendering,*
making " doings " the subject, is preferable to the other rendering,
" They do not frame their doings to return, etc.," f which makes
it the object. For one use of fno, i Ch. 22^^ ; for the other, Ju. 3^*
15^ I S. 18^ 24^ Gn. 20*^. — For the spirit of harlotry is within
them'] i.e. in their constitution. — And Yahweh they do not know']
See 2*-^ 4^ 6^ 8^. This is the burden of Hosea's preaching ; lack
of a proper appreciation of the character of Yahweh has led Israel
into all sorts of corruption. J — 5. But the pride of Israel shall tes-
tify to his face'] This rendering of ■131? § (= ''31?, cf. ,,J^, (i) goes
better with the following preposition 3 ; (2) suits better the con-
text in 7^" than the rendering is hufnbled (which takes .131? = 131?
= aJLfr II). The pride of Israel has been taken as a title of Yahweh
(cf. Am. 8'),^ in which case it would mean that Yahweh has deliv-
ered a judgment (cf. Ru. i"^) against Israel which signifies de-
struction ; but the context ** is dealing with Israel's " material
grandeur" (cf. Zc. 10" Ez. 32^^, i.e. arrogance; in this case it
would mean : Israel's arrogance is a testimony against Israel him-
self. This arrogance {v. Wellhausen) is the trust in the ritual, and
the feeling that there is no need to turn from that and to repent
(cf. 7^"). — And Ephraim shall stumble in his guilt'] The word
stumble is of frequent use among the prophets to designate dis-
aster and ruin ; cf. 4^ 14^-^ Is. 31^ 59^" Je. ^o^- Na. 2^ 3^ — Judah
also shall stumble with them] These words are suspected as a
gloss by some ff without sufficient reason. An occasional side
glance at Judah, a people so intimately connected with his own,
must not be denied to the prophet. — 6. With their flocks and
their cattle] Ready to be offered as sacrifices. — They will go to

* So m, Eich., Mau., Ke., Wu., Che., GAS. t Umb., Hi., Ew.

X Marti om. v.^* as a gloss based on 4I2.
\ Ki., Eich., Dathe, Umb., Ew., Hi., Ke., Che., We., GAS.
II (Ears., Rashi, AE., Ros., Schro., Mau., Huxtable. IT Che.

**So We.; GAS. I. 262.

tt So Oort {ThT. XXIV. 485), Now., Marti {Rel. 119, EB. 3122, and Dodeka-
proph.), ,

V. 3-7 271

seek Yahweh'] It is Northern Israel, not Judah,* of whom the
prophet speaks. — He has withdrawn from thet?i'\ Yahweh's pa-
tience has an end (cf. Mi. 3*) ; their superstitious ritualism and
self-sufficiency can no longer be tolerated. f — 7. They have dealt
faithlessly'] Used of adultery, Je. 3*; cf. Mai. 2". Hosea is here
keeping up the figure of the nation's marriage to Yahweh, and
characterizes the syncretism in worship as a breach of the mar-
riage contract. — For they have begotten strange children] The
figure is continued ; these words are not to be taken literally as
a charge brought against the Israelites for marriage with heathen
women, from which unions " strange " children were born ; % but
rather, the parents having departed from the true worship of
Yahweh, their children have naturally followed, and are conse-
quently strangers to Yahweh, having no place among his children. §
— The (next) new moon may destroy them with their portions]
i.e. within a month ruin may overtake them. || The ordinary
interpretation, which makes the new moon represent the prevail-
ing cult with all its corruption and superstition,^ is untenable,
because, at this time, the new moon did not occupy an important
place in the cult. Other attempts {v.s), based on change of text,
have not been successful, e.g. the locust shall devour, etc. ** ; mil-
dew shall devour, etc. ; ft the sword shall devour, etc. ; J J he will
hinder them from ploughing. §§

1. nm] Neut., H. 2, 3<z; GK. 122^. — la^e'pn . . . irrsn] Both words
are poetical synonyms of PDC, the ordinary prose word, ijvnh seems to
mean more precisely turn the ear and so give close attention, while i3''Cpn
is drink in eagerly. — o] Must be either asseverative ^^ surely (cf. iiMv) or
(cf. ^rC) equivalent to quotation marks. — ns . . . ncn . . . nnB»] On ns
cf. Am. 3^. The nfi was a net laid upon the ground to catch birds; while
the "if was a pit dug in the track of large game and concealed by a covering;
cf. Ps. 94^^ Pr. 262^. — 2. ip^Dpn CDir nans'i] The reading of Che. and We.
is the most satisfactory {y.s^. The chief interpretations of f&JE^ have been:

* So AE., Ki. .

t Marti om. this phrase because (i) ySn is not elsewhere used intransitively,
and (2) the thought that Yahweh could be found at the altars is not in harmony
with Hosea's conceptions.

X Theodoret, Rashi ; for still other views, cf. Jer., Eich.

\ Ki., Cal.. Ew., Hi., Sim., Ke. || Cf. Now., GAS. t Ke., Wii.

**Grotius, Che. (Ci9.). tt Ru. tt Bach., Hal., Get. §§ We.(?)

2/2 HOSEA

(i) and they slaughter numerous victims for idols (VL); (2) and slaughter
have they heaped up (Riickert, cited byWii.) ; (3) through sacrificial slaughter
have they sunk deep into error (Hes.) ; (4) through slaughter have they be-
come absorbed in their course (Lu.); (5) and excesses have they spread out
deeply (Ke.) ; (6) and revolters are sunk deep in corrupt ways (Or.) ; (7) and
backsliding they sinned deeply (Ev/.), Cf. the many emendations proposed
(v.s.). — 3. >jnJ Used for rhythmic reasons; GK. 135 a. — Vxnirii onijM]
Chiastic. — "i"] Asseverative. — nnj?] = nnx; the same confusion of these two
words occurs in i K. i'*, (3, and 2^, (§ and Luc. The ordinary usage of nrj?
in Hosea is to introduce the punishment or consequence (4^8 5' 7^ 8*- 1^- ^^ lo^) ;
cf, however, lo^. — 4. . . . ^ un^] This is the only case where the accusative
of the obj. is omitted in this kind of construction {v.s.), but the obj. is here
easily supplied. — 5. njyi] On the roots ijy and ^y; cf. p. 185 and Rahlfs,
ij>' und ^:^; in d. Psalmen (1892). — Ssnii'M] Omit; Ephraim and Israel are
wholly synonymous terms, used interchangeably by Hosea (cf. /i^^^- 58. iifr.
7I 11^), hence one of them is superfluous here. — 6. The parallelism in
vg_6 and 7 jg quite irregular, and thus in contrast with the prec. verses of the
double strophe. — T^n] Intrans, only here (We.). — 7. tt'^^] Means within
a month ( Jer., Ros., Mau., Hi., Umb., GAS.) ; and although this seems in-
definite (cf. Zc. 11^), the usage is confirmed by the fuller expression a^D> v\n
(cf Gn.29i4Nu. 1 120-21),

8-14. Destruction is coming fivm without and from within.
(3) An invading army will bring devastation ; (4) corruption and
anarchy, like moth and rottenness, produce a fatal disease.

8. n;j3Ja] ® ewl rofii ^ovvois (= nii'2J3); S} \h:^f^. — mssn] ® ^xware
= nsxn. — nma] (S e-n-l t dv v^j/rfKGiv — niDia; ^ same as for n>'3ja. — px nia]
(!l iv T<f) o?/c<fj flv; A. ei's oIkov avucpeKovs ; S. iv Btj^ flv ; S .c] A - *''•
Sayce (^Babyl. and Or. Record, II. 20), fiN no. Read with We. and Now.
S.s noa. — -inns'] @ i^^a-rr] = mn or innn (Vol.), or Tin' (Sim.); 'A., S.,
0. dwlcrii} <Tov; E', Kara vdjTov crov; "S poit tergum tuttm ; IL et expavit. We.,
foil. (S, sugg. ninnn (imv.) (so Gr., Ru., Now., Oort {Em.), Marti). Bach.
anns or innx onns. Meier {SK. XV. 1028 f.), nnnx. Sayce {Babyl. and
Or. Record, II. 20), i^N-p Tin. — 9. njcxj] (g Trto-rd; §3 jZolIuadCi = njicx
(Seb.). — 10. mini] Read Vnici here and in vs.i2ff- (Marti, Rel. 119, and
EB. 2122; so Now.). — Snj] Gr. adds dj. — 11. piS'j'] (& KaTedwdffTeva-ev
rbv cLvrldoKov avroO = pu'j? (Vol.). — l"ixi] (& KaTeiraTTja-ev = ysn (Vol.). Read
both ptcps. as active (so Oort, ThT. and Em.; Val., We., Now., Oet., Marti).
Gr. would join ^^ " to v.^ and connect v.^'' with vs.^- *'• — udii'd] Che. (Exp T.
X. 375; OLZ. 1899, p. 137), VMU'D. — S'Nin] © r\p^a.ro = Snn. — is] ^ twk
/iaralup and S ]^ " -^ "^ = Niu' (so Dathe, Bauer, Vol., Seb., Che.) ; so
2C (cf Geiger, Urschrift, 411); U sordes = •^■^ = v^Xi. Read NVJ', written
ir; cf. Jb. 1531 (so Dathe, Bauer, St., Sim., Che.; Oort, ThT. and Em.;

V. 8 273

Gr., Ru., Loft., Gu., GAS., Now., Oct., Marti). Bach. ■\^\ Che. (/o<r. cii.)
liB-N. Briill (^Jahrb. f. jiid. Gesch. 1883, pp. 1-62), >'S3 (cf. Ez. ZZ^""^. Fiirst
{Lex.) = jvx, a pillar, finger-post. — 12. t:';;^] (§ ws rapax'n = oys^ (Vol.) or
E'j;"l3 (Seb.); 'A. ws ^pwa-rrip; S. ws evpcij; U quasiiinea ; S ) ' "" \< ,0^].

— apio] ® ws KivTpov = ipiD ; 'A., 2. cri^i/'is ; "S quasi puiredo ; S J.-']
= leprosy, elephantiasis. — 13. niTc] @ tt^j* oSi^^tji' = n^x (Vol.); 'A. iirl-
Sea-iv; U vinculum. — nSa"i] @ adds vpiff^ei^. Some insert min^ (Sayce,
Babyl. and Or. Record, II. 21 ; We., Oct., Hal.) ; but ^^-\tf> is better (Bach,
(/"r.). Now., Che. (£^.2331); cf. Marti). — 3i>] @ 'lape^^a; Sv^jl-; 'A.
5t/ca(r6/xefov ; 2. <povia ; 0. KpL<Tews ; U ultorem. Bach, ns^i^ or ns"]', in view
of foil. NDiS. W. M. Miiller {ZA IV. XVII. 334 ff.) and Riedel (cf. McCurdy,
HPM. I. 415 f.), Jn ^sSc, the old nominal ending being retained because
the whole expression was thought of as a proper name (so Now.^, Marti).
Che. {Exp., Nov. 1897, P- 364). 3"> I^P or oi -^-g; but in EB. 2331, lanp -\^-q
(cf. Weber, Arabian vor dem Islam, 1901, p. 24), also changing iis'n to
lix?:. Wkl. {Musri (1898), 32; cf. KAT? 150 f.), i-\t\\ a district on south-
ern border of Musri. Hal. i7\-\ iSd = king of Egypt. — nnj^] Read nnj^ (so
We., Now., Bach, (/"r.), Oct., Marti). Gr. T\>,n\ — 14. 'I'nr] @ iraveijp. —
TBj] @ X^wj/. — ''JN ^jn] (5S and 2E om. one 'Jn (so also Loft.).

8. Blow the trumpet ... the cornet~\ Cf. Am. 3". The announce-
ment of approaching attack ; cf. 8^ Je. 4^ 6^ The prophet sees
in vision the coming of destruction. Here, as in many cases (cf.
Is. 6^-^''), the imperative serves as the most vivid expression for
prediction, the real meaning being : the time is near at hand when
the trumpet will blow in token of the enemy's approach. On the
form and character of the musical instruments here mentioned,
V.S., p. 43 f., 150. — Li Gibeah . . . in RamaJi] Gibeah means hill,
Ramah (cf. (5) height, both being located on eminences. It is
improbable that these names are chosen solely with reference to
their meaning and the practice of idolatry on high places ; *
but they represent all hill-towns from which alarm could easily
be sounded. Gibeah (cf. 9^ 10^) was the same as Gibeah of
Benjamin (i S. 13^" 14^" 2 S. 23^^), and as well, Gibeah of Saul
(i S. II* 15^^). It was situated near the road leading from Jeru-
salem to Nablus, and has been identified with Tell-el-Ful.f Ramah
is the village where Samuel lived (i S. is''*; cf. Ju. 4^ 19^^), and
is the modern Er-Ram, some two hours north of Jerusalem, on

* Sim.

t ZDMG. Xn. 161 ff. ; Rob. Pal. I.S77-9 i and art. " Gibeah " in DB. and EB.
T

2/4 HOSEA

the road to Bethel. From i K. 15^^ Is. 10-'' we may suppose that
these towns were in the territory of Judah. — Cry aloud i?i Bethel'\
The ilHST Beth-aven (cf. 4^^) seems to have arisen as a term of
reproach for Bethel,* whether aven be interpreted as nothingness,
or as denoting the city of On ((g *flv), or HeliopoUs, whence
idolatry was imported. Bethel, situated on the border between
Ephraim and Benjamin, about ten miles north of Jerusalem (mod-
ern name, Beitin), was selected as a place which, equally well
with those already mentioned, would serve as a source of signal to
the surrounding people.f — Make Benjattiin to tremble'\ Based on
Wellhausen's emendation {y.s^; cf. (§ and Am. 3*^. The JK^T,
After thee, O Benjamin, has been, (i) taken as the ancient war-
cry of the tribe ; cf. Ju. 5^*, where, however, it is used in a differ-
ent sense ; J (2) interpreted the enemy is after thee, O Benjamin, §
now that Ephraim has been captured; cf. Je. 48^ Ez. 5^ Ho. 11^
Ju. 16^; (3) also, Benjamin is after thee, i.e. attacking thee; ||
(4) understood to be the proclamation which is to be an-
nounced from Bethel (or Aven);^ (5) treated as a description
of Bethel from the standpoint of the writer in Judah.** For vari-
ous emendations of text, v.s. ; note especially that of Sayce, " trem-
ble, O Benoni." On Hosea's failure to mention Jerusalem, and
the suggestion that his reference to Benjamin is really a hint in this
direction, v. Cheyne, p. 74. — 9. Ephraim shall become a deso-
lation in the day of punishjnent'\ This is the announcement toward
which v.^ pointed. It includes the fate of the people at large
(v.^), and likewise, that of the leaders in particular (v.^"). The
word rendered "desolation" has been wrongly interpreted "aston-
ished," ft " speechless " ; t+ it means rather final and utter destruc-
tion with no apparent opportunity for repentance. §§ The threat
was fulfilled by Shalmaneser (2 K. 17), The "day of punish-
ment," lit. judicial decision, wrongly connected by some with
the following phrase |||| ; cf. Ps. 149^. — Concerning (or against^
Israel's tribes do I make known that which is sure'] So the prepo-

* V.S., pp. 263, 272 ; so Hi., We., Now., Marti. f Ew., Che., ef at.

J GAS.; cf. on this Havernick {Bin/. II. 283, 4), Ke., Bach., Or., and Now.

§ Ki., Dathe, Bauer, Ros., Hi., Mau., Pu., Ke., Wii., Or.

II Sim. H Hi., Che., GAS. ** Grot., Ew.

tt Rashi. ++ R. Abhu, cited by Ki. §J Cal., Pu., Ke., ei at. |||| Ki.

V. 8-1 1 275

sition is to be taken,* and not = among.f In parallelism with
Ephraim, tribes of Israel = the Northern tribes, \ and not all
Israel, including Judah. § The judgment announced is one of
sure fiilfilment (cf. Hb. 2^), something of absolute endurance (cf.
Dt. 28^). — 10. The pri7ices of Israel~\ The priests have been
rebuked ; it is now the turn of the princes. These had already
been included in the exordium. Upon the whole it is well to
substitute Israel iox Judah of the fflOT here and in the following
verses. With this slight change, all difificulty in the logical connec-
tion of v.^" with the preceding verses disappears. This change is
supported by the frequent interchange and coupling of the terms
"Ephraim" and "Israel" in Hosea; e.g. ^^-^-^ 6^" 7^ — Are like
landmark ret/lovers'] The commonest sort of thieves. This is
not a reference (following fHST) to Judah's seizure of Northern
territory in the times of anarchy ; || nor to the efforts of Ahaz to
introduce idolatry into Judah (2 K. 16^'^'*) ;% nor is it a specific
rebuke of the policy of the rulers (as in Is. 5^ Mi. 2-) to acquire
all the land and thus disturb the boundaries fixed by their fathers
(cf. Dt. 19") ; ** but is, perhaps, a proverbial phrase for the lowest
wickedness, a type of the most degraded practices.!! Cf. the idea
that "landmarks were under the protection of reUgion (Pr. 22^
23^"; cf. Jb. 24-), and to remove them laid the offender under a
curse (Dt. 19" 27^')." J J — Upon them will I pour out my wrath
like water"] Cf. Is. 8^ Je. 14^^ The poetic description of Yahweh's
wrath is at one time the fire which devours, at another the flood
which drowns, the object of its attack. — 11. Ephraim practises
oppression .' he breaks down right] The iJflSE presents two diffi-
culties, viz. the use of the participle passive in a consecution of
imperfects relating to Ephraim's future ; and the use of "justice "
with the passive participle interpreted, (i) broken or crushed in
Judgment, i.e. God's judgment, the idea being so familiar that no
more distinct designation was necessary §§ ; (2) one whose right
is broken, || || i.e. the right of national independence ; (3) is rightly

* Hi., Ke.. Now., Marti. + Now. || Hi., Sim., Pu., Or. ** We.

tWu. § Che. ir Grot., Hd.

tt Bauer, Ros., Wii., Now., Che., GAS.; cf. Hull, art. " Landmark," DB.

ttChe. nil BSZ., J.z/., V1S1.

^§ Ros., Hng., Ke., Che.

2/6 HOSE A

crushed ; * (4) crushed by judgment.^ The ilKSC is supported
by the occurrence of the same two participles in Dt. 28^. But it
seems better to follow (^, and read the participles as active {v.s^,
thus furnishing another charge in the indictment against Ephraim,
for which punishment is coming. That tastt^tt = 7-ight appears
from its usage in 2^® Am. t^-'^-'^'^ 6^. — Because he has determined
to go after vanity^ The explanation of the national deterioration.
But was it vanity (=sitt^) that Hosea really used? It cannot
have been IS, meaning the commands of Baal-prophets ; \ or the
commands of men ; § or the commands of Jeroboam I., |1 which
were of so destructive a character, an ironical turn being imparted
by the use of yi, as in Is. 28^"-^^; or commands in a bad sense ;^
or God's commands, i.e. he went after evil, even after God's com-
mands against it had been given ; ** or a log of wood = a wooden
god ; tt or pillar = finger-post ; JJ for no one of these meanings
makes adequate sense. In the same category belong the follow-
ing suggestions, viz. : (i) (the god) Zaw, §§ a deity whose name
is found in the Palmyrene proper names {e.g. i^^nax, handmaid of
Zaiv; KStttTi, gift of Zaw; 12in2U, servant of Zaw || ||), who repre-
sented the rays of the moon,^^ whose worship prevailed in ancient
times from South Arabia to the Syro-Arabian deserts ; but (a) the
context speaks of Assyria, and there was no such God among the
Assyrians ; *** (<5) the phrase walk after does not require after it
the name of a god ; fff {/) Palmyrene inscriptions are compara-
tively late, viz. first century a.d. ; (</) Hosea would hardly charge
all of Israel's sin to the worship of a moon-god nowhere else men-
tioned in the O. T. (2) ii = Ki2f, filthiness, "3X1 ni:, arising from
haplography of «1; JJJ {t,) imagination ; %%^ {4) Assyria, or As-
shur. II II II We come back to the rendering vanity (based on Klt:^,
v.s. ; suggested by (© and S ; ^^^ nor is it an objection (cf. Konig)
that the emendation is so easy), i.e. idols; cf. Je. 18^^ Ps. 31^ —
12. And it is I who am like a moth . . . like rottenness'^ Cf. Jb.

*Marck. f Schm. t Rashi. § AE., Schro., Ke., Wti., Or.

II Ki.. Mau., Hd., Pu. ; Ko. Exp T. X. 376 ff. H Ki. ** Ros. ft Ew.

++ Fiirst (Lex.). ^ Hommel. Exp T. X. 329 f. || || Cf. ZDMG. LIII. 98-101.
HH Cf. PSBA. XXI. 75. *** Che. Exp T. X. 375.

ttt K6. Exp T. X. 376-378 ; cf. also Stil. 264 ff. ttt Cf. Geiger, Urscfirift, 411.
\\\ Bach. mill Che. Exp T. X. 375. HllTl So Bauer, et al. ; v.s., p. 272.

V. II-I3 277

13^. Internal dissolution, for destruction was coming from within,
viz. through anarchy and civil war; cf. 13^ The figure denotes
slow but certain progress. The pronoun is emphatic, designating
Yahweh himself as the author of this approaching calamity. — To
Ephraim . . . to the house of Israel~\ It is better, as above, to
read " Israel " for " Judah." — 13. And so Ephraim saw his sick-
ness, and Israel his sore"] Here again we read " Israel " rather
than "Judah." Similar figures are used to describe poUtical
decay in Is. i^-^ 3^; cf. also Ho. 6^ 7^. Ephraim comes at last to
recognize the serious character of the situation. The sickness
and the sore were not only political, viz. anarchy and civil war
(v.s.), but also religious and moral deterioration. — And Ephraim
went to Asshur, and Israel sent to king Jareb'] To preserve the
parallelism which, up to this point, has been so regular, we insert
"Israel" {v.s.). But who is king Jareb (cf. 10*'), and to what
circumstances is reference made? The opinions offered have
greatly varied : (i) the name of a place in Assyria,* or a sym-
bohcal name for Assyria itself, like Rahab for Egypt ;t (2) the
name of a king of Egypt ; J (3) = Aribi, a district in Northern
Arabia, the oldest form being probably Jarib (cf. proper names
Jerib and Jeribai), and a reminiscence of it appears in the later
Sabaean word Marjab ;% (4) an appellative (="king comba-
tant") describing some king of Assyria, e.g. Asur-dan-ilu (771-
754), II or Tiglath-pileser ; ^ (5) an appellative to be connected
with Syriac ws^ (be great), and equivalent to bnjn "^'^ttn, which
is used of an Assyrian king;** (6) an appellative = one who
pleads, i.e. a patron, used of the Assyrian king ; tt (?) the original
name of Sargon, king of Assyria, which was dropped when he
ascended the throne, in the same way that Pul became Tiglath-
pileser, and Ulula became Shalmaneser IV. when they began to
reign; \\ (8) to be read with a different division of consonants

* AE., Ki., Geb. t Sim. ; W. T. Lynn, Babyl. and Or. Record, II. 127 f.

% Theod., Eph. Syr.; Wkl. GVI. 63; but see W. M. Miiller, ZA W. XVII. 3345.
§ Hommel, Aufsatze u. Abhandlungen, II. 231; but see K6, Fiinf neue Arab.
Landschaften im A.T. \\ Schra. COT. 11. 136 ff.

H Now. Hosea, in loc. ; so also Whitehoiise in COT. II. 137, note.
** See Wu. ; so McC. HPM. I. 415 f. tt Reuss.

tt Sayce, JQR. I. 162 ff., and Babyl. and Or. Record, II. 18-22, 145 f. ; cf. HCM.

2/8 HOSEA

{v.s.), "the great king" = Assyr. sarru rabu;* (9) a corrupt
text {v.s}j, the original having read "king of Arabia,"! or "king
of Jathrib";J (10) = Assyr. «>/;//, tribute, the rendering being
" and sent tribute to the king " § (but, according to Winckler,
irbu always denotes internal taxes ; tribute from foreign nations
is biltu, madattu, or tamartu) ; (11) = "king who should bring
healing," the text being changed {v.s.^. \ — But he cannot heal
you, nor will he relieve you of your wou7id~\ This is an illustra-
tion of the characteristic attitude of the prophets toward alliance
with other nations. It is not only wrong, but useless, to seek
for outside help (cf. Is., chaps. 7, 8, 31^^') • — 1^- ^'^^ -^t ^f^'^^lfj
will be like a lion to Ephraim, and like a young lioti to the house
of Israel^ Cf. Is. 31*. The strongest possible metaphor of de-
struction. This verse states the reason for the uselessness of
Israel's efforts spoken of in v.^^ The affliction of Israel is divinely
ordained, hence appeal to human aid is of no avail. — /, even
I, will rend and go my way'] The repetition of the pronoun lays
emphasis on the fact that Yahweh is the agent of the coming
destruction. — I will carry off, and none shall rescue] Cf. Is. 5^.
The figure is that of the lion dragging away the prey, and none
daring to interfere.

8. yy^n . . . ly'pri] Imv. = an emphatic prediction ; cf. GK. 110^. —
mssn . . . isr] Art. omitted; indef. — n^ia . . . ny^ja] Art. is indicative
of original appellative force ; cf. Ko. 295 b. — 7nnN] Cf. Ju. 5^'*, where (5
offers Tins and the text is regarded as corrupt by all recent commentators
(so e.g. Moore, Bu., Now.), some, indeed, considering it a gloss having its
origin in this verse of Hosea (so Bickell, Carmina, 196; Marquardt, Ftmda-
niente ; Wkl. GI. I. 158). The impossibility of making sense of fMST here
renders some emend, necessary; that of We. offers the least objection and
has the support of @. On construction according to fBlST cf. GK. 147 c.
Two artistic elements maybe noted in this verse: (i) the collocation of d
sounds in *"; (2) the elegiac rhythm. — 9. SNnB>i . . . anijN] Note chiastic
arrangement. The elegiac movement continues through this verse, but the
line '::'i i!D3tr3 is short; has a word dropped out after •'^yvi ? — hjdnj] Fem.
expressing neut. — 10. U'lDOo] Aram, form; GK. 72^1?. — 11. 'D ]'^x^] If

417; so also Neubauer, ZA. III. 103; Hommel, GBA. 680; but see McC. HPM.
I. 416; and Selbie, DB. II. 550.

* W. M. Miiller, ZA W. XVII. 334 ff. ; cf. the almost identical view of Che. {v.s.^.

t Che. EB. 2331. X Wkl. Musri (1898) , 32 ; cf. KA T.3 150 f.

§ Paul Rost, quoted by Wkl. A'A T.^ 151. || Bach. Uniersuch., in loc.

V. 13-14 2/9

lIH3r be retained, the pass. ptcp. is followed by a genitive having the

force of an ace. of limitation; cf. K6. 336^. — iSn S^Nin] Verbal appos.;

cf. nya V'Nin, Dt. i^; cf. K6. 361 >4. — ix nnN] is in Is. 28^"-'^^ is probably

not a genuine word, but merely a sound coined by the prophet in mockery

of the drunken and unintelligible babblings of his opponents. In any

case the use of the word there throws no light upon its meaning here.

The indefiniteness of the charge speaks against taking ix as a synon. of

mxc, as does also the fact that none of the versions so take it. Nor does

the pointing is = excrement, filth (for which hnx is the regular form) mend

matters ; this word is never used of idols, and the idea of human iniquity

(cf. Is. 4* Pr. 30^2) is scarcely strong enough here. For the use of the

phrase nn« ^S^ = worship, serve, with abstract terms, cf. Is. 65^ Je. 18^2

(thoughts); Je. 3^" 9^* i6'2 (stubbornness); and with names of gods, Dt. 4'

I K. 14^; cf. Je. 2^. The Assyr. aldku arki is used in the same sense. With

the confusion of v and y presupposed here by the adoption of the reading

of (5 cf. interchange of X and U' in pns> and |ini:'\ — 13. l^c] On absence

of art., cf. K6. Zl)!)-^- — ^^^"^ Emphat. pos. in contrast with ''3JN (v.^*). —

Sav] Best explained as Qal with •> depressed to 1; v. GK. 69 r; Ko. I. 407;

Wright, Comp. Sent. Gram. 237 ; others explain as a Hoph, which was always

used instead of the Qal. — oaS] On use of prep., cf. K6. 289 a. — nnji] d.\.;

,p
cf. the subst. nnj, Pr. 1722, and Syr. (ou,. =be freed. Since (l) the subj.

of nnj> is naturally the same as that of '^^v, and (2) nnj is intrans. in Syr.,

it is better to point nnj^ with Now. {v.s^. — 14. Tiflo . . . Snt'] Sna* is a

poetic word for lion, occurring, aside from this passage and 13^, only in Job,

Psalms, and Proverbs, n^fja denotes the young lion, but one old enough to

hunt prey. — 1*7^1] Impf. with 1 conj. coordinate with prec. impf.; cf. Dr.

§ 134. — SiXD pNi] Circ. clause; cf. K6. 362 i.

§ 8. Israel's blind and fitful repentance does not remove
the guilt which will one day be manifest to all; which,
indeed, is seen to-day in the affairs of the king. ^^-f.
(i) Israel may put on the form of repentance, but she is so blind
to the situation and to the true nature of God that such repent-
ance is only on the surface. (2) This is true in spite of the fact
that the most earnest teaching and the most definite warnings
have been given concerning Yahweh's will. (3) Israel is faithless,
and her chief towns are headquarters of every kind of vice, and
all this is encouraged by the priests. (4) But now when the time
comes, i.e. the day when " the great turning-point in her fortunes
arrives, the day of mingled punishment and mercy," * this iniquity

«Che.

280 HOSEA

will be recognized and appreciated. (5) Nay, even to-day it is
apparent in the situation as it stands connected with the kings —
enthroned and assassinated, " surrounded by loose and unscru-
pulous nobles : adultery, drunkenness, conspiracies, assassinations ;
every man striking for himself; none appealing to God."*

This piece contains five strophes of 12, 10, 10, 10, and 12 lines. The
movement is the trimeter, but occasionally it falls into the elegiac style ;
cf. Bu. ZA W. II. 32 f. This arrangement secures a complete unity of thought
and shows close consecution of strophic arrangement. Strophe i (5^^-6'^) pre-
sents in dramatic form two soliloquies: the first, of Yahweh, who now turns
himself away with the feeling that in distress Israel will seek him out ; the
second, of Israel, who in shallowness of heart assures himself complacently
that Yahweh has wounded him, simply that he might heal him; that as soon
as he seeks Yahweh, he will find him. Strophe 2 (6^") describes the in-
credulity and impatience with which Yahweh receives this fitful repentance.
Had he not given him warning? Had he not expressly declared that it
was love which he desired, and not sacrifice? Strophe 3 (6^-^°) portrays the
terrible wickedness of Israel's chief places, the robbery and murder, the
corruption and adultery which Israel, encouraged by the priests, has com-
mitted in transgression of the covenant. Strophe 4 (6II-72) pathetically sug-
gests that in the future a time will come, the day of Israel's turning, when
the iniquity of Ephraim will be laid bare, although perhaps at present their
consciences do not prick them, so entangled are they in the meshes of sin.
For, in fact, strophe 5 (7"^'), the immorality of the nation, from king down, is
so apparent, the hopelessness of the situation is so great, that repentance
is really impossible, the very capacity for it being absent. In this arrange-
ment the following points deserve consideration: In strophe I, line 8 seems
exceedingly long, especially in contrast with line 7, which is unusually short.
It is possible that vjijS n>mi is a gloss explaining iJDp\ With this ex-
ception the parallelism is close and regular. In strophe 2 a line seems to be
missing after 6*, the p~Sj? of 6^ failing to connect properly with what pre-
cedes. This fact, pointed out by Now., accords with the need of a line to
complete the otherwise almost perfect parallelism of the strophe. It is worth
while to suggest that perhaps the line NX' "iiso it3Da'!;i (as reconstructed)
was originally joined with the line now lost. It is surely not closely con-
nected with the two preceding lines. In this case the strophe would be
ideally symmetrical. In strophe 3 (6^-^^), (i) the form of the elegy appears
quite distinctly; (2) lines l and 2, and 3 and 4 are satisfactory; line 5 might
be read assassins in troops, a gang of priests, but cf. p. 287; (3) Tii of
line 7 is probably wrong, for it is impossible to separate it thus from nna'J';
(4) perhaps line 8 might be transferred to follow what is now line 9, thus

«GAS.

V. I5-VI. 3 28 1

improving the sense and as well the measure; (5) 6^" is, of course, a gloss.
In strophe 4 (6^1-72), (i) v.^^* is suspected, but z/.z.,- (2) v.^^ « is clearly to
be connected with what follows in spite of the chapter division. In strophe 5
(73-7), (i) v.* from nun 1D3 is a gloss explaining v.^; (2) the remainder of
the strophe is regular and symmetrical,

V. 15-VI. 3. Israel feigns repentajice. In a wonderfully con-
ceived pair of soliloquies, the poet represents Yahweh as waiting
for Israel to come back, and Israel as, in fact, coming back,
but with a conception of Yahweh so false and an idea of re-
pentance so inadequate as to make the whole action a farce.

The genuineness of ^^-6^ is denied by some (Che. in WRS. Proph.
XX ff.; Marti, V o\z, Jahweprophelie, 33; Grimm, Lit. App. 69 ff.; Che. in-
cludes also i'^"^ and 6* in the insertion, and Marti ^^ and 6^*) on the ground
that: (i) it breaks the close connection existing between 5I* and 6*; (2) its
phraseology is an echo, in part, of the following verses; (3) the interpretation
of 51-3 as an expression of superficial repentance, which interpretation is
necessary to the retention of these verses in the text, is forced; (4) it bears
close resemblance in spirit to other late insertions, e.g. 14^"^ and 6II-7I;
(5) the exile seems to be presupposed by the strong expressions irn> and
UDps 6^; (6) the language supports the argument for a late date (Volz
cites the following terms: onS nsa; nnc; 110 = tear; rj-n with S in fig.
sense only here; tfipSn; mv).

15. iDtfN^] (S S.(f>avia-0Q(j-iv, U deficiatis, and IL exterminentur, deriving
it from DDB' (cf. Ho. 2I* Jo. I^^ Am. 7^ Zp. 3" Zc. 7I* 1 1^ ((g), Ez. 66). Read
iD-i'i = startled, puzzled (We., Now., Oct., Marti); cf. Gr. iaB'\ — wpa] H
quaeratis. — ijjin;^^ onS ixa] l§'E% and some Heb. Mss. join to the fol-
lowing verse and chapter. (SSiZTIL add ncN'? (so also, e.g., Gr., We., GAS.,
Oct.). — VI. 1. 13?] @ TTopevdCJiiev (=-iSj); so S (so also Oort). — nini]
<S adds rbv Oebv rjfiQv. — litj] U cepii. — y"] IL om. this and following
word. Read with S, ^M (so We., Bach. (Fr.), GAS., Now., Oct., Marti).
Oort, HDH. — 2. d^C'd] S om. jd and renders by pi. Gr. o^pb. Bach. (Fr.)
0''P^'?(?). — ■«tt''iSa'n D10] Join with preceding context, and perhaps 1 should
be inserted as in &. Bach, (/"r.) DiSc'ri dt'3(?). — UCp''] © ava(7Tri<T6iJ.eda

(= Dlpj). — 3. nyiji] Ru. nyiji, deriving from nj!T = ItXi, come early. Gr.
sugg. that it may be dittog. from hatij. Bach. {Fr.) transfers this and foil,
three words to the end of this verse. — p3j nntt'D] Read J3 UlC!?'? (Giese-
brecht, Beitr'dge, 208; We.; Sm. Rel. 210; Val., GAS., Now., Oort {Em.'),
Marti) ; cf. Ru. js U"\nB'|!. — iNsn] © evpriffOfiev avrbv (so IL) ; E', r) 4iri-
(pdveia aiiTov. Read, foil. <S, I'^^'xc: (Giesebrecht, Beitr'dge, 208 ; We., Val.,
GAS., Now., Oort {Em.), Marti); cf. Sm. Rel. 210; Oet. wnxdj. — mv]

282 HOSEA

(5 precedes by koI. Read r^\-\i with S 1®!^? (so also Seb,, Perles (p. 90),
Now., Oort QEtn.), Oet„ Marti). Oort (^ThT.) foil. ®, y-\i6 mvi.

15. / will return again to my place\ Yahweh is soliloquizing.
This is not the figure of the lion returning to his den ; * but (cf.
Mi. i^) is a survival of the older form of expression in accordance
with which interest in human affairs is expressed by the phrase
" coming down." The place is the heavenly temple ; to this he
will return, and, as it were, from a distance observe the conduct
of Israel (Is. 18* Ps. 14") .f The expression, as a whole, indicates
Yahweh's non-activity in Israel's fate } (cf. 9^ Je. 14^® Ps. 80"),
and is parallel with the common expressions, " hide the face " (cf.
Ps. 10" 30^ 10429), § and "stand afar off" (cf. Ps. lo^ z'^^^)-~
Until they are confounded'^ This rendering, involving a slight
textual change, is easier 1| (cf. Ez. 6" Zc. 1 1^ (§, Jo. i^*^) than the
usual one, based upon i^'HC, which is rendered : (i) acknowledge
their offence,^ or feel their guilt ** (cf. Lv. 5^"^ Zc. 11'); (2) suffer
the consequences of their guilt ff (cf. Ps. 34-^- ^ Is. 24^ Pr. 30^"
Ho. \i^^). — In their distress'] Cf. Ps. i8« + + Dt. 4'^ Ps. 66" io6«
Is. 25* 26^® 2 Ch. 15*. — They will seek me'] This does not mean
" seek in the morning," emphasis being placed on careful and
earnest seeking § § ; but simply seek, being synonymous with rpD,
but used only in poetry 1| || (cf. Jb. f"- 8^ 24^ Pr. i^ 7^^ 8^^ 11^ ly^
Ps. 63^ 78^ Is. 26®). — VI. 1. Saying, Come and let us turji unto
Yahweh] Israel is represented as soliloquizing. Note the " say-
ing " which precedes, according to % and S. These words (vs.^"'^
are not: (i) an example of the confession of penitence with
which Israel will approach Yahweh in the future, employed by
Hosea as an occasion for warning Israel that Yahweh's favor will
not manifest itself, as they expect, immediately upon their turning
to him;^^ nor (2) the words of Hosea himself expressing his
desire to lead his people back to the right way, which will bring
them divine favor again ; *** nor (3) the language of the prophet

* Theod., Ros., Ke. ++ Cf. Hupfeld-Now. in loc.

t Rashi, Ki., Cal., Ew., Ke., Wu., Schm.. Che, ^ Ros., Pu., Ke.

J Sim. § Wii. II We. |||| Rashi, Cal., Hd., Now.

f Cal., Ros., AV., Pu. HIT Now.

** Ras., Ki., Che., GAS. ft Hd., Wu., Schm. *** Giesebrecht, Beitrdge, 207 f.

V. I5-VI. 3 283

addressed to the people ; * but with 5^^ and 6*^- are (4) a dra-
matic representation, in the form of soliloquy and dialogue, of the
attitude of the people to Yahweh and of Yahweh to the people.
It is, therefore, an expression of assumed repentance.t — For he
has torn that he may heal us'\ Cf. Dt. 32^. The same action is
ascribed to Yahweh in 5". — And he has smitten that he may
bind us up\ For the slight textual change v.s. — 2. He will
revive us after two or three days^ Lit. " after a couple of days, or
on the third day." This "■ collocation of a numeral with the next
above it is a rhetorical device employed in numerical sayings to
express a number which need not or cannot be more exactly
specified." \ " Three days " is to be connected directly with
" after two days " without the conjunction, as in 2 K. g"- Am. 4^ ;
cf. Is. 17^; this is syntactically correct, and gives a better parallel-
ism. The thought is, he will deliver us in a short time. For this
use of " revive," in the sense of healing the sick, cf. Jos. 5^ 2 K. 8^
2o^ This passage is really the basis of Ez. 37^"^". § Cf. Ho. 13^
— He will establish us that we may live befoi-e him || ] " To live
before him " is to live acceptably or under his protection ^ (cf.
Gn. 17^* Is. 53^ Je. 30^). — 3. Yea, let us knotv, let us be zealous
to knotv Yahweh~\ This appeal is coordinate with that contained
in v.\** and is not to be coordinated with " that we may live." tt
The second phrase explains the first, and, at the same time, inten-
sifies it; cf. Dt. 16^ Is. 51^ Ps. 34". Thus the verb means more
than "endeavor," f{ "grow continually," §§ "hunt after." || || —
When we seek him, then we shall find him~\ For text, v.s. The peo-
ple are not disturbed, for they are confident of success just as soon
as they make the effort.^^ If the ffiST be retained, the render-
ing will be, his going forth is certain as the gray of morning. On
"going forth," cf. Ps. 19^; nrw means not morning-red,*** but
morning-gray.ttt — J^^ "^i^^ come as the winter-rain, and as the
spring rain which waters the earth~\ The word rendered winter
rain (Dtrj) denotes a heavy, pouring rain ; it is used of the winter
rains, as here, also in Ezra lo^-^^. The heavy winter rains last

* Ke.. Or. X GK. 134 f. ** Ke., Schm., Now., Che.

t Ew., Che., GAS. $ Che. ft Reuss. |J Ew. §§ Pu. I||| Ke.

II On O'pn as a syn. of n»n, cf. Ps. 419. Hf Cf. We. ; Giesebrecht, Beitr'dge, 208 f.

It Ke., Wii., Schm., Che., Now, *** Hi., Sim. ftt Wii.

284 HOSEA

from the beginning of December to the end of February ; this is
the rainy season par excellence (cf. Ct. 2"). The spring rain
(U'lpba) falls during March and April, coming just before harvest,
and is of the greatest importance for the proper ripening of the
crops.

*

15. nawN ^'?^*] Vb. appos., H. 36, 2; GK. 120^. — ina'Ni] Is impossi-
ble because neither of its three meanings (cf. BDB.) suits the context. —
onS] On force of S, cf. Ko. 281 0^. — ■'jnnir''] The defective u and the nun
epenth., uncontracted ; cf. Pr. i^s 8^^; GK.'S /, 58 k, 60 e. — VI. 1. nawji 13'?]
Corresponding to the first words of 5^^ — undT'i] 1 of purpose; so also in
UB'ami and n^nji; H. 26, 2a; GK. 165^2. — -\<\ Cf. GK. 109,^; Ko. 194^.
— 2. d^d-'D] (i) on ID = in the course of, GK. l\<jy, note 2; cf. Ko. 401^
(= after), and BDB. p. 581 b\ (2) on similar use of the dual, cf. Is. 17^ "f^;
(3) the _ should stand with •^vhvr\; (4) on the use of two numerals, v.s.,
and cf. Am. i^ff- 48. — 3. npj] The n_ is hortatory, H. 23, 2/5; GK. 48^;
not indicative of determination, H. 23, 2 a. — nn^") Adjectival inipf; this
reading is better than ilHSE nn'i'> from m> = throw: nni^ in the sense of rain
occurs again only in Ho. lo^^, and there also the text is questionable.

4-6. YahweKs incredulity and impatience.

4. nn] After oncN, % precedes with 1. We. supposes that something has
been lost from the end of v.* and the beginning of v.^. — 5. D^N^Jja ^naxn]
(5 cLTred^picra tovs irpo(priTas v/jllov = >mxn, an Aramaicism, with 3 omitted

(Vol.). 'S. ovK i(j>eia-dij,r}v ; E'.i^^Kofa; ' A.., O. iXaTdiirja-a ; Si ] ^^l ZoJlls
(omitting 2); U dolavi in prophetis ; Get. and Hal. '1 D^naxn. Get. sugg.
also Dinxnp or O'lmnS — Dinjin] @ and Si refer suf. to cnoj. Oort {Em.)
drops the suffix, while Marti changes it and preceding to q. — iix Titasifm]
Read -iiN3 ^oscm, with @ koI rb Kplfxa p-ov cjs 0iDs ; so also SIL (so Dathe,
Bauer, Ros., Hi., Ew., Sim., Ke., Wii., Now.; WRS. PropA. 389; Or., Che.;
Oort, TkT. XXIV. 486, and £m.; Bach., We., Gr., Val., Ru., Gu., GAS.,
Oct., Hal., (?/ a I.). E'. Kal r) diKaiOKpicrla. Marti, -I1N3 ■ij^stt'p. Ru. omits
this phrase as interrupting sequence of thought. — NX^] Hi., foil. 5 and ^T,
Nxy or NX\ — 6. nSi] (5 ^ (= rather than); cf. ST na-jDD.

4. What can I make of you, O Ephraini] Yahweh now speaks.
The tone is not so much that of rebuke as of despair. Every
effort thus far made has failed. What hope is there that any
of the plan^ of Yahweh for Israel will be realized ? The inter-

* Cf. GAS. Hist. Geog. 63fif.

VI. 4-5 285

rogative is really a negative : / can make nothing of you.* There
is no allusion to a method for bringing about the good men-
tioned in the preceding verse, f nor to punishment in addition
to that which they have already received. \ — Since your love is
like the morning cloud'\ Not (i) the love of God for you will
be quickening, etc. ; § nor (2) the love of God for you which
will be transient || like yours for him ; but (3) your love for God,
your goodness, your piety, is fleeting, transient.^ The morning
clouds disappear very early during the hot season in Palestine,
the sky being usually perfectly clear by 9 a.m.** — Yea, like the
dew which early goes away'] The dew of Palestine is very heavy
in the summer time and resembles a fine rain or Scotch mist
rather than the phenomenon so familiar to us. ft It is thus of
the greatest importance for vegetation during the long dry
season, and is a favorite illustration with O. T. writers. Here,
however, the reference is to its transitory character, with no
thought of its beneficial effects. — 5. Wherefore I have hewn
them by the prophets] The connection between vs.''""'^^ is not so
broken as is represented by some commentators. Jf V.'* describes
Israel as a people whose fitful and irresponsible conduct has
occasioned anxiety and despair to their God. This situation
explains why in the past he has hewn them by the prophets,
i.e. punished them. There is no reason why these words should
not stand in the text, J | for their specific meaning is clear and
strong. The verbs here refer to the past, §§ not to the present or
future. II II Israel is compared with stone or wood, which is being
shaped ; the hewing is the punishment intended for discipline ; f ^
the work of the prophets is elsewhere spoken of as destruction,
e.g. Is. II* 49- Je. i^" 5'* I K. 19'". — / have slain them by the
words of my mouth] This simply repeats and explains the preced-
ing line, the pronoun referring to the people.*** The prophets
in the past had not hesitated to threaten the people with death

* Ras., Ros., Hi., Hd., Pu.. Wu., Or., Che., Now.
t Lu. + Schm. \ Cyril. || Jer.

f S, Ras., Ki., Cal., Hi., Wii., Che., Now. ** Cf. ZDPV. xfv. (1891), no ff.
■ft See '^tW, Palestine Explored {•L'&%'z),'p'p. 129-151; GAS. Hist. d?^^. 65; Che.,
art. " Dew," £B. ; Hull, art. " Dew," DB. Jj We., Now.

§§ Ros., Hi., Sim., Che., Or., Now., GAS. |||| Umb., Mau.

ItH Jer., Geb., Pu., Ke., Wu., Schm. *** Cal., Hd., Pu., Ke., Wu., Now.

286 HOSEA

for disobedience ; and every kind of calamity was interpreted
as from God for failure to comply with his wishes. The words
of Yahweh, because of their power, are compared with arrows,
Ps. 45^, and with a sword, Ps. 45'' Heb. 4^ Rev. i^*^; cf. also
Is. 11^ Je. 23-^. — A?id my judgment is like the light which goes
forth'] This is based on a slight change of ilJl2C {v.s.). The judg-
ment is that of which the execution now hangs over Israel. This
judgment is like the light which all may see and fear, the rise
of the sun being a symbol of gracious visitation.* The older
rendering, "thy judgments are like a light that goeth forth,"
was interpreted in various ways, e.g. thy way of living religiously
was plain as the light ; f the judgments belonging to thee went
forth Uke the lightning ; J the judgment upon thee when it
comes will be just, clear. § Notice should be taken of the ren-
dering, " my law (or judgment) shall go forth as the light." ||
It is better, however, to regard the clause as circumstantial and
dependent upon the preceding perfects (v.i.). — 6. For it is love
that I delight in, and not sacrifice] The mistake of the people
consisted in their notion that sacrifices were sufificient to gain
Yahweh's favor. What Yahweh delights in, i.e. that which will
gain his favor, is love; cf. i S. 15", in which obedience is em-
phasized. This love is not love for God as distinguished from
love for one's fellow-men, but both. — Kiiowledge of God and
not burnt-offerings] Here, as in many places in this piece, we
have an example of Hosea's ability to make a perfect parallelism.
Knowledge of God and love of God go together. On the attitude
of the prophets to the priests and that for which they stood,^
V. Is. i"-2" Mi. 6'^« Je. f-'^Y?.. 4o« 5o««- 51"; cf. Mat. 9^^ 12'.

4. no] In interrogation is capable of varying meanings: (l) how? in
rhetorical questions, implying negative answer; (2) why? in sense of "do
not"; (3) tvhat? simple interrogative; (4) what? implying answer noth-
ing; cf. BDB. — mini] = "jk-ib", and note tlie parallelism which is (almost)

* Che. t Cal. + Hd. \ Pu. || Ew., Che., Or.

U Cf. this saying, attributed to Buddha : " If a man live a hundred years, and
engage the whole of his time and attention in religious offerings to the gods,
sacrificing elephants and horses, and other life, all this is not equal to one act
of pure love in saving life." (Beal's Texts from the Buddhist Canon; quoted
by Che.)

VI. 5-6 287

artificially regular, — DD-'Dm] Introduces a circ. clause; Ko. 362/. — ip3]
On absence of article cf. Ko. 294 e, 299 m. — Saoi] 1 epexeg., Yea, like
the dew. — iSn ooB'n] Verbal apposition with second vb. containing the
principal idea (GK. I20g). The absence of the art. is exceptional in view
of its presence in Saa. — 5. p"'?>'] This phrase is very flexible = (i) on
account of this, e.g. Gn. lo^ Is. 13^; (2) with adversative force, Ps. 42^;
(3) to introduce an inference, Ps. 458. — NXi, ^naxn, DTijnn] The pfs. are
pfs. of indef past, H. 17, 3; GK. 106^. The impf. is adjectival. — ^Bfjtt'Di]
As thus reconstructed, introduces a circ. clause. — 6. ion] Emphatic. —
niS;?r] The parallel nVi shows that JD is not comparative, but neg.; so GK.
ligw; cf. Ko. 308^.

7-10. Israels wickedness.

7. mN3] "E sicui Adam; BT >^<c^p Nma. Mich. mN3. We. mxa (so cod.

554 of De Rossi, and Che. EB, col. 58). Oort (^ThT. and Em.^, nD^xa.

Get. a^^'.a. Gr. pN3. Sellin {Beilrage, I. 168 f.), D-jsp. Preuschen {ZAW.

XV. 28; so Gardner), 02V2. Pfeiffer (cited by Sim.), nn-^sa. Che. {CB.)

01N3. — nay] (@ iTapapaLvuv=.-\T;, agreeing with anw. — ni-\3] S = ''ri''"»3

(so Ru., Gardner). — nja] (S Ka.Te<ppbvT]a€v, v/'\ih lySj of foil, verse as subj.

— 8. lySj] Oort, SjSj. — '•Sys] (S ^pya^ofx^vr], sg. to agree with n^ip. — napy

Die] @ Tapd(x<j-ov<ra (= lay (Cappellus), or may (St.), or nj?ap (Vol.)) vdwp

(= a''Q) ; 'A. irepiKafji.wT]i airb a'i/xaTos; S. SidiKerai dwb aifiaros; 6. ^ irr^pva

aiiTTJs a.(p' aifxaros; E', viroffKeXl^ovaa Kal doXo^ovovffa; TB stipplaniata sangu-
p 7 - -7

£«^/ S V^t^ jloVQ^rs Bach. 01 Dri\apy, their footsteps are blood. Oet.

CDT nap>^. 'Ru. d-»!< napj?. Val. nip5?_ (so Hal.). — 9. onnj cin ••anai] ® koX

ij text's con d>'5p6s ireiparoO; 'A. /cai cbs dvpebz avSpbs ei^iivov; S. Koi ws

<pp{ia'yp.a dvbpbs ivedpevrov; 9. . . . TreipoToO ; E', ws Xix^s TroXi/xetp^as

0 7 7 - ,►

Xijo-rpiK^s; U f/ quasi fauces virortim laironwn; S If-SKx' '+^1 ^^alA-cl*

tm> ,. = onnj c^sa rinai (Seb., <?/ a/.). (S and S join to preceding verse.
Ru. tt"N nanpi. GAS. ^anc. Oet. 'ij 'rjN Sanai. Gardner, -\i tf^s |nan.
Bach. nnatJ' D'TOi 011 o^jna isan onnj ^''anai. Marti, cinj "■rjN Nanng or

y J. ».

B'lN •«5D O'-inja. — -\an] Read iNan with © fKpv\f/av (Cap., Vol.). S asii.oi-fc.|

= nan (Seb.; so also Oct.). Ru. wan. Gardner, iNan\ Marti, i.sam.. —

D''jna] Ru. '^•''}^2. — l-n] @ joins with preceding; so S ^«»?c].S; (S^*^ odbv

Kvplov. Ru. inn^ -ly. Hal. and Marti transpose to foil, ini-w — inxn^] Oet.

inx-\ii, (so Marti), which should foil. nnas'. — nnar] (5 2//ct/tto, as obj. of

inx-\i; so S and S.; U pergentes de Sichem. Ru. TO"':rn, for ■'a near. We.

considers ^an, Tn, and inxii corrupt. — 10. 'tJ^ n^aa] @ joins to v.^. Read

with We. SNn'>aa; cf. loi^ Am. 5^ (so Oort. ThT. and Etn.; Preuschen,

ZAJV. XV. ^o; Ru., Now., Oct., Marti). — Div] (S joins to preceding. —

» > 7

DnsK? mjr] S >c-t^| >*J1 = 'n njt. We. 'n p^jt (so Preuschen, Z^ IV.

XV. 30; Now., Oct.). Oort, 'N njr. Gardner, mj?. Marti, 'n njT.

288 HOSEA

7. But they like men have transgressed the covenant~\ Israel
as a whole is spoken of,* not merely the priests,t nor the
prophets. J Upon the whole "like men,"§ i.e. after the manner
of men, human-like, is to be preferred to " like Adam " (for
which are urged ST and F; the fondness of Hosea for early
allusions, of. 2^ 9^" 11^ 12*; the other occurrences of this phrase,
Jb. 31*^ Ps. 82'', and the parallel in Rom. 5"), || because of (i) (g
{v.s.) ; (2) the absence of any account of a covenant with Adam
in Genesis ; (3) the fact, that not until P is Dnx used as a
proper name;1[ (4) this is satisfactory in sense,** viz. ordinary
men, who have not had the privileges accorded to Israel. Cf.
the reading "in Admah " {v.s.; cf. 11*), — Have transgressed the
covenant^ This does not refer to the unknown covenant between
Yahweh and Israel,tt cf. 8^; but to an ordinance (cf. 2 K. 11*
Je. 11^ 34I3.18 jj3_ 21^ Ps. 105^"). Cf. the synonymous phrase
n'^2 ^sn (Gn. 17" Dt. 31^^ Ju. 2^), and the phrase "the book
of the covenant," Ex. 2\'. Notice is to be taken of the fol-
lowing renderings : (i) like Edom, they broke their covenant
with Israel; JJ (2) they are as men who transgressed the cove-
nant, §§ or who break a covenant ; || || (3) they in Adam (a place)
did . . . ^^ — There they have betrayed me'\ There is not an
adverb of time as in Ps. 36^^ 53^; *** nor an allusion to the land
which had received so many benefits ; ftt nor a reference to the
ceremonial worship; \\\ but it refers to certain localities, either
unknown, §§§ or those cited in the following verses, || || || which were
the scenes of the sin designated. The utterance carried with
it "a gesture of indignation." ^^^ — 8. Gilead is a city of evil-
doers'^ Much difficulty attaches to this proper name. It has been
taken as the district or land of Gilead ; **** or the cities of
Gilead in general ; fftf or Jabesh-Gilead ; JJJJ or Mizpah, the
capital of Gilead ; §§§§ probably Mizpah, or in any case a seat of

* Cal.. Hd., Ke., Now.H, et al. t Sim. + AE., Hi., et al.

§ So Ki., Cal., Sim., Hi., Hd., Mau., Ew., Che., GAS.

II So Jer., Rashi, Umb., Ke., Pu., Or., Wii., Hal.

H Budde, U7-gesch'tchte, i6i ff. ** But v. Now.

tt Cf. Kratzschmar, Die Bundesvorstellung, io6. Xt Mich. \\ Ew. |||| Hd.

HH We.; Cbe. EB. art. Adam. *** Hi. f-H" Ras., Ki., Bauer.

tit Cal. ^^\ Ke., Now. |||||| Wu., Or. HHII Che. **** Pu., Ke., Or.

tttt Dathe, +ttt Hi. \\\\ Ew., Mau., Sim.

VI. 7-9 289

worship;* or Ramoth Gilead (cf. Jos. 21^ i K. 4^^).t We may
understand it to be a city called Gilead mentioned in Ju. 10^^,
but not identified. I On the ground of some codexes of (3 of
the Lucian revision which have FuAyaAa, Gilgal has been sug-
gested (v.s.; cf. 4^* 9^^ 12"). — Tracked with bloody footprints'^
The versions {v.s^ except S are far wide of the mark and give
no aid. None of the proposed changes of text seems to be nec-
essary ; cf. I K. 2^ Other renderings are " spotted," " smeared," §
" hilly." II There is no reference to historical events with which
we are familiar; although Hitzig refers it to the murder of
Zechariah. — 9. Although the text of this verse is hopelessly
corrupt, its general meaning seems clear, viz. that the priests are
really bandits occupying the highways and murdering travellers.
Of the four lines all present serious difficulties except the last.
The words of the first line (z^.j.) have been taken {a) thy
strength is that of bandits^ but no good analogy for this ex-
pression can be found (yet cf. Pr. 20^ Ne. 8^") ; {b) assassins in
bands ('SPito), i.e. those who lie in wait for men, in companies **
= companies of assassins; but this is harsh and unnatural ; {c) in
. . . (the name of some city having originally stood where we
now have "Sn) is a band of robbers, thus corresponding to Gilead
of v.^;ft (^/) the priest is a robber \\ (fns), but this will make the
D':nD of the next line tautological ; {e) as ofie hides robbers, the
priests hide the??iseives,%^ but this gives no satisfactory meaning.
For still other suggestions v.s. ; upon the whole the rendering
And as bandits lie in wait for a vian\\ (cf. the slight variation
secured by treating U"K as construct with D'TilJ, ajid as bandits
lie in wait^\) seems best, the reference being to the wicked
work of Israelitish bandits (cf. 7^), or to that of outside nations
like Moab, Aram, etc. (cf. 2 K. 5- 13^). For other cases of
nnj in this sense cf. 7^ i S. 30^- ^^-^ 2 K. 5^ — The priests hide
thejuselves on the road'\ For text, v.s. fH2E reads {so does) the
gang (or company) of priests, i.e. an organized company (cf. in
later times, the Pharisees ***) of bad priests, but "^m must be taken

* We.

II Hi. H «5fS.

§^ Bach. {v.s.).

t Ros., Hd., Wii.

**GAS.

nil So AV., RV.

% Oort, Now.

tt Preuschen (v.s,).

IIIIHi., Ew., Che.;

; cf. Now.

§ Ros., Or.
U

XX Gardner.

*** Che.

290 HOSEA

with what precedes.* — They nuirdet- those going to Shecheni\
Some have regarded na3i:> as = "ins cac', with one consent (cf.
Zp. 3^);t but it is now understood to be the proper name,
Shechem,X which was at the same time a city of priests and a
city of refuge (Jos. 20^ 21^^). The reference is to the abuse of
the right of asylum without allusion to any special event, cf.
Ju. 19^-*^ I K. 2^'*-. § If "im is taken with what precedes {v.s^,
we may suppose that some word {e.g. D'sbnn) has dropped out.
Such a word seems necessary to secure the proper length of the
line. — Yea, villainy they commit'] "'3 is asseverative, || not causa-
tive.^ The word n^T is not used here of some unnatural crime
(cf. Lv. 18^^ 19^),** nor o{ lewdness ; ■\-\ but of general wickedness
which was deliberate, thought out, i.e. villany ; cf. Pr. 10^ 21^.
— 10. 1)1 Bethel I have seen a horrible thing] In Bethel (v.s.)
is better than ilH^r, in the house of Israel, because of 10^^ Am. 5®,
and the use of "there" in v.^"'. O's connection of this word
with the preceding phrase is interesting and perhaps right. In
any case Bethel is intended. X\ The thing seen is something to
cause terror (the word is an intensive form (z'.z.), cf. Je. 18^^), and
is explained by what follows. — There, Ephraim, thou hast played
the harlot] For text, v.s.; the harlotry is both literal and spiritual,
since the latter carried with it the former. Israel's calf-worship
in Bethel and Dan seems to be the occasion of these accusa-
tions.— Israel is defiled] The poetic parallel of the preceding.

7. nnni] i is advers.; the pron. inserted not only for emphasis, but also to
give prominence to onNO. — a njj] Cf. Ho. 5^; used of faithlessness and
deceit in various human relationships, and in general conduct; a occurs
usually, but sometimes |c, cf. Je. 32^*. — ar] Ko. 373-^. — 8. i^^Sj] Emph.
by pos. and accentuation. — px 'h^z\ Cf. Is. 31^ Ps. 5^; also similar use of
j;-i, Mi. 2I; cf. nSij,% Ps. 119^; cf. ipiy, Ho. 7I. — did] |n = cause; here m
sg., frequently pi. in this sense; for the idea of the land polluted by blood,
Nu. 35^3 Ps. io633. — 9. ion] Here inf. cstr., GK. 23/, 75 aa; not inf. abs.,
K6. 225 b. — K'^n] May be : (a) the abs. after 1303, nnnj being ace. of

* So ffiS; cf. Hal.'s transpos. {v.s.). \ AE., Ki., Gal., AV.

X Jer., Gab., Bauer, Dathe, Ros., Hi., Ew., Hd., Sim., Pu., Ke., Wu., Schm.,
Or., Che., Reu., We., Now.

\ Dathe, Ros., Hi., Ew., Sim., Wu., Or., Now.

II Hi., Ew., Wii., Ke.. Now., Reu. ft Sim.

U Pu., Or. ** Ke. ++ So Geb.

VI. 9-1 1 291

manner; or, {b) a cstr. with "ij (v.s.); cf. K6. 232 a. — nD38'"ins-i''] An
unusual case of the use of Maqqeph, cf. Gn. 6* 7^^. — ^^npr] Cf. '^npu', Gn.
37" Jos. 24I GK. 93 s. — 10. nnnyi:'] Of the form qatiairGK. 84 b, m (cf.
•v\-\Dt' Jer. 431° [Knh.]), with the addition of >_ (and the fem. end. n_); cf.
mnya-, Je. 5^° 23I*; also nnnys', Je. 18^^

VI. 11-VII. 2. Ephraim, to-day hardened in sin, will in the
future discover his iniquity.

11. miD' Dj] (5 Kai'Ioi^Sa, joining with v.i°. Gx. {Monatsschrift f. Gesch. u.
Wiss. d. fudenikums, 1887, p. 528) nin> dj. — -\h l-'Sp na'] @ 8.pxov (= nu',
Aramaicizing (Vol.)) rpvydv (reauTcjj; E', vapeaKetja^e aavrbv els rb iK0epi-
ffdrjvai; U pone; & r^^' ^^' "''' I'P- '^?- (')• Read with Che., niB' (so
Now., Oct., Marti). Ru. cu' T)-f>Wf supposing that something like aia'n nS pV
nOiS has dropped out from after ott'. Bauer, nc', addressed to Judah. Oort
would read pb' as imv. We. takes this and ^1* as a gloss on SNia'^S >Nfl-\3 (7^)
(so Now., who also rejects "" as a later addition; similarly Marti, J^eL 119,
and Dodekapropheton ; Preuschen, ZAW. XV. 31 ; cf. Oort and Oct.). —
VII. 1. 'vh iNDio] ® joins to 6^^ (so also We. and Che. (^CB.)) and seems to
read 3 {iv) for d (so also Ew., Oort, Marti). Bach. {Pr.') Sxitt"'? '"nN-;^.
We. and Now. consider these words " ganz verloren." — nSjji] We. om. i (so
Now., Oort {Em.), Che. {CB.), Marti; but cf. Oet.). — myi] ®SF2C sg. (so
Marti). Meinhold (p. 84), 'i ''PynM. Marti, hnij '» "1. — ipB'] Sb adds

YD ■^ "'

y^iCj-o. — N13'' ajJi] Add nn^a with (S, whose irpbs airbv is probably an error
for irpbs oIkov (so Oet., Marti, Now.'^) ; cf. the parallel y\r\2. Bach. (Fr.)
la oowi (Gr. also reads ia for Nia\ but retains ':j in sg.). Ru. inserts yhy
before Nia^ and transposes these words with the remainder of the verse
to precede 'ui 'aitfa and form the close of 6^^. — nnj dcb] ® iKdi8{iffKu)v
(=!3B*9) \7j(7T7]s, perhaps to be corrected to iretparijs, cf. 6^ (Vol.); S.
iK86ov di XjiffTripiop; E', XwjroSi/XTjs 5^ X-gareijei; U spolians latrunculus ;
& ) frt. ■ ..V av^,^ — 2. 'aSS noN^ Sai] Read 'aSa nor Sa. @ joins with
v.^ and renders Stpws avv^Suffiv us q.8ovTes ry Kapdlcf, avrCiv, which Vol. ex-
plains as a double rendering, Sttws <tvv' being a later correction of ws q^dovres,
which represents an original a"'"jDjp?. Bach. (/V.) proposes '"^a onoNO "^anS
as the original text of (S. Gr. 'Sa nnn' Sni. We. and Now. suspect the
text. — onao] Bach, (/"r.) laon. Hal. "'jiaao.

11. Judah, for thee also is set a han>est~\ An evident gloss sug-
gested to the later writer by the sins of Judah which so resembled
those here charged to Israel. Taking the JHST, T^, much variety
of opinion has existed as to the subject ; was it Judah preparing a
harvest for Israel * (but in this case DJ is difficult) ; or Israel, I or

* AE., Cal. t Bauer.

292 HOSEA

Yahweh,* doing the same for Judah ; or is the verb to be treated
as impersonal — one has set for thee, etc. Pf It is better to read
n'tr {v.s. ; cf. Ps. 104^), the passive participle. Judah, adds the
reader, will also suffer disaster J (cf. 8^ 10'^; also Is. 17" 28^^^
Je. 51^ just as Ephraim, for has she not committed the same
sins? Unsatisfactory is the meaning branch (cf. Jb. 4^ 18^^ 29^^)
= it has grafted a branch {i.e. of the impurity mentioned in v.^**) ; §
and entirely aside is the idea that the harvest is to be taken in a
good sense, viz. blessing, deliverance. || — When I would turn the
captivity {ox fortune) of my people"] See Am. 9^*. The grounds for
treating this phrase as a gloss are by no means so clear {v.s.) in
this passage as in some others ; and while, in general, the clause
may be taken as post-exilic, something may be said for its pre-
exilic authorship here, especially if the more general of the two
interpretations is adopted. The reference is not to an actual
return from captivity,^ nor merely to the bringing of the people
back to God,** but rather to the coming of a time of blessing or
good fortune. ft It is therefore in any case parallel with the first
clause in 7^ and to be taken with it. J J — VII. 1. When I would
heal Israel] i.e. when in mercy I would visit Israel, when my heart
would prompt me to forgive her; cf. 5^^ 11^ Je. 17". 2 is better
than 3 {v.s.). Perhaps with Nowack we should understand that
the apodosis has been dropped out of the text, since it is difficult
so to regard T^hy:^ {v.i.) ; or with Bachmann we should change the
text (viz. "rii<"i2, when I look at) to adapt it to the apodosis ; the
former suggestion is the more satisfactory. Perhaps this line read
hke this, " my hope and desire is frustrated." — For the guilt of
Ephraim discovers itself] Something {v.s.) has been lost with
which the "^ of nbJDi was connected. The verb is to be taken of
the past or present, §§ and not of the future. || || It is Israel's past
and present sin which makes it impossible now to relieve her of
the threatening calamity. On Wellhausen's suggestion for omis-
sion of % v.s. — And the evils of Samaria . . . ] Here a word is
needed to complete the parallelism as well as the metre, — per-

* Geb., Pu. t Ros., Hd., Schm., Ke., Or.

t Bauer, Dathe, Ros., Hi., Wu., Now., Che., Reu. § Ew. || Pu., Or.

f Pu., Wii., Schm. ** Ke., McC. ft Now. H So ©, Ew.

§§ Ras.. AE., Cal., Ros., Hd., Pu., Ke., We., Now. ||{| ®, Theod., Ew., Chf.

VI. ii-VII. 2 293

haps appear (lK"ij). — How they practise fraud^ ■'3 here might
also mean for. "ipc = corruption of every kind * (Je. 6^^ 8^°)
rather than idolatry ;t cf. ipc nm, Mi. 6^ Is. 59^ — Atid the thief
comes into the house'] Two illustrations of the character of the
times are given, one the prevalence of ordinary thieving, the other
(v.i.) that of highway robbery. For the words, into the house, v.s.
The imperfect represents the frequency of this act. — And bandits
roam abroad without] Cf. 61 — 2. They are not steadfast in their
heart] For text, v.s. Another doubtful clause, the use of the
preposition h being uncommon, (!l having evidently something
different ; \ and although connection with the following clause is
demanded, it is difficult to find. Something is gained by substi-
tuting 2 for •?, but fH2r they say not = they think not is hopeless.
On this use of nau, cf. Dt. 25^, and for the general characteristic
here affirmed, viz. lack of loyalty, fickleness, cf. 4^*'- (>' f^ lo^-^^
11^- i2\ — A// their evil I will record] i.e. remember and punish ;
cf. 8'^ 9^ Je. 14^° 44-\ — Now their deeds have encompassed them]
i.e. as witnesses of their crimes, § or have beset them about so that
they are entangled. The situation is that of the past and present,
and not, as some maintain, || the future (cf. 2* 4" Am. 3" Is. 13^.
The result is strongly introduced by now. — They have come to be
before me] A restatement of the fact already given in 7^

11. matt"] Cf. Am. 9^*; also Ko. 329/. — VII. 1. 'ir] On the difference
between 3 and 1, cf. BDB. 90 f. and 454 b ; the two are frequently inter-
changed by copyists. — nSj:i] If the apod, after prec. clause, 1 has its com-
mon use, K6. 4157; otherwise something has been omitted with which 1 had
originally a connection {y.s.^. — r''>n] Fern. pi. with neut. idea frequent;
masc. pi. only in Ps. 78^^; K6. 245 «. — 'CVq ni3'] Chiasm, with change of
tense, K6. 155. — 2. Sa] Only used in more formal speech. — oaaS'^] Ordinarily
the shorter form aS occurs in earliest poetry, Amos and Hosea ; v. Briggs's
" Study of the Use of aS and aaS in the O. T.," in Semitic Studies in Memory
of Dr. Kohut, Berlin, 1897, ^^^ BDB. — vn] Cf. K6. 389 r, who suggests
Y7\>, a ^ being dropped after ^jo.

3-7. Repentance is impossible ; the situation is hopeless.

3. Dn;?-\3] @ has noun in pi. Ru. an^^na on basis of ST pnn|-)->->D3. — \nn^<\
Read with We. in8»D^ (so Oorl, Em.; Val., Now., Marti); but cf. Oet. —

* Gal., Ros., Now.H, et al. \ Jer., Theod. + We., Now.

§ Mau., Ew., Hd., Pu., Dr., Reuss. || Ros., Hi.

294 HOSEA

1*^0] (BS>, 0., pi., but still construe it as obj. of innB'i (so Ru.). — on^B'nMi]
& connects with preceding, — Dna*] S joins to foil, verse and reads onna'. —

4. We., Now., and Marti treat this verse as a gloss on v.^, while Oet. would
place it after vA GAS. suggests that if there be a gloss, it begins with
n3B'\ — oifiNjD D73] These words, foil. &, are to be connected with onii' of
V.3 (so Houtsma (TAT. IX. 62), We., Now.). Oort (TAT. and Sm.) reads
D^nsjo dSd on basis of E', ei'y t6 fioix^ijeiv iKirvpoij/xevoi. — nsND niyj] (S
Kaid/xevos els Tr4\piv = niflvsj;' (Vol.) ; U succensits a coquente. Read with Oort
( Th T. and Em.) mox on 1/3 (so We., Val., Now., Oct.). New. nason iy:3( ?).
Hal. npND 'J. — naa"] @ Kara/caiJ/xaTos; 1L conbustio. Vol., foil. Grabe, cor-
rects to KaTa.iTa.{iii,aTos. GAS. suggests n^nS CN as original text of @. —
T'JJd] @ dn-6 T^x 0X076$ = nj2D (so also Oort (ThT. and j^w.), Val., Now.,
Get.). '^ flammae. & {.£^1^,^ ^bc; 'S paululum civiias. E', Trpbs 6\lyov
i) 7r6Xts. Gr. Tiy3nc(?). Hal. Ti^ac. — inxrn nj; pxa lyiS;:] (5 dirb cpvpd-
o-ewj o-T^OTOs ?ws Tov ^vfj.u6rjvai avrd; & ^ '^ -* j'^^'- | ^ .V . a .ji •
2C pen N7 ny NB'iS tJ'?D PJ.'D; U a co7nniixtiotie fer?nenti donee fert?ieniareitir
iotum. Ru., by comparison with v.^ " @, which he considers a repetition of this
verse, secures the foil, text: Oi'p n'laB'.i onsN oaS nnp rx i-uns isn;!. QiflNjp oSp.
Marti transposes and reads : 'Ui 'v nps D''flX jp d'?3 on 1/3 lun id?. —

5. udSd or] @ both nouns pi.; ,S 2d noun pi.; so many Heb. Mss. Oort
(T/iT.) sugg. onr (but in Em. ava) ddSc. Ru. reads on^aSp and takes
DP as a corruption of some such vb. as " they have stupefied." Gardner
cm. Di> as a dittog., •> arising from preceding 1 and 0 from foil, d, Marti,
on and irnr) for Dina*. — iSnn] @ rip^avTo ; so SsS = iSnn (so also Dathe,
New., Hi., Houtsma). Gr. iSSnnn(?). Hal. nSnn (so, independently, Gard-
ner). Oet. iSnj. — ncn] (S Ovfiova-dai ; SU also have infin. (so also Dathe,
New.). Gr. j" rpnp (so Oct., Hal.). Gardner, inn. Miiller (SA". 1904,
p. 125), 7^> on^pn. — ni ^!i'D] S both words pi. Gr. '^yi ^Dr(?). We. and Now.
consider these and foil, words corrupt. Oet. aix'7n 1^^ ixdn. Oort connects
yz'V with preceding context. Ru. cn^xn r]N n;3a*p(?). Gardner sugg. d^xxt
for the last word. Redslob om. vs.^^ as a marginal gloss on vs.^''. — 6. I3ip]
(§ dveKatjdr]<rav ; & ^Qo* = mp (Seb.) ; U applicaveru7tt ; 'A., 2., 0. ijyyuTav,
Read, with @, nya (Vol.). Cappellus explained (S as = i3in; Gr. = imp;
Bauer = 131X. Michaelis reads onp (so Bockel, New., WRS.). Schorr (cited
by We.), a3-ip (so Che., Perles (Analekten, 32), We., Oct., Now.^). Marti,
n"ip. Ru. considers it a corrupted correction of the foil. D3n«. Oort and Val.
connect first two words of v.^ with v.^. — 03S] @ transl. by pi. and makes it
subj. of I3"\p. — D31N3] @ 4v tQ Karapaffffeiv airois, joining with the fol-
lowing (Vol., foil. Bahrdt, corrects to Karapaffdai, which represents an
original "iin); S .ooOV^iOss; U cum i^tsidiareUcr eis; 'A., S., 0. iveZpeieiv;
W fnij>D3nK3. Schorr, Q3 -iy3 (so Che., Gr., Perles (Analekten, 37), We.,
Now.2), Ru. D3^p3. Oet. nn^Ks. Marti om. as gloss. — j'.:"] @ freely, uttvou
. . . iveirXriadr). Houbigant, ]VV (so Bottcher, Wii.). WRS. (Proph. 413)
treats it as = WP' — onflN] Read onsN with S ^cil.,^5; so ST and many

VII. 3-4 295

Heb. Mss. (so Dathe, Wii., Houtsma {ThT. IX.), Schm., Che., WRS.
{Propk. 413), We., Val., Ru., Gu., Now., GAS., Oet., Marti). ® 'E(ppdi/JL
(so New., Gr.); U coquens eos ; 'A. 6 irlacrwv; 0. 6 ireffwv; 2. pistor
axrruiv. Oort {ThT. and Em.), asN. — -\y2 Nin ipa] (g 7r/)aji iveyevj^e-q,
dveKaidrf. Now. lya. — 7. Ru. om. first three words as a repetition from
v.*. — 'a* PN i'?JNi] ®^ KaT^(pay€v irdp ; Ru. TN nSpNi. — iSflj] Gr. iVs";.

3. In their wickedness they anoint kings'] According to fHST
the charge made is that the highest authorities, the royal per-
sonages, indulge in the most sensual pleasures ; * or that the
king is rejoiced by the violence practised and boasted of (cf.
Is. 3^ Pr. 20^*) by his subjects. f It is better, however, to read
(cf. 8^-^'') anoint (v.s.) ; the thought then is that one king after
another comes to the throne through acts of wickedness and
crime. — And in their treacheries, princes] Secret intrigue, in-
volving faithlessness to both fellow-man and God. — 4. Since
they are all adulterers] viz. king, princes, and people. These
words belong with the preceding verse as a circumstantial clause. \
For Oort's reading, v.s. — They are like a burning oven whose
baker] These words, with the remainder of v.*, are a gloss to
V.''. § This is the beginning of a new sentence, and this distri-
bution of letters (v.s.) avoids the serious difficulty of treating
"lUn as feminine. — Ceased to stir up the flame] Using ipsa for
Tua. II — From the kneading of the dough until its leavening] i.e.
during the period in which fermentation was taking place.

Much variation has arisen in the interpretation of details : e.g. Ew., as the
baker rests from heating only a short time, i.e. while he is compelled so to do
(viz. during the few hours which intervene between the kneading of the
dough and its fermentation), so the rulers rest from inflaming their passions
only while they recuperate their strength for new pleasures (so Ras., Hd., Pu.).
Others understand that the greatest heat of the oven is from the kneading of
the dough to its leavening, because refuse, not wood, is used for fuel, and
some hours are needed to secure the greatest heat, and that to the heat of this
period is compared their passion (Ki., Cal., Dathe, Bauer, Ros., Wii., Schm.).
Some desire to allegorize the statement by making Israel the dough, the king
the baker (cf. Geb., Hi.) ; others think that actual persons and events are

* Che., GAS. t Bauer, Ros., Pu., Or.

X Sb, Houtsma, We., Oort {v.s.), Val., Now.

■J This appears from (a) the repetitions involved ; (b) the relation to v.6; [c) the
use of ^D3 {v.i.). II So (5, GAS., et al.

296 HOSEA

referred to, but that these are now unknown to us (Reuss). Some make the
fire represent lust, while the oven is the heart; thus : "The baker ceases from
kindling when the oven has reached a certain heat, and then he leaves the
fire to smoulder, till the fermentation of the dough is complete, and a fresh
heating is necessary. So after passion has once been gratified, it smoulders
for a time, but is afterward kindled to a greater heat than before, when some
attractive object comes within its range " (Che.; so Now.).

5. On the day of our king they are become sick'\ DT', = on
the day, has been omitted as a case of dittography {v.s.^ ; read in
the plural ; * translated by day ; t interpreted as the day on which
the king was chosen, J the annual coronation day, § the birthday ||
(Gn. 40^ ; cf. Mat. 14'^, any festival day appointed by the king,^
— in any case a day of carousal. "linVtt, our king, has been read
in plural.** "ibnri, they are beco7?ie sick, or have made themselves
sick is to be taken with /r///^^j' as the subject ; ft others treat it as
a causative = they made him {i.e. the king) sick ;%% ox derive it
from '^'rn, to profane, §§ or begin. \ || — The princes, with fever from
wine'] The result of drunken carousal. Many render from the
heat of wine ;^% but it is perhaps stronger; cf. Mi. i^ 2^".*** Of
no value is the suggestion, n^n (cf. Gn. 21^^) = bottles full of
wine.ftt — J^^ stretched forth his hand tvith loose felloivs'] Very
difficult, perhaps impossible, to understand. X\X V.s. for suggested
readings, none of which is satisfactory, except perhaps that of
Gardner, who reads D'^iT-i for Wllb. Some kind of association
or famiUarity has been generally understood, either with drinking

t So Oort {v.s.) whose translation of the verse is : " By day the princes make their
king sick; he is inflamed in long succession with wine, and holds forth with
scorners whenever they are near him." This joins ■|tt'D with preceding- clause, and
connects mp ^3 of v.s with v.s. Against this rendering Now. urges the meaning-
less nmi which calls for a contrasted rh-h; the difficulty of understanding iVnn;
the unusual position of J^D nnn as obj. of •]va \ the use of IC'D in such a connec-
tion; the meaningless nip >3; and the very doubtful use of the phrase 'IJI T" to
denote the idea of good fellowship.

+ Rashi, AE., Ki. ^ Cal., Geb., Che. || Bauer, Wu., Schm., Ew., Che.

H Marck, Ros., Hi., Sim. ** <B&, and many Heb. Mss.

•H- Rashi, Bauer, Ros., Ew., Or., Che., We., Now. Xt AE., Ki., Pu.

$j Geb. nil SU, Hi., Wii., et al. {v.s:).

HH Rashi, Geb., Ros., Hi., Hd.. Wu.. Or., Che., We. *** Ew., GAS.

ttt AE., Ki., Cal. JJ| Marti om. 5 6 as a corrupt gloss.

VII. 5-6 297

companions (cf. i S. 22" Ex. 23^),* or with conspirators in a law-
less project. t Wellhausen considers this a reference to the con-
spiracy which resulted in the death of the last king (or perhaps
the last legitimate king). The occasion for the murder was a ban-
quet given by the king to his princes, and the conspirators were,
not these same princes, but some unraentioned individuals. —
6. For like an oven their hearts burn with their intriguing] This
translation (reading Tir2 on basis of (H for I2"ip) furnishes an ex-
cellent sense ; something which cannot be said of IflST, for which
there have been proposed several interpretations {e.g. they prepare
beforehand, % bring near their heart to evil works, § turn, || make
nearly like,^ have made ready ; ** they draw near, like an oven is
their heart, etc. ; ft they draw near together, i.e. king and scoff-
ers; J| they have brought their heart into their ambush as into
the oven, cf. Ju. 19^^ Ps. 9i^*';§§ they have laid their cursing to
their heart as to an oven ; || || they have made their hearts hke an
oven with their intriguing ^^), nor of most of the emendations
suggested ; e.g. their inward part is like an oven, their heart burns
in them;*** for like an oven is their heart loithin them;-\-\\
for their inward part is like an oven, their heart like a smoke-
hole. \\X The 'D does not carry the thought back to v.^, § § § nor
does it connect v,^ with a'^i^b, || || || but serves as an asseverative
particle.l^ The thought, in general, is that of conspiracy, which
is kept secret while it is maturing, but which after a period breaks
out. The night is the time for development ; in the morning it
becomes pubHc. There seems to be no basis for the attempts of
many commentators to connect this language with specific classes
or events ; If^lf the reference is rather to the many conspiracies and
murders following Jeroboam H.**** — All night their anger sleeps]
With DnsK, or CEK, instead of DnSK (7'.^.). There seems no neces-
sity for changing the text to read smokes fttt {v.s^ instead oi sleeps.
The anger is that of the conspirators against those who are to be
their victims ; this sleeps only in the night. — In the morning it

• Dathe, Cal., Ros.. Ke., Wii., Or. f Che., We. + Rashi. Cal. § Ki.

II Geb. H Ew. **Pu. ft Sim. ++ Bottcher, Schm. §§ Ke. |||| Or.
HH GAS. *** Schorr, (cited by We.) , et al. (f .J.) . +tf- Ru. ttt Oet
§5$ Sim., Ke. |||||| Hi., Wii., et al. fHH Hi., Ew., Or.

**** Ros., Hd., Che., We., Marti, et al. fttt Sug. by WRS., adopted by Che.

298 HOSEA

blazes like a flame of fire. — 7. All of thetji glowing like an oven']
This is either an unnecessary repetition from v.^, or if v,'* (beginning
with iaD) * is a gloss {v.s.), it resumes in a single line the thought
expressed figuratively in v.®, preparatory to the presentation of the
same thought in literal form. The order of words shows that this
clause is subordinate ; it expresses the occasion of the actions next
described. The entire people are represented as filled with the
passion of conspiracy, and consequently — l/iey devour their 7-ulers\
It will be remembered that the reigns of Zechariah, Shallum, Men-
ahem, Pekahiah were respectively six months, one month, six
years, one year. These were followed by Pekah (six years) and
Hoshea (eight years). In the period of about twenty years six kings
sat on the throne ; cf. 2 K. 15.! The term D''£OEir, commonly ren-
dered judges, here means rulers, i.e. the nobles, including kings
and princes. It is frequently applied to kings, cf. Is. 40-^ Ps. 2^*^.

— All their kings have fallen] A poetic parallel for the preceding
line. Some fell by assassination, others by the hand of a foreign
enemy. This statement could not have been written earlier than
Menahem's time. — No one among them calling for me] A circum-
stantial clause added to give a prophetic touch to the historical
statement which preceded. Notwithstanding the serious situation
(" four regicides within forty years ") none among the people %
(cf. vs.^- ^^- "• ^^), rather than the princes, § call on Yahweh for help.

4. dSs] Subj. of circ. cl. joined with prec. — idd] Poet, for i>; cf. 8^^ j^t.
■in is another form of nn, what ; the usage is a pleonastic one; cf. Arab. \ji
in \m/^. — nun] No art., according to Ko. 299 /, because the accompanying
attribute does not denote a permanent characteristic. — hdnd niyi.':] On basis
of ffl^T, the fem. n_ without accent is discussed, GK. 80-^; and d as denot-
ing agent, K6. 107. — inXDn] i is subj. — 5. j^D] On prep, after cstr. H. 9,
lb; K6. 336 w, and note the om. of ja from nDn, where it is syntactically
required; K6, 330 «. — a^ssS] Not Qal ptcp., but Polel, with n omitted.

— 6. -\pl . . . 'Vrr'?^] Emph. pos.; ace. of time. — nanS] _, instead of a or a
before n, in the second syl. before the tone; cf onnn; GK. 27^. — 7. oSs]
Subj. introd. circ. cl. — iS;ni] = Impf. frequent., describing the repeated con-
spiracies; Dr. §113 (4), «. — Dnio'7D"'7D] Chiastic order. — Mlp-px] The

* So Ru. {v.s.).

t For an account of the seditions and conspiracies which filled this period,
V. WRS. Propk. 151 ff.; Sta. GV/. I. S7S-6o2.

X Pu., Ke., Wii., Che., We., et al. § Geb., Ros., Ew.

VII. 7 299

verse closes as it began with a circ. cl., the two intervening lines being
arranged chiastically.

§ 9. The confusion of the nation. 7^-8^ Israel is losing
herself among the nations, and yet she is bUnd to the fact.
In her arrogance she is turning away from her God, thus chal-
lenging his punishment. Israel is a silly dove turning hither and
thither, only to be caught in the net ; 7^^. Destruction awaits
her ; for against me, though ready to redeem her, she has lied.
Instead of sincere worship, her people merely howl for corn and
wine, and cut themselves and rebel. They desire evil; they are
a deceitful bow ; their princes shall perish ; 7^^^^ Assyria is
about to attack them ; they may cry unto me, but it will not avail,
for they have spurned the good ; 8*"^.

In this piece we may note : (i) a change of measure, the lines containing,
for the most part, four words instead of three; (2) a remarkable use of
parallelism, the entire piece falling into couplets; (3) an apparent grouping
of these couplets in pairs; (4) a division into three strophes, the first having
three such pairs of couplets, i.e. twelve lines; the second the same; while the
third, which forms the climax to the whole piece, contains one such pair, or
four lines; (5) a more conspicuous effort than has heretofore been noted to
introduce those points which conduce to symmetry. In the arrangement here
proposed the following modifications of the text are adopted: (i) the clause
DmpS psiT'a DTD-'N in ^^ is transferred to follow immediately upon v.^**. (2) It
is understood that the line now consisting of moN ^ojni (v.^^c) js incomplete,
two words being lost. (3) The words DJjS it (7^^) are treated as a gloss.
(4) The two clauses forming the second half of 8^, beginning ]';\ are treated
as a later interpolation.

8. Diopa] <S 4v ToTs Xaots airoO = VDJ?3. — SSian^ Kin] ® avve/xlyvvTo;
Syr.-Hex. Nin oSnno. Oet. S^a^ mn (so Marti, Now.'^) ; Gardner, S>Sa n^n. —
D''"ion] Gr. om. as dittog. — njj:] (5 iyKpvcplas ; so U subcinericius panis ;
E', ws kv airohiq. ireaabnevo^ Apros. — naijjn ^Sa] & adds ^^.I^^£]Z]; so ST.

Hence Ru. Srsn naisn xSa. — 9. & supplies \±sai at beginning. — j?tij
(S eyvw; hence Ru. V2\ — oj] U sed ei. — 13 npir] ® i^rjvdrjirav airri^;
E', ijdT) Tvyxdvuv; 55 ot^ >^ASJ ; K l^roc; U efusi sunt in eo. Ru.
■inp^n 3iri; Gr. 13 nni; (so BDB.(?)); Oet. 13 n|■J■^; (so Marti, Now.2). —
10. njyi] @ Koi TaireivudriaeTai; so & and F; cf! 5^ — kVi] Oet. om. 1. —
rm Sd3] (3 iv irafft TovToi^i so U in omnibus his; S om. — 12c. on^D^x]
Ru. ■»'p''N; Oet. Dypx(?); Gr. d^d^n (so Now., Oct., Hal., et a/.). Marti,
DTpiJ = onDNN. — omj;? JIDB's] @ ev t^ d/coj rijs ^Xt^ews avrQv, reading onpi'?

300 HOSE A

(Cap., Vol., Now.), or onnxS (Cap.); 5 ^aUiiejffttfj ).SVi4. ^\ = DnnjjS
(Seb.); S. /xaprvplas [avrwi/] ; IE, jinnx;?;? lyDiri Sjr = onsj;S ybra (Sim.,
Seb.) ; U and 'A. = iSlST. Ru. ann^x St'ppij Gr. omryS ;;Dtt' or dhi-it^jS;
Hal, ny^ vpuo or ynrjr; Oet. onyn Sj; ooii' (cf. Marti); Gardner, yaa'a
nmsS. Miiller (SJ^. 1904, p. 125) osnS 'b>d. — 11. Ls-ip] S oZ] = mp
(Seb.). — -iia-N] Gr. miu'N, — 12. iu'nd] S jzP; ST inNa = itt^Na. — oniSj;]
E', Koij'^ • 6'ti /cai Koii'^ Trdyres i^7}ixapT7}Ka<nv, — 13. onS IB*] (5 SelKaiol eiaiv;
S ^oai >NS jii^l J£wA-k£; 'A. tt/joto^ut; aurots ; E', iKiropd'^ffovrai; 0. roXat-
TTcopia. Gr. onS tin. — 'djni] Ru. om. 1. — 14. oaSj] @ at /capSioi ai^Twj', as
subj. of ipyr, omitting 3; ^ ^oi nS n^iSkS ^^. — omaoa'D] S sg. noun;
'A., S. da-€\yibs; Sm. (^J?elJ 125), annNrc; Oet. aninsrp. Read, with Gard-
ner, DPinap. — muD''] Read, with @, KareT^ixvovro, muH' (so also Houtsma,
Seb., Vol., Che., Gr., We., Gu., Ru., RV. w.. Now., GAS., BDB., Oet., Marti,
et al^. 'S ruminabant ; S —A^'Lsh^', 'A. TrepiecTTrwyTo; 2!i. ifirjpvKQvro;

E' om. Hal. n^ijnv — mo''] S *?r^*; @ joins with foil, verse, iiraid-
€ijdTja-av = ^-^v" (Cap., Vol.), or nc (Gr.), or nov (Wii.); S. ^l^/cXiwy; E',
a.iTi<TrT](Tav. Ru. iTiD; Gr. np^. (so Hal.) Read, with Houtsma, niD'' (so
Now., Oet.). Marti, itd^ -\iiD, using \-nD^ of v.^^. — 15. ipprn Ti-^D"' ■'Jni]
© Kayi} KaTlffxv<xa, omitting •■n-iD'' (so also Ru. and Oet., who also om. 1
from before ■'Jn)j S. ^7w 5^ iiraldevov avrom Perles (^Anakkten, 60), ^mo^.;
Gr. DN'p-iD"'; Hal. irncx. — onynr] Gardner, dpn ijinr. Ru. om. v.^^ as break-
ing the connection and repeating v.^' in form and thought. — 16. ma'i] Ru.
laitt'M; Oet. ic'i3\ — Sy nS] (S et's o^S^f = xS Sp (Vol.); Sb ys^^io |J V^;
TB ut essent absque jugo ; S. ets rh /x,}) exeiv ^vy6v', E', IW 5td7aa-tv di'ei/ f 11700.
New. S"'j;ti nS; Oort, iSiy'" nS (so Val., Oet.), or h-'ytnh nS; Marti, SyaS
(J?e/. 147; Ru., Now.; but cf. Sellin, Beiirdge, H. 306); Gr. Siyv nS*?.
— rii:'p] ?)t\Y\n (^Beiirdge, II. 306), ncn. — niDl] @ evrerafiivov; H,. dveffrpafi-
fiivov; E', did(TTpo<pov. — C>t] @ and O. diraiSevcriav = ::-;'\a (Gr.) ; 'A. dirb
ifi^pttii^a-ews i E', did fiavlav ; 2C mcpj?D. Ru. ppvp. Marti, TpiD. — Djia'S]
Oet. •<yvh, Marti, on-'iJsi:'. — aJJ''?] © ^avXto-^i6j a^rwv = dt-'';'^ (Gr.);
S .OCTi^jja^ = nSrj? (Ru.); 'A. ixvxO<-<rp.b%; S. S i<j>0^^avTo ; E', ai}T7;j'
i^\a<T(prifj.ri(Tav ; K jinnaj; = on-iiryD (Ru.). Gr. DriSy; Oet. dSd^. Oort om.
DJj?S It as a dittog. — ansD pxa] Ru. Dri^xr\ — Vlli. 1. -latr pn Sn] (S els
K6\irov avrOsv ws 717 = lop [D]p''n Sn (Vol.), or nDtt'3 (Gr.); S <j_>] ■'^^a
)LJi_o = ifltt'3 iDn, omitting Sn (Seb.). Ru. Sint<^ omitting nsrso as dittog.
of -\Z'i2', Oort, nap lanS^ to be joined with the last two words of 7^6 .
Houtsma, isjJs D3n Sn; Gr. S^p for Sn. — itfjs] Gr. sugg. it may be dittog.
from -Mivz; Hal. noxj; Gardner, lts'5'?' Read IB*.) >3 (so We., GAS.). —
nini pia] Ru. ipia. Gr. min^ ria. — Syi] Gr. Syev, Now. om. 1* as a later
addition. Marti, foil, a suggestion of Che. {Exp. 1897, P- 364)1 reads i":
"1 'a-Sj; TiVip ann iqiu'? ii:'nn"SN — 2. ipj"'' ] S adds Cf^jo, — Snii*"] ®?L
and S om. (so Dathe, Gr., Now., Oet., Marti). — -tiSn] <g 6 ^e6s; S ist

VII. 8 30I

p. pi. suff.; hence Oet. and Marti dihSk or irn'?N. — Ru. om. v.^ as in part
a repetition of 7^* and in part a dittog.; Marti om. vs.^-^ as glosses. — 3. njr]
<3 i>Ti, /C.T.X.; hence Gr. nji o (so Ru., Now.), — iqt\'> a>iN] (S ^x^pbv Kare-
dluj^av (= isTi'' or iflii). Ru. onS ibit px, joining first word of v.* with
V.*; Hal. iflT!> ]W.

8. Ephraim — among the natio7is he lets himself be viixed'\
On bbiari^ z'././ although somewhat uncertain,* it may be ac-
cepted as a fairly satisfactory reading. The meaning is not
is kneaded,^ referring to the loss of independent existence in
exile; nor does it refer to the seeking for help from the outside
nations ; \ but rather to the acceptance of the foreign fashions
and ideas which came in upon Israel in connection with the
opening up of commercial relations with the outer world. § This
is the third or fourth time in Israel's history when the nation
is brought into intimate relations with the outside world. From
the association with Assyria, much good will come ; for a new
and larger horizon will be secured and important steps forward
will be taken toward higher conceptions of God and of the
world : but with this good, there is coming also much that is
bad, much that can " dissipate and confuse " the weaker of the
nation. "The tides of a lavish commerce scattered abroad the
faculties of the people, and swept back upon their life alien
fashions and tempers, to subdue which there was neither native
strength nor definiteness of national purpose." || — Ephraim —
he has become a cake not turned^ As a result of mingling with
the foreign nations and accepting their ideas, Israel has become
an unturned cake — the round, flat cake, baked on hot stones %
(cf. I K. 19'^ — a striking figure, which describes the condition
of things at home as growing out of that abroad. The point of
emphasis does not rest on the fate of the unturned cake, which,
of course, is destroyed ; nor on the fact that, such a cake being
half-ruined, Israel, likewise, is half-ruined;** nor on any specific
reference to their opinions concerning the worship of idols ; ft
but rather upon that weakness of the national character which

* We. t Ras., Bauer, Or. || GAS. I. 271.

J AE., Eich., Mau., Che., Reuss. t Now. Arch. I. iii.

§ Ki., Cal., Ros., Hd., Wii., et ah ** Che, ff AE., Ki,

302 HOSEA

was exhibited, in the inconsistencies of which they were guilty,
the lack of thoroughness with which their plans were executed,
the wrong direction pursued by those in charge of the national
policy, and the lack of proportion in national effort. " How
better describe a half-fed people, a half-cultured society, a half-
lived religion, a half-hearted policy, than by a half-baked scone?" *
— 9. Strangers have devoured his strengih and he knows it not']
The strangers are the foreign nations already, mentioned. The
reference is a general one, taking in all with whom Israel had
come in contact in these times, viz. the kings of Syria, Hazael, and
Benhadad in the times of Jehoahaz (2 K. 8^- 10^- 13O; Tiglath-
pileser, the king of Assyria, called Pul (2 K. 15^^' ^), who exacted
tribute from Menahem, and took away territory from Pekah
(2 K. 15^; and hkewise the PhiUstines (Is. 9"), and Egypt,
with whom Israel was always warring. For other cases of na,
strength, used in the sense of property, cf. Pr. 5^" Jb. (P. UT' xb
(cf. Is. i^ = he does not understand the meaning of the punish-
ment (2^ 5^*) ; rather than, he does not understand anything,|
i.e. has not come to discretion, or does not know Yahweh. \ —
Yea, gray hairs are sprinkled upon him and he kno7vs it not]
Cf 7^^ Is. 46* Ps. 71". The nation is represented as passing
through the various stages of human life. Israel has lost his
strength; but that is not all, he has reached such an old age,
as is seen from the appearance here and there of gray hairs,
that there is no hope of regaining the strength which has been
lost. The inevitable accompaniment of old age is weakness.
This representation of the state as an individual, called personi-
fication, is one of the most interesting features of Hebrew style ;
cf. the suffering servant of Is. 42^"^ 44^'"- 52^^-53^^, and the col-
lective "I" of the Psalter. — 10. The pride (or aj-rogance) of
Israel has witnessed against hijn] See on 5'; cf. Am. 4*'".
Yahweh is not the witness, § but their own pride of heart which
blinds them to the sure fate that is rapidly overwhelming them.
The evidence of arrogance has been very clear in the historical
events of the period, especially in their attempt now to secure

* GAS. I. 273 ; so We., Now., et al. % ®'. Theod., Abarb.

t Hi., Pu., Wii., Or. \ Hi., Ke., Che.

VII. 8-1 1 303

Assyria's favor, and again, that of Egypt.* — Yet they do not return
to Yah7veh their God atid seek hitfi for ail this'\ Cf. Is. 9^-' ^'' -^
The logical relationship of the verbs in this verse is somewhat
obscure on account of the use of the tenses.f Some treat the
three clauses as coordinate ; J others § make ,121? the predicate
not only of " JIKJ but also of the two following clauses, trans-
lating : Theti testifies against him the pride of Israel and that
they do not return to Yahweh, etc.; but this construction is cum-
bersome and unnecessary ; for this use of njui, v.i. — 12 c. I will
chastise them by the abundance of their afflictions^ This trans-
lation (reading Dm::':' r-C2 iv.s^') is one of several attempts {v.s^
to get a tolerable meaning out of the clause. fHQE as their con-
gregation has heard, if accepted, would mean in a general
sense, as has been publicly proclaimed, either through the prophets
(cf Am. 2"*"- 2 K. i?^'^, II or if the passage is late, through the
reading of the law (Dt. 27 and 28).^ Of considerable interest
is the interpretation of Rashi, who without noticing the anach-
ronism understands this of Jeremiah (37^ 42^ 30^) ; that of Hitzig,
who reads : according to what is heard of {= concernifig) their
congregation, i.e. the Assyrian party which (note 13^') relied
especially on the foreign power ; and that of Ewald, who inter-
prets : like a prophetic oracle prophesying this very thing an-
nounced to their congregation by a former prophet. But with
(!iS2r most commentators have found this peculiarly difficult,
only U and 'A. supporting it. For the reading proposed, Ps. 16"
Jb. iV 10^' furnish analogies. This clause is detached from
v.^-* and placed here because (i) it is superfluous in v.^-, the
thought of punishment being there already fully expressed ; more-
over, this prosaic statement is not in keeping with the figurative
language of vs."-^-; (2) it furnishes just the required conclusion
for the thought of v.^". — 11. And so Ephraim has become like a
foolish dove without understanding~\ The dove, celebrated in prov-
erbs ** for its simplicity and unsuspicious nature, flies thought-
lessly from one danger, that of the pursuing hawk, to another,

* Cf. especially GAS. I, 337. J GAS., et al. \\ Dathe, Or., Wu.

t Marti om. l'' as a gloss. $ Ew., We., Now. IT Bauer, Pu., Ke., et al.

** Cf. the Arabic proverb, " There is nothing more simple than the dove " ; a
similar proverb was current among the Greeks and Romans,

304 HOSEA

the fowler's net ; * or having in search of food lost its home,
flutters hither and thither without purpose or plan.-f- Such has
Israel become (cf Je. 5^^). The words "foolish" and "without
understanding " are here connected with the dove, J not Ephraim. §
Cf the parallel phrase dS npn (Pr. (F f 10^^-^), and the phrase
of opposite meaning nb nan (Pr. 11^). — To Egypt they cry; to
Assyria they go'] By some these statements are supposed to be
specific allusions to certain historical events, e.g. the former to
2 K. 17^ the latter to 2 K. is^** (cf s^'^ 2?-^^ 12I). || But it is
better to take it in a more general sense as referring to the
foreign policy, controlled now by the Assyrian party, now by
the Egyptian, — a policy of hesitation and indecision which
marked the entire period of the monarchical supremacy.^ —
12. As they go, I zvill sp7-ead over them my net] Cf Ez. 12^'^
17^ 19* 32^ Jb. 19^ nt'iO = not wherever** nor the more,ff but
as soon as,ll i.e. as soon as they seek the help of other nations,
whether Egypt §§ or Assyria. || || The spreading over them of the
net signifies the calamity which is about to fall upon them, viz.
the captivity. — Like birds of the air I will bring them dow7i\
A poetic parallel for the preceding phrase, expressing destruc-
tion. Yahweh will bring them down, just as birds of the air
are brought down, i.e. by a bait which allures them,^^ or by
missile weapons.*** — 13. Alas for them that they have strayed
from me] This wandering away from Yahweh does not refer to
their acceptance of the calves, ftt I'^or generally to their lack of
obedience (cf. Ps. 21"*') ; || but, while the language may have
been drawn from the figure of the foolish dove wandering away
from its nest J JJ (cf Is. 16- Pr. 27*), the special sin rebuked is that
of seeking the help of Assyria and Egypt. For other cases of
'ii^ cf 9^ Is. 6^ Nu. 21^ Je. 13^. — Destruction to them, that they
have rebelled against me /] Here a stronger expression is em-
ployed, viz. that of rebellion, apostasy, which means {a) the

* So Hi., Hd., Che., Reuss. t Ew., Or. + Ros., Now. $ Ke. || Ros.

ir Cf. McC. HPM. \\ 631-633, 650, 652 ff., 677 ff., etc. ; Gu. Gesch. pp. 188, 206 f.,
210, 216, 222, 224, and art. " Israel," EB. \\ 30, 34, 36; Barnes, art. " Israel, History
of," DB. H. 5i2f.

** Pu. ++ Wu., Che., GAS., Now. |||| Jer., Ros. *** Hd.

tt Ew. \\ Ras., AE. H^Wii., Che. ftt Ki.

XXX Hd., Ke., Wii., Che., Or., Now,

VII. II-I4 3^5

breaking of bonds that have existed, and (b) the claiming of
release from former responsibility. On "it, v.s. — And shall I
redeem them . . .] Cf. 13". The imperfect DISK has been
treated (i) as expressing desire,* / haz'e desired to redeem them,
but, etc.; (2) as a frequentative of past time,! / have often re-
deemed them, but, etc.; (3) as conditional, J if I should, etc., they
would only, etc. ; but it is simpler to understand the clause as
interrogative, although no interrogative particle is prefixed § {v.i^ ;
or as exclamatory, || I redeetti them when they, etc. ! This ex-
plains the presence of ''33K in the principal clause, although it
is not especially emphatic. There had been frequent instances
of redemption in the past, but these do not bear upon the
present situation. — When they have spoken lies about me~\ i.e.
represent me wrongly, misunderstand me, and think evil of me;
meaning by this not simply that they were acting as hypocrites
in their worship,^ nor that they thought Yahweh unable to help
them (Je. 14^ 44*),** but rather that their entire conception of
him was wrong, — in other words, they did not know Yahweh.
— 14. And they have never cried unto me with their heart~\
Cf. Ps. 119^"; the cry which has gone forth has not been honest
and sincere, i.e. from the heart, or with ^, their hearts have not
cried unto ?ne. Cf. i S. la*-^" Is. 2<)^^ Ps. 84-. — But they keep
howling beside their altars for corn and new wine^ i.e. for
material blessings, — the beastlike cry of the animal for food,
etc., and not the true cry of a soul for God. ilfiST on their beds
cannot stand, for it must mean that they eat the meal of the
sacrifice, offered to secure these material blessings, while rechning
upon divans, or couches ; and this is hardly supposable. The
emendation adopted (t'.j-.) is quite simple and natural, and better
than others proposed, e.g. n"ixra, kneading-trough {y.s.^, which
Nowack rightly characterizes as affording no adequate sense ;
but Nowack is wrong in supposing that bl7 with Ttt must have
the same meaning as bl? with the other words. For an example
of a preposition used in two senses in the same verse cf 3 in
4^ 5^. — They cut themselves, they rebel against me'] This ren-

* Ras., AE., Ki., Hi., Ke., Wu., Or., Che. ^ Geb., Reuss, Now.

t Theod., Cal, Ros., Hd., Pu. + Eich. || We. H Bauer, Ros,

** Hi., Ke., Che., et al.
X

306 HOSE A

dering of an emended text (m^n'', v.s.) represents the people
as engaged in the well-known mourning custom, forbidden in
Dt. 14^ Lv. 19-* 21', but kept up even in the latest times (cf.
I K. i82« Je. i6« 41^ 47^ 48-^')-* M^ (nnjn'), in which n occurs
instead of the suggested 1, has been translated: (i) f/iey collect
themselves, i.e. to rebel f or to eat and drink, | or to buy wheat
and wine offered for sale, § or to make solemn processions to
their idols (cf. Jo. i^^*^- 2^"*^) ; || (2) are in distress;^ (3) excite
themselves ; ** (4) howl, roar (cf. Je. 30^'') .ft The second word
(llID"') also needs emendation, for "'.ID is invariably followed by fa ;
*i-iD {v.s.), cf. 4^^ (f" Is. i^, gives the right idea. JJ — 15. Although
it was I who trained and strengthened their arms'\ To be taken with
the following clause. The pronoun is emphatic, and the circum-
stantial clause expresses the idea of concession. The usual mean-
ing of "ID", chasten, punish,%% i.e. strengthened by chastisement,
gives no sense. If f^filC is retained it must mean trained, or dis-
ciplined, II II and be taken with their arms (cf. Ps. 18''* 144^), unless
we read D'mD", I trained them {v.s.). For the phrase strengthen
their aims, cf. Ez. 30-*-^, also Ps. 10^^ 71^' i S. 2'^^ 2 Ch. 32*
Is. 48" Zc. 1 1^^. — Yet concerning me they keep thinking {only) evil'\
The base ingratitude is pictured with which they treat the very one
who gave them strength to secure their victories. This puts more
strongly the thought already expressed in v.^'^. That they do think
evil of him is evident from the abandonment of him involved in
going after Egypt and Assyria, for there could be no association
with these nations without some recognition of their deities. Such
recognition was of course inconsistent with a right conception of
Yahweh. There is probably no reference to the calf-worship.*|[^
— 16. They turn, {but) not upwards'] Cf. 11^. This is the
accepted rendering of iUl^T, but is unsatisfactory. For discussion

*So C. On this custom cf. WRS. Sern. 32if.; We. Keste-^, i8i ; C. J. Ball,
art. "Cuttings of the Flesh," EB. §^ i, 2; Schwally, Das Leben nach dem Tode,
16 ff.; Frey, Tod, Seelenglaube und Seelenkult itn alt. Isr., 134 ff.; Griineisen, Der
Ahnenkultus u. die Urreligion Isr., 73; Zapletal, Der Totemismus u. d. Rel. Isr.,
106-112.

t Ras. ^ Ki. H S, Bauer, Schm. ft Hi.

+ AE., Ke. II Ros., Hd., Or. ** Ew. ++ Now.

W So Ras., AE., Geb., Pu.

nil Bauer, Ros., Hi., Ke., Now., Or., Che., Reuss, et al. Iffl Ros.

VII. I4-I6 307

of hv as a substantive, v.i. Some understand bu as used for
nhv = height, here the highest ; * others, as = ]vb:), the high,
exalted <?«^ = God;t others, simply as an adverbial accusative
= upwards ; % others with (§ and S turn the words around and
read sb' by = S^tt? h^, to that which is nothi7ig = idols. § The
suggestion of h^lh, to Baal, seems to reheve the difficulty and
is probably to be accepted ; v.s. for other suggestions. — They
have becojne like a bo7v which swerves^ Ps. 120-*"-. The com-
parison (cf. Ps. 78^^) is not to a bow (i) whose string has lost
its elasticity, and consequently the arrow fails to reach its mark, ||
nor (2) one which cannot be used because it is relaxed,^ nor

(3) one whose string breaks without shooting the arrow,** nor

(4) one which strikes and wounds the bowman,t| but rather (5) to
a bow which is expected to shoot in one direction but actually
shoots in another, thus failing to accomplish its end. J J It is
thus with Israel. Cf. the vineyard which was expected to yield
good grapes, but actually yielded wild grapes, Is. 5^"". — Their
princes shall fall by the sword because of the insolence of their
tongues'] For are not the princes {i.e. the leaders) everywhere
represented as being primarily responsible? Upon them espe-
cially will fall the doom which the sword of Assyria §§ will execute.
It is because the Egyptian party has secured the supremacy that
this evil fate is announced. The leaders who have persuaded
their followers to adopt a policy hostile to Yahweh's teachings
and threatenings will now suffer the misery which must surely
follow. But what was the character of their tongue or language,
which has led to this result? Was it its roughness, || || its decep-
tive tone,^f its haughty boasting,*** its pride, depending upon
Egypt as protection,ttt its mockery and scepticism, its inso-
lence as displayed toward Yahweh, J J + its bitterness ?§§§ Why
should we have expected " falseness " ? Only here and Je. 15"
is Di?T used of men; elsewhere {e.g. Is. lo^-^ 13^, etc., v.i.)

* Mau., Hes. t Ki., Cal., Hd., Pu.

I Hi., Ew., Sim., Ke., Wu., Or., Che., Reuss. § Bauer.

II Ke., Reuss, We. H Ew. ** 2. {v.s.), Ros. "tt Jen. Or.
++ Rashi, Ki., Cal., Geb., Hi., Hd., Sim., Pu., Wu., Now., Che., GAS.

\^ Cf. Meinhold's view that Syria is alluded to, not Assyria. |||| Rashi.

Hf Ki., Ros., Pu. *** Cal. fft Hd. J++ Wii., Now., Or., Che. §§§ GAS.

308 HOSEA

only of Yahweh ; hence the suggestion of my tongue {i.e. Yah-
weh's) ; but upon the whole the rendering msolence satisfies
the context. This insolence of tofigues has been exhibited espe-
cially— in the lafid of Egypt^ Cf. Isaiah's sermons at this same
time against the representatives of the Egyptian party. The
words this their scorn are a gloss* explaining the 'b DUT {v.s^.
While they are depending upon Egypt, boasting of their strength,
only scorn and derision will Egypt accord them.f For other
treatments of w:ixh, v.s.; but cf. Ewald — that is their scorn with
the land of Egypt. Nothing now may interpose to stay the doom
of a people whose apostasy and treachery are so evident. De-
struction is certain. — VIII. 1. To thy mouth with the trumpet !'\
The text is difficult and perhaps corrupt, both i3 and S grouping
the consonants so as to make words different from those in
|ifl9r {v.s.). Nothing is to be said for the emendations pro-
posed {v.s.) ; nor is the case quite so bad as is thought by
Nowack, who leaves the clause untranslated, "^n = mouth (Pr. 5^
8^ Jb. 31^"; cf. also Ct. 5^^ 7^). I It is the sounding of the alarm
uttered to the prophets by Yahweh, for the enemy is now approach-
ing (cf. 5'^ ^- Am. 5^ ^- Is. 5^^ ^- 7^^. — Eor an eagle {comes down) upon
the house of Yahweh"] For text, v.s. The Assyrian, cf. Dt. 28^^
(not including Nebuchadnezzar and the Roman armies §), will
come with the swiftness of the eagle (cf. the description of his
march in Is. c^"^^) . This is the explanation of the alarm ; || and
not a further command to the prophet to fly like an eagle to
Yahweh's house.^ The attack will be made upon Yahweh's
house, i.e. not the temple in Jerusalem,** nor the temple in
Samaria, tt nor the people of Israel j J (Nu. 12''), but rather the
lajid of Israel, as also in 9^^ (cf. 9^). §§ Here is to be compared
the Assyrian name for Palestine, bit Humri, \ || and for a king-
dom in North Syria, Mt Adini. — Because they have transgressed
my covenant (= ordinance) and trespassed against my law]
Clearly a later addition.^f^ For this use of nna, cf. 2 K. 11*

* Oort {v.s.) ; Marti om. 165 as a gloss.

t Cal., Ros., Hd., Sim., Pu., Ke., Wu., Now., Or. + Ki., Hd., GAS., BDB.
J Jer., Pu. II Ros., Hd., Ew., et al. IT AE.; cf. Hi. ** Jer., Theod.
tt Ew. ++ Cal., Bauer, Hd., Ke., Wu., Or. \\ Hi., Now.. Che.

nil Cf. KA r.3 247. HH Cf. Now., Oort {v.s.-).

VII. I6-VIII. 3 309

Je. 11^ 34^^"^* Ps. 105^°;* but these ordinances (consider the
Book of the Covenant or Ordinances) are based upon the con-
stitutional agreement which was understood to have been entered
into between Israel and Yahweh at Sinai {v.i.). 'rmn here (cf.
also 4^) refers to a written law which was " more ethical and
religious than ceremonial."! — 2. To me they will {then) cry.
My God, we ktiow thee, we Israel^ To 7ne is in strong contrast
with those to whom they hav^ turned in the past. This will
take place when the disaster is upon them, cf. 5^^ 6^**. The
cry will be one claiming relationship with and intimate knowledge
of Yahweh, which is urged as a ground for deliverance. Just
so Yahweh is represented as recognizing Israel in Is. 43^ The
utterance is intentionally broken and rough. The singular my
God, used of each individual \ (cf. Is. 5^ i S. s^**), passes abruptly
into the plural, the nation as a whole. It is interesting that @
and S omit Israel {v.s.), which is in apposition with the we of
the preceding verb. § This is simply a prediction of the coming
time when Israel will view the situation in a different manner
from that employed at present. It is not a question of astonish-
ment, II nor is the language ironical,^ or potential.** Cf. Well-
hausen's suggested translation : " to me, they cry : * My God ' ;
but I know thee, O Israel." — 3. For Israel hath spurned the
good"] Yahweh's thought — hardly an answer, as most com-
mentators take it. "The good" thus rejected with loathing {v.i.)
includes everything for which Yahweh has stood — as opposed
to the turning to Assyria and Egypt — as well as Yahweh him-
self; ff cf. Am. 5*-^". Seek me = seek the good. DID without
the article is especially strong. "'3 found in (© is to be restored.
The whole case has been stated ; again goes forth the proc-
lamation : let the foe pursue him'\ On the form, v.i.

8. onDN] Em'ph. pos.; to drop the second one {v.s.) leaves the construc-

e

tion with rs^ry awkward. — Shan^] Cf. Ar. Jo, moisten; Assyr. balalu =

pour out ; Syr. '^ ^"^ (in derivatives) mix. This is only occurrence of

Hithpo.; Qal. = mix, is used of confusion of speech in Gn. ii^-^ (J), but

* See Che. t Now. ; cf. Or. on 812. + Hi., Hd., Ke., Wii., McC, Now., Che.
§ Geb., Ros., Hi., Ew., Hd., Pu., Ke.. Che., Now., et at. || Ew. IT Hi.

** Hd. tt So Jer., AE., Ki.

3IO HOSEA

chiefly of the mixing of flour with oil in sacrifices, e.g. Nu. 7^^ Lv. 2^; it is
distinctly characteristic of P. This verb is used intentionally in view of the
figure of the cake in the next clause. The derivation from 'jSa = t\^i waste
away (so Ew., BSZ.) is unnecessary and without support, and renders the
significance of D^Dj^a obscure, while no sufficient reason for the use of Hithpo.
appears (Now.). — '''73] Here with a ptcp., more frequently with nouns; cf.
2 S. I^^ Ps. 19*. Note the perfect symmetry of the two lines and the recur-
rence of _ in 8' (four times). — 9. Nim] Introducing a circ. cl. with vb. in
pf. — 'ipir] This is the only case where this vb. is used intransitively (Ki.,
Hi., Sim., Ke., Wii., Now.) ; cf. Ex. 24^ 29!^- 20. Its regular meaning is to
throw, scatter copiously (cf Assyr. zariku), and it is most commonly used of
the dashing of the sacrificial blood against the altar, e.g. Lv. 7^. Perhaps here
used in a middle sense; cf. f'?n, 5^ (Or.). — 10. hnt 'r'oj] On concessive force
of 3, cf. K6. 3942"; BDB. 903. — 11. 3S px] Circ. cl. — iwn . , . onxc] Emph.
pos.; Nnp = call for help is more often construed with a prep, than with ace. as
here, "wv^ = ace. of end of motion; on omission of n_ directive, cf. Ko. 330 c.

— if<^P] Recession of tone and retention of vowel are due apparently to a desire
to secure the same rhythm in 'p 'xd as in 'Sn 'if x. This artistic effort reminds
us of some of Isaiah's uses of paronomasia; cf. Is. 3i8f-22f._ — \2. m^DiN] For
other examples of retention of the initial ■> in Hiph. of ^"s verbs, cf. n'rcD
(= Q-'i-'Wi:) I Ch. 12^; nr^^, Pr. 4^^; "iK'^n, Ps. 5^; but the unusual form
and the fact that this is the only instance of the Hiph. of this vb. make it
probable that this is an error for □■;ip;:n; cf. Bo. 437/; GK. 24/, yol); Ko.
II. i., p. 356 d) ; Ew.^ 131 <^. — Dm>'S jJD'io] ycr is regularly followed by a gen.,
which may be either attributive (Ex. 23^), subjective or objective; in the
latter case it = report concerning. The construction here with a following
prep, is duplicated only in Is. 23^ = anscS >"Dtr' icn:, where the translation
when the report reaches Egypt is required by the context (Gr. and Marti, how-
ever, declare the construction in Isaiah ungrammatical and emend to J'CB'"').
But according to a report to their congregation furnishes no sense here; and
it seems necessary to regard the text as corrupt. — 13. -\'V . . . >in] >in ex-
presses denunciation here rather than grief, as appears from the parallel na*.
This is the only instance of t^' used as a denunciatory particle; a closely re-
lated usage appears in Je. 20^. — ■'jjvSi] Emph. = «««' will I, the contrast
being both with the previous and the following clauses; for the interrog.
without particle, cf. GK. 150 «; on use of impf., cf. GK. 107 n. — ncni] Introd.
circ. clause with concessive force = though they, or while they. — 14. iS'''?'';]
Other cases of this formation in this same vb. are Is. I5-'"- \6' Je. 48'^ and
Is. 65I* ( = iSi^in) ; cf. a'BV, Jb. 24^1. For explanation, cf. GK. 70 a';
Ko. I. i., p. 421. — onnsm Sj?] The various emendations proposed {v.s^ are
due to a feeling: (i) that Sj? should have same force here as with jjt and
cnTi; (2) that iSiS" and 'jn'' both refer to sacrificial customs; cf. i K. 18^8.

— mun^] Has been connected with: (i) nu = to sojourn and rendered they
assemble themselves (so AE., Ki., Thes., Wii., AV., RV.) ; (2) mj =^ to quarrel,
and rendered, they excite themselves (so Ew.), but, (i) is inappropriate here

VII. 8- VIII. 3 311

and (2) always implies a stirring up of strife or war; moreover, Hithpo. of
11J is otherwise not found. ®'s reading, which involves the slight change from
1 to n, is entirely satisfactory to the context. — mD'>] TiD, turn aside, depart,
is never construed with 2; hence it seems necessary to point n^D'' from mD
= rebel, though impf. of mo does not elsewhere occur. Note the parallel
phrase in v.i^, o y;-z^s io. — 15. ''JNi] Emph.; note exactly parallel const.
Am. 2^; of. V.13 of this chap. — iSni] For other instances of jrn, followed
by Sn = Sy, cf. Je. 4920 50*5. —16. Sy x"?] Cf. '^•; Sn, n^; Sp Oj^n, 2 S. 23I; and
the reverse idea, nSpn'? nj3, Is. 8^1. If fSiM be correct, hy is here a subst.
used adverbially, and an adversative particle = but must be supplied; at best
the construction is exceedingly irregular. In both cases hy has _ because
of strong accent. — n] Only here and Ps. 132^^^ where it has relative force;
but in Mishnah it is the regular fem. of nr; cf. n>, 2 K. (^^, etc., and ir, Ps. 62^2^
etc.; cf. GK. 34 b, K6. 44. According to Ki., Ros., and Now., n = pnt;
while Ew. (fol. by Ke.) makes it = nr by a dialectical difference in the method
of pronunciation; cf. Ew,^ 183 a. — DJyS] Suffix in view of T\2 ^^Q^ must be
taken as an objective gen. = scorn over them. — VIII. 1. isn '?n] For similar
abrupt utterances see 5* Ju. 5^* Is. 8^° Ex. 27!^ Pr. 20^^; cf. K6. 355 /, m.
^n is derived from ■|:n (of unknown meaning) as appears from Syriac ] ''^ -

Arab. dLi,^. It regularly denotes palate, gums, etc., always referring to the
interior of the mouth, never to the lips. — t^'js] The ~Wi is probably to be
identified with the griffon-vulture, eagles being rare in Palestine; cf. Now.
Arch. I. 84; Tristram, NHB. I72ff.; Dr. on Dt. 14I2. This vulture was an
eater of carrion (Jb. 39*^ Pr. 30^'') and was often mentioned in Assyrian in-
scriptions (nasru). For other references to its swiftness, 2 S. i^^ Je. 49^2.
— 2. 1JI ihSn] The sg. suff. is strange in view of foil. pi. vb. ; >nSN occurs also in
2^^ (a late passage), 98- 1^. Other suff. with Zi'^rhn are :i_, 4^ 9I 12^- '^^ 13* 14^;
v_, 9*; n_, 14I; Dn_, i'^ 35 412 54 yio^ The use of suff. with the divine
name is much more frequent than in Amos, where it occurs only in 2^ (Dn_);
4I2 gi* and 915 (l-); 52® (p?.-)> at least two of these passages being late. —
3. 1D1T'] On unusual form of suff. cf. GK. 60 d. It is jussive, not indie, and
this is thought to account for the i (Now.). — nin> no] Cf. oJ/cos 6eov, i Tim.
3I5 Heb. 36 (cf. 32) Zc. 95.

§ 10. Israel's kings and idols displeasing and destructive.

8*"". — Israel's kings are of no divine appointment; and the calf
set up at Samaria will be utterly destroyed, 8^^ The storm of
destruction will overwhelm the entire nation ; the fact is, Israel is
already being swallowed up among the nations, S"**. Israel's zeal
in worship is only zeal in sinning, no regard being paid to the
divine admonitions. Yahweh, instead of granting acceptance of
his sacrifices, will bring visitation and exile, 8""^.

312 HOSEA

This piece has been greatly modified by insertions. These are as follows :
i) r\-\T lynS (v>); 2) ]vp: ^hDV nb iPD ly (v.^); 3) i3 yon fs •'Sdj (v.^);
4) the whole of v.^o (z/.f.) ; 5) the whole of v.^* (z'.z.). The following trans-
position is necessary : D3 idn mn (v.^) to follow aiaxj? (v.*), ncs (yj) being
treated as going with what precedes. With these modifications of the text,
the piece falls simply and naturally into three strophes of eight lines each,
each strophe in turn including two halves of four lines each. The measure is
a mixture of tetrameter and trimeter.

4. nia'n] Hal. nrn. — in;n^] (5 iyvdipiadv fjLoi. — wy] Read iwj;. —
mD''] Read pi. with (3&'BVL'3L, viz. mnsv Ru. innnn. — 5. iSjy n:?] (& a-n-b-
TpL\paL rbv /j.da-xo" <^o^ = V^] (Vol.; so also Hal.), or mr (Stek., Gr.), or njr
(K6. SHL 241). Complut. and codd. 22, 36, 42 = dir6pf>c\pov; cod. 86,
dir6ppL\pe; & aii^ = in;? (Seb.) ; 'A., dwdid-qaav p-d^xovs ffov ; "2.., dire^X-qd-q
. . ,; 9., a.ivbppi.ipai', E', d7ro/3X7jT6s (tov iarlv 6 yudcrxos; 'S projectus est vitulus
tuus ; 2C xSjjj 103 'ijJB; 3L coniri, etc. Read, with Oort, mix (^ThT. and
Em.; so We., Val., Now.). Wkl. {Untersuch. 182), ■"rinjir (so Marti).
BSZ. nw. — ■'AN] Umb. ien (so Wii.). — d3] Oort {ThT. and £m.),^2.—
iSav] Hal. iSdih. One cod. of de R. S511 (so also Oort, TAT. and £m.),

— ivpj] (5 KadapurdTjvai ; 'A., d^cfjw^^vai ; 2., Kadapdijvai; U emundari ;

p
S> ^s)iali>. Wkl. (^Untersuch. 182), DD:rpj, using D 13 from beginning of v.^.

Gardner, pa, the j of 'pj being a dittog. of prec. 1, and the p an error for 2.

Oort, Nipj or niipn, inf. Niph. of Nip. — 6. Snt^'^D o] ® ^c ti? 'lo-pai^X,

joining with v.^ ; 3L z« htrahel. Gr. ^Siis "^Din. Oort om. ^d and joins 'a"a

to v.s. Meinhold, li'ix TiD 13. Hal. 'ir^ n'3, joining to v.^. Ru. reconstructs

•miry 'urnn r^ni'yyD 13, to follow piDC (v.^), the words 'ui n-in being misplaced.

— Nim] 6m. 1 with S (so also Scholz, We., Gr., Gu., Now., Oct., Gardner,
Marti). — Nin QinVx xSi] Another reading, Nin dihSn nS dihSni. — a^aatf •'d]
(5 5t6Tt TrXacwj' = 33iB' or 33iB' (Vol.); S., aKard^raros ; E', ^e/j.^eijwi' ;

U fw aranearum ielas ; Si ]Zi «S^N = D^33i:' (Seb.); cod. 86, irapairXrja-lus
T(p T^s dpdx'''?^ 2(7T(^. Read, with Oort and Now., 303^'3. Gr. niDDtra,
spider-webs. Ru. t?i33y ^lipf. or 01335? (cf. Ju. 126). St. Dn3tr ""S. —
piDir Sjy] & and 55 = 'tf I'^Jy, as in v.^. Wkl. om. as gloss ; Ru. om. as
repetition. — 7. lyif] Ru. lyit. — nnciDi] (3 Kal ij KaTa.<rTpo<j)T] airrwv =
Dno'^Di, Aramaicism (Vol.) ; S.-, Kal ffv(ra-ei(rp.6v ; 9., koX KaraiylSa. Gardner,
nnoiDi = and its end. — ^^^\^p^2 ® iKdi^erai aird = ii'3pi (Vol.). — . . . r\r:ip
nnp nii'yi] (5 Spdyp.a ovk «x<"' ^"'X'^'' '''<'<' Troirjcai SXevpov ; 2., (rraxi^es
&KapTroi, p.7) TToiovvres &\evpop. — iS] Read, with We., nS (so Marti). Oort
(77^7". and £m.), anS. Gr. idS. — ntryi '3] Marti, nfc7-3. — 8. vn] Oet.
and Marti, n;n. Ru. ■nTi (cf. Je. 22^8). — 13 fcn j^n] CI dxPW'rov; U m-
mundurn. — 9. iSy nnn] Ru. iSyh Djn. — -iitrx] Oort {Efn.), mic'x. — nib
lS 1113] <@ dv40a\ev Kaff eavrSv; S., (cal ou/c dv49a\ev iv ifiol; cod. 86, ws
6vaypos p.ovd^(av Kaff eavrbv dLairdip-epos. Gr. nij 'i3 (cf. Is. 14'^). Marti
transfers this phrase to follow 'U'l ySsj (v.^), and reads 'ui onDX — ancN]

VIII. 4-14 313

(8, 'A., S., and 0. join with preceding context. We. onsD (so Val., Oet.,
Now.2, Marti). Oort (^£m.), DnxD^i, for 'h iS. — ounx ijnn] (Q dwpa
Tff6.ir-ri<Ta.v — ^2T\n D''JjnN (Vol.); TS tnunera dederunt amatoribus suis ;
Sb Vq— J jiwSoiQio = D3n« jjnt* (Seb.). Gr. lanN pnN (cf. 9I). We. ijn^ (so
Val., Oct., Marti). Ru. d^ijj unnj. Oort (^w.), a^anx «nj. — 10. "<:> dj] (5 Std
TOVTo ; cod. 86, dXXd /cai Srav. — ur^] @ TrapaSodriffovTai, and S .a^A!^t[2wAj
(= un;). — nny] 5 om. — dx3|1n] Oet. ax^fiN (so Meinhold) or bxsjn. Ru.
BX3|->1, with the subject nnj?, which is to be taken as the name of some Assyr.
people. — iSn^i] Read, with (§, kolI Koirdcrov<nv, i'?ini (so also We., Or., Ru.,
Now., Oort (£m.); cf. GAS.). 'A., Kal Xiravevaova-iv ; S., Kal fievovaiv ;
0., Acai diaXeLxf/ovffi. ; U ei guiesceni; S ^Q.m^ZL2o = inyi (Seb.); ^ pDan>.
Gr. in"?'! or iSnn^i (so Val., Oct., Marti). Oet. mu;! or iS^rni. Hal. iSny.
Ru. imi(?). Gu. iSn;i. — a;?D] Ru. tjya, oj? being the name of some Assyrian
province. — NiyDD] Read, with & and 0., tov xP'^"'. nc'pp (so Oort (TAT.
and £»;.), Kue. (^Einl.), Che., Gr., Val., Ru., Loft., GAS., Hal., Marti).
'A., d7r6 Apixaros; 2., dTrd <p6pov. — -\hv'] SST and 2., pi.; (gSFE, 'A., Arab.,
and many codd. of Kennicott and de R. join to following word by 1 (so also
Oort (TkT. and £w.). We., Gr., Ru., GAS., Now., Hal.). — ana-] Linder
(S/^. XXXIII. (i860), 746), a^->T. — 11. Nan'^] <S joins with foil, clause, els
a/jLaprlas. Omit with We. (so Now., Oct., Marti). Or. NgnS (so Oct.; cf. Gu.,
Now.); Oort (T/iT. and Em.), t<arh, — nmarc] Hal. p>2^d^ — Nan*?] (5 om.

(so also Gu.), and adds if^aTrrjixiva from v.^^ (Vol.) ; 2., e/s a/j-aprlav ; "B in

p 7 f t> 9
delictum ; Si ]-S? ]oL.f_*»lk = Snj NanS, or z-\ 'S (Seb.). Oort and Ru. om. last

two words of this verse as a repetition. — 12. iS-jmD.s-] <S adds "and" (so

also Gr.). Zeydner ( ThSt. VI. 249), a-npN. — "Tnn mj (@ vXrjdos /cat rd v6pnp.6.

fiov (= ^mim 3i) ; 'A., ir\T]0vvo/j.4vovs vdfwvs; 2., irXi)^?; vbpMv /ju>v ; H multi-

//iV« /^^« /«^a.f ,• S> ^*isaiaJ> iK^- Gr. {Gesck. II. i. 469; so Oort, ThT.
and £/«.), >n-\in nax Hi. 'niin 3^ (so We.,Val., Sm. (A'd'Z. 283 f.), Gu.,Loft.,
Marti). Zeydner ( ThSi. VI. 249), >n^'ini a^i. Oet. '•n^'in ria^. — ma] Ru.

noN?. — larnj] Sh -'^'^N ^^' ^^Si*-«»= ^■'i'n with obj. (Seb.). — 13. "inar
onan] (S Ov^iaffr-fipia rd -^yairrjiiiva = aoins D^nar (Vol.), joined to v.^^;
2., Ovfflas iTraWy)\ov%; 0., dvffla^ p.eTa<popQ>v; *A., Ovfftas (pipe <f>ipe; TS ho-
5/'m.f afferent; S) ]iuk£^p )■'>*£?• Oort and Ru. om. Marti, lanN na?;
Sim. 'n inat. — inaii] S, 'A., and 0. join to prec. context; © dibri iav diamaiv
Bmla.v. Oort {Em.) inar\ Marti, inato. — iSa^ii nca] @ kclI <j>dyw(Tiv Kpia.
Oort {Efn.), -a i'?aNM. Oort and Ru. 'a iSaNn nar. Oet. iSpsi nrai. — npa^i]
We. om. 1. Oort ipoi (cf. <S). — laia"^ d>-\xd] ® adds (so also Gu.) koI iv
'Affffvplois d-KdOapra (pdyovrai. Hal. transposes 'B'^ 'D T^T2n to end of v.^. —
14. niSa''n] (5 reixivyj. Besredka {Rev. etudes Juives, 1893), n^iSn. —
n^njDlN] ® rd de/M^Xia avrwv (so It). Ru. vnjp-}N (so Oort (Em.), Marti).
Gr. jnipjonN. Oort treats v.^* as inserted later from Amos (so Scholz, We.,
Ru., GAS., Now., Marti; cf. Seesemann).

314 HOSEA

4. Since they have made kings, but not from me~\ This is not a
reference to (i) a contemporary king, e.g. Menahem (cf. f^) \ *
nor to (2) the godless way of choosing kings referred to in 73.5.7^ |
nor to (3) the fact of frequent choosing and deposition of kings
in the time of the prophet (cf. 7"^ 8^" 2 K. 15).+ The prophet
has in mind rather the circumstances under which the kingdom
was divided, the establishment of Jeroboam I., and the history
in detail, which followed these events. § He clearly condemns
the schism, although this had come about in part as the result
of prophetic work (i K. n^^-^^ 12^^-^^). This contradiction is
one which is to be expected as between prophets of a higher
and lower rank, and between those of an earlier and later period.
"A prophet could only declare the will of God with regard to
the particular case laid before him." || The contradiction is
not reconciled by the statement that while Jeroboam was God's
choice the people did not consult him (God) at the time, or
that Jeroboam, after being told God's purpose, took wrong means
to accomplish it.^ The two accounts proceed from different
points of view. In one, the schism is a punishment upon Reho-
boam and his followers ; in the other, it is the source of the evils
in existence in the prophetic times. — {And) since they have made
princes, but I kneiv (them) ?ioi~\ This is only the poetical repetition
of the idea contained in the former line, referring perhaps to the
subordinate officers of the royal administration ; ** cf. 3* 7^ 8^" 13^''.
To know is to recognize, i.e. to approve, regard as one's own, cf.
Jb. 9^^ 34* Ps. I®. Others, without sufficient ground, treat iTU^n
as = ITDH, and they remove them ff {v.i^. — With their silver and
gold made by them i?ito idols'] Here for the first time a prophet
speaks against making images of Yahweh, and while the calves of
Jeroboam are included (some limit the reference to these |J), the
wider reference is to Israel's religious history. §§ The prophet
desires to place together two facts in Israel's history, and to show
that they are correlated. These are the kings established by men,
and the gods manufactured by men ; as with one, so with the

* Hi. t Ros. J Bauer, Wu., We., Marti.

§ AE., Ki., Ew., Hd., Sim., Pu., Ke., Che., Reu., Now. |I Che. ; cf. Reu., Now.

ir Ki.. Cal, Pu. tt Ras., AE. ^ Sim., We.

** Hi., Sim. XX Now.

VIII. 4-S 315

other.* — That they may be cut off'\ For text v.s. The subject is
either the silver and gold, or the idols,^ but not the people. \ If
ffl2C is retained, the verb is collective. Destruction was, to be
sure, the result of their idolatry ; but since Israel " knew or could
have known " the result, to engage in idolatry was to purpose de-
struction. Purpose and result are not always clearly to be distin-
guished. § This clause breaks the continuity of thought, anticipates
the idea that is to follow, makes an incomplete line, and spoils the
symmetry of the strophic division ; it is better to regard it as a
gloss. — Mine anger is kitidled against theni] This clause, trans-
ferred from ^*, fits better in this place, furnishes the principal
idea, and prepares the way for the more specific statement with
which v.'' begins. Its removal from between ^" and ^* assists
greatly in improving the thought of vs.^"'"*^!! (v.i.) ; cf. Nu. 11^
2 K. 23^ Is. 5^. — 5. I loathe thy calf, O Samaria'] This render-
ing (based upon the emendation of n:tN for n") accords with the
clause which precedes {mine anger, etc.), and comes appropriately
into close connection with the first part of v.^ (cf 10^^). Other
renderings based on slight modifications of text {v.s.) are : (i) he
loathes thy calf, etc. ;^ (2) he has rejected thy calf ; ** (3) thy calf
has rejected thee ; ft (4) thy calf is loathsome ; J J (5) my anger
has rejected thy calf §§ "Calf" is diminutive and sarcastic for
bull ; these representations of Yahweh were placed in Dan and
Bethel, perhaps also in Samaria and Gilgal ; but it is possible that
Samaria is here a district; cf. 7^ 8^ 10^^ 13^^ On ''* v.s. — How
long ivill they be incapable of punishment ?] This gloss is an expres-
sion of the feeling of some later reader, || || being entirely paren-
thetical in its tone ; cf. Je. 13^. The thought is not clear. Is it
interrogation^^ or exclamation?*** Is it incapacity for inno-
cency, i.e. inability to clear themselves of guilt,ttt or freedom from
punishment \\\ which is despaired of ? Although the former mean-

* V. GAS. I. 277.

t Ki., Hi., Ew.. Ke., Wu., Che., Reu., Now., Marti.

+ Ros.. Sim., Pu., Or. || Cf. Dathe, Bauer, Ru. ** Hi., Umb.. RV.

^ Ros., Hd., Sim., Pu., Or., Now. IT GAS. ; cf. Ew. -ft AV., Stuck.

+t Ma., Dathe, Hd., Wu.. Sim., Ke., Or., Che.; K6. Stil. 241. §§ Mau.

nil So Marti, who om. also 6"; but v. Now.2.

HH Ros., Hd.. Or., Che.. GAS., et al. *«* Sim., We.. Now.

ttt Ros., Sim., Or., Che., GAS., et al. ttt Hi., We., Now., BSZ., BDB.

3l6 HOSEA

ing for 'pi is found in Gn. 20^ Ps. 26® 73^^, the context which de-
scribes the anger and loathing of Yahweh favors the latter, and this
is supported by Je. 25-^ (cf. Ex. 21^*). The presence of 'SS in so
many cases favors the former view. It is unnecessary to read ye
for they (v^s.). For other unapproved suggestions, v.s. — 6. J^or out
of Israel is it~\ This clause states the ground for Yahweh's loathing
of the calf, and, with ^* transferred and '""^ treated as a gloss, joins
itself directly to the principal clause. The images of Yahweh have
never been sanctioned by him. The fact that these images are of
entirely human origin furnishes the basis for Yahweh's scorn (cf.
13^ Is. 37^^ 40^^-^ 41^)- The 1 of Kini seems to be superfluous.
If retained, it would be read is this also, referring to the kings,
who, like the idols, were without divine approval. This calf is
something which has its origin in Israel. The phrase in contrast
with Israel is not " other nations," as if the prophet was meeting
the plea that this custom was of foreign origin.* The next clause
finishes and amplifies the thought. — A smith made it and it is not
God'\ Cf. 13"; it has no real existence. The people addressed
have evidently come to believe that the image and God are
identical. The prophet assures them that it is from Israel and is
not God.f — Like splintejs Samaria's calf shall become^ Utter
destruction awaits this emblem of and substitute for deity. This
reads 3 for ""D (z'.-f.), and makes the clause a part of the general
sentence beginning with this verse. On D'liStt^ v.i.

4. an] Not emph., but introducing the circ. cl., GK. 142 a, b. It is possible
to omit it as a dittograph, in which case the first two vbs. would be coordinate
with VJ7; but v.i. — iT'irn] Cf. it'Dh, Dn. ii^i; so here one cod. of Kenn.
and two of de R.; cf. also Dn. 9^^. For the form, cf. GK. b"] v; cf. Ru.'s
reading (v.s^. — 'ui a£3D3] The subj. of the pass. iKV, which in the act. would
take double obj., K6. 327 w. This makes a third consec. circ. cl. — ir;*] To
be read "iifj? pass, ptcp., followed by the *? of agent (GK. 121/) although S
might also mean here for. — jynS] Here points to an end inevitably involved
in the action described by the principal vb., but none the less deplorable; cf.
K6. 396 e. — 5. njTN] Cf. (5 imv. It is not to be connected with mr = to stink
(cf. Is. 19''), but with n:T = to loathe, reject (cf. v.^ Ps. 43^) ; cf. Assyr. zinfl =
to be angry (BDB.) — iVor] Not Hoph., but an old Qal pass.; cf. K6. I. i.
p. 407; GK. 69 r. — 6. Nini] If i is retained, it is strengthening and =
a/50, K6. 375^. — ttnn] Emph. pos. — 3133^] This has been: (i) connected

* So Jer., Gal., Hd. t Sim.

VIII. 5-9 317

with the Arab. (_>i*i, to kindle, burn (cf. Schultens on Jb. i8^), i.e. the
splinter with which one kindles a fire; also with Arab. Sebibah —slice, little
piece (Y.-W.); (2) corrected to sn^u- (cf. Is. i28 3oi'') (St.); (3) derived from
the Aram, a^u* = break; cf. NJtr fragment (^Thes. ; Ko. II. i. p. 71; Now.),
and ,_>**(, to cut. V. No. Mand. Gram. 140; Hoffm. ZAW. III. 121 ;
We. m /oc. — "v '?J>?] Cf. Ko. Hauptprobleme, 53 ff.

7. /7?r //i(?y SOW wind and they reap w}iirlwind~\ A further
statement and explanation of the coming destruction. Wind rep-
resents the nothingness, the utter failure, of their present policy ;
but the outcome is still more serious, viz. whirlwind, that which
is itself destructive; cf, lo^^ — A seed which has no stalk'] "h is
difficult {v.s.). According to iiKST, it has no stalk, the pronoun
refers to Israel, but in that case iab would be expected. If taken
as suggested,* ^h would be expected instead of "h, for T\K)p is
feminine. The fact of the symmetry gained by this reading is,
however, convincing. — Which yields fio grain] i.e. is utterly
worthless. — If perchance it were to yield, strangers would devour
it] All that Israel might hope to gain will pass over into the hands
of the enemy.f The figure continues through to the end, J and does
not go over in the latter half to a description of actual events. § —
8. Israel is swallowed up] The nation is, as a matter of fact,
practically ruined. The prophet is speaking of the present, not
the future, || as appears from the tense (cf. iny'?^'' v."), and from
the following parallel phrase vn nni?.1[ It does not mean that the
nation as well as the fruit shall be swallowed, for ub^J is not a
prophetic perfect.** — Already are they among the nations] This
is the simple prose interpretation of the figures which have been
used (cf. 7^). The process of scattering, i.e. the loss of indepen-
dence, has begun, though they do not appreciate it. With this
clause there has been associated the gloss, like a vessel in which
is no pleasure] This, however, is entirely foreign to the thought of
the context. It is a not uncommon simile, denoting something
unserviceable and worthless; cf. Je. 22^ 48^. — 9. For they have
gone up to Assyria] This fact is cited, not as a punishment to

* We. t Marti, without good reason, om. this sentence as a gloss.

J Ros., Mau., Ew., Sim., Che., We., Now. § Marck, Hi., Umb,

II So Hi. H Now. ** Marck.

3 1 8 HOSEA

be inflicted upon them, viz. the exile, but as an act of faithlessness
and guilt. This statement presents still more literally and specifi-
cally the exact situation. Note (i) Israel is swallowed up;
(2) (the more prosaic form of the same thought) they are already
among the nations; and now (3) (the very specific expression)
they have gone up to Assyria. The going up to Assyria was for
assistance and marked dependence upon a foreign power. —
A tvild ass taking his way by himself~\ This is not Assyria,* but
Israel ; f for (i) it is to Israel that the apphcation of the figure is
appropriate, viz. wilfulness; (2) there is a pun on the words
K~iS and Dnex. The wild ass usually moves in droves, % but this
representation of solitariness marks Israel's case as all the more
peculiar. Perhaps this clause should go with the following, § but
it is more natural || to take S"iS as figurative of wilfulness than
as denoting love of independence (cf. Gn. 16^^ Jb. 2>'f^'^, as the
connection with the following would involve. — Ephraim gives
love-gifts'] These are the gifts by means of which Israel sought
connection with Egypt and Assyria. Wellhausen's suggestion
to substitute " Egypt " for " Ephraim," rendering, to Egypt they
give love-gifts, is strongly supported by the parallelism ; cf. (§. —
10. Also if they give the??iselves among the nations, I must now
gather them in'] This verse is a later addition.^ This is at once
apparent if D::spK is taken as a promise to gather them after they
have been scattered among the nations in exile; but it is clear
also upon the other interpretation. As Simson has pointed out, no
single word of this entire verse is of certain meaning. In ^"^ the
thought turns on the interpretation of aanpK ; the suffix refers to
Israel,** not to the nations.ff The verbal idea is not a promise, 1%
but a threat. §§ If the nations were to have been gathered against
Israel, something indicating this would have been inserted. It is
Israel that is to be gathered in, i.e. brought back home, put under
restraint, imprisoned, deprived of judgment, taken into exile ; cf.

* Dathe, Bauer, Eich., Schro. $ Sim., et al.

t Ma., Ros., Hi., Sim., Or. || So Now.

t See art. " Ass," EB. H Marti om. 10 « as a gloss.

** AE., Cal, Ew., Wii., Che., We., Now., et al.

tt Ki., Os., Mau., Hi., Or., et al. ++ Umb., Hd., et al.

§§ Stuck, Wu., Che., We., Now., et al.

VIII, 9-IO 319

2i4f. ^sT. gi3 gS^ -pj^jg entering into relationship with outside nations
must cease. " The time has come for me to check their misplaced
activity." "'3 DJ means therefore even i/ (cf. 9^^ Is. i^* Ps. 23*) rather
than yea though.* un" is treated, of course, like the iDnn of the pre-
ceding verse. — And they tnust cease for a while fro tn the anointing
of kings and princes'^ Here the uncertainty turns first upon the treat-
ment of I'^n^i. Three principal suggestions may be considered ac-
cording as the word is taken from : (i) bbn, to begin, i.e. they begin
to be diminished! (tara = inf.), or to become less (tauia = adv.) |
on account of the burden, etc. ; (2) bin, to be in pain, to grieve,
and pointed without the Daghesh ibn*! (so 10 Mss. and 44 Edi-
tions §), i.e. and they shall suffer, or grieve a little on account of,
etc. ; II (3) bin, the text being changed to h'T\'\ (v.s.), i.e. And
they will cease for a little (or soon), etc. Adopting the third, it
is better also to adopt the (§ text, ritiZifi, from anointing, instead
of Ktraa {v.s.). The latter has been thought to refer to the
tribute imposed by the king of Assyria, ontr "[btt being taken in
annexion, king of princes^ With the second suggestion made
above, this would fulfil the demands of the context in yielding a
statement having the force of a threat. The (§ text, however,
furnishes an easier solution, and one especially appropriate. There
will be a ceasing, says the prophet, from this continual anointing
of kings and princes (a case of asyndeton) . In this interpretation,
isra may be taken in the sense of soon (cf. Ps. 2}^ 81") ox for a
little while. The latter is of course the more usual and, here, the
more caustic.

7. '3] Cf.vs.6- 9- 10. — nnpiD] On the final n_ cf. nnSip, lo^^ Ez. 281^; also
nmrjr, Ps.44"; nnS:)i, Ez. 28I6; an ace. cf. K6. 287^; GK. 90/; Y)t.%\%20bs.
Note the assonance in ncp, ncs, and nop. — ■'S3] Cf. Ko. 352 c; GK. 152 i'. —
^•^in] Cf. K6. 390^; BSZ. 18. — 8. 'U1 ^^33] An elliptical rel. cl., GK. 155 i\
K6. 380^.-9. Nna] On gender, Ko. 247/; Albrecht, ZAW. XVI. (1896)
68; on deriv. Jensen, Kosinologie, iio; cf. Assyr. parfl, which, however, means
mule, wild ass being purlmu; for other figures, cf. Je. 2^* Jb. 24^ — unn] PI.
with coll. noun, cf. Ju. 5"". — aonx] PI. of psycholog. experience; cf. also
am, Ct. i2*; oojy, Ez. 3382; cf. Ko. 262 /5. — 10. ''3 dj] Ko. 339^- — iSmi]
Cf. GK. 1 1 1 w, N. Impf, continuing a historical present, Ko. 366 g. — tajJo]

* But cf. BDB. 169, Dr. 143. t Ma., Ros., Ke. t Hi. $ de Rossi.
II Gal., Stuck, New., Hd., Sim., Wii.; cf. Gu. IT Eich., Hi., Ke., et al.

320 HOSEA

On dag. cf, GK. 20 g; Ko. I. p. 54 (5. On relation to vb., Ko. 412 a. — ^SD
onr] With superlative force, according to Ko. 309 i,

11. /^or Eph7-aim has made many altars\ It was the common
notion (Is. i") that the more sacrifices offered (or altars built)
the more pleasing was it to the national deity. The St2n":>, if
retained, indicates that the opposite of this is true, viz. that this
multiplication of altars results merely in si?i7iing* If retained
with the pointing Ktsnb f (the inf. absolute being used for the sake
of the rhythm), the meaning would be that Ephraim's purpose
in all this was to make atonetnent, i.e. to secure expiation of sin ; a
purpose which the second member shows to have been futile ; but
this idea is scarcely consistent with this period. It seems better,
therefore, to omit the word in this line {iks.) . — They are to him
altars — for sinning\ What was thought to be action deserving
commendation is condemned. The more altars, the greater and
deeper is Israel's guilt. Ktsn'? is not used in a double sense, % viz.
the sin of the act and the calamity resulting from the act, since
the latter idea is not possible in this connection. § To retain the
Ktanb of the first line involves a repetition amounting to tautology,
and greatly weakens, instead of strengthening, the sense. || It is
not enough to use the word in one sense in the first hne, and in
another in the second. — 12. Were I to write for him by myriads
my laws'] Each word of this much-disputed sentence presents
difficulties. Is {a) the Qri ''5"i to be accepted with the render-
ing the multitudes of itiy law(^s), or my many laws,% or the excel-
lencies of my law** or the great things of, etc. ; ff or ((5) the
K^thibh 131, by myriads, J J or the ten thousand things of, etc. / § § or
{c) 2"i II II or nian,^!^ multitudes ; or (rt') ''nsi,*** the words of my
law{s) ? Is {a) the sg. 'nnin, my law,-\^-\ or {b) the pi. ''rnin |f J
to be preferred? Cf. also {c) the combination "rnirri S"i. §§§ Is
SinDK {a) to be taken as Qal, or {b) changed to Hiph. = cause
to write ; || || || and, in the former case, is it {/) an historical present

* Che. + Ma., Hi. \\ RV. 11«il Get.

t Or. ^ Hd. II II We. et at. (k.j.) .

II So Now. against Ew., Hd. *** Gr., Oort (w.j.). ftt Sim.

H Bauer, Dathe. ft AV. JJJ (EF and most modern comm.

«* Ma. ++ Hi., Ew., Hd., Sim.. Ke. \\\ <&. |||||| Zeydner (-^.j.).

VIII. II-I2 321

indicating that what had occurred was continuing still; * or (</) a
future, I will write ; f or (<?) a present perfect, I have written; %
or (/) a past, /a/r^/if / § or (^) an imperfect of customary action,
I am wont to write ; || or {K) hypothetical, were I to write, etc.,
though I wrote, etc.% The importance of this utterance Ues in
the testimony which it furnishes to the existence of laws or a code
of laws in Hosea's time. We decide first in favor of ian, myriad
(although this occurs elsewhere only among late writers, v.i.'),
because : (a) •'3"1 as a plural occurs nowhere else ; {b) nothing is
gained by substituting 3"i or any of its cognate forms, all convey-
ing the same idea, that of niultitude, an idea which itself is identical
with that of n"i, teti thousand ; (r) while nm is easy and plausible,
it is impossible to imagine how, if once it had a position in the
text, anything could have been allowed to take its place. It
follows, almost without argument, that tny laws (pi.) (for which
no consonantal change is required) combines more easily with
myriad or teii thousand than does my law (sg.) ; for the thought
plainly in Hosea's mind was the multiplicity, and not the unity,
of the laws. Little can be said for the Hiph., / cause to write ;
it only remains to settle the tense force of Sinsx. If the writer
had intended past or present perfect, i.e. if he had wished to mark
it as a definite fact, he would naturally have used the perfect
tense. The present, whether historical or voluntative, fails to
meet the demands of the context, although both would emphasize
the idea that the laws were still in process of being written or
collected, or, in other words, that the collection was not yet
finished. The future makes no sense whatever. Upon the whole
the hypothetical force seems to be preferable. Were I to write my
laws by myriads, i.e. if I were to write laws so many that they
could not be numbered ; or, if the laws that have been written
should be increased indefinitely (to ten thousand), — a statement
which presupposes : {a) that in Hosea's time the custom was
established of reducing instruction to writing ; ** {b) the possibil-
ity of increasing the number, i.e. a conception that the list was
incomplete ; ff {c) that the laws in existence were not being ob-

* Ke. t <!S.V. X S3r, AV. § RV. || Che.

H Hi., Hd., Ew., Or. ** Cf. Holzinger, Einl. 8.

tt Cf. Kue. The Hexateuch, 178 : " With the prophets then the torah of Yahweh
Y

322 HOSEA

served, although the prophets were defending them (cf. 4^*) ; and
consequently {d) that they were not the ceremonial laws regulat-
ing the work of the priests, for this work the prophet condemns
because he does not regard it as a part of Yahweh's instruction
(cf. Is. i"i2^^* but rather prophetic instructions, laws relating
to " civil justice and the applications of a plain but religiously
sanctioned morality (cf. the so-called Book of the Covenant,
Ex. 20^-23^) ."t Among the prophets torah = instruction, and
refers to the admonition of the prophets (cf Is. i^" 2^ 8^® Je. 18^*
26^-^ Ez. 7^® Is. 42* Hg. 2" Zc. 7^, In Deuteronomy statutes and
judgments is the phrase which expresses the idea of law ; while
torah is still used of oral instruction, \ It is urged § against this
interpretation : (i) that the analogy of other Semitic religions, in
which, from the first, the ceremonial and ethical appear together,
is against the position that the instruction referred to was ethical
rather than ceremonial ; (2) that this proposition does not explain
the fundamental significance of the symbolism of ceremony in
ancient religions ; and (3) the existence of such ceremonial ele-
ments in the Decalogue and Book of the Covenant ; while (4) there
stands against it the presupposition of an extensive priestly law in
Deuteronomy. It is maintained, still further || : (i) that even
granting the hypothetical translation, the passage proves " the
existence of a detailed and copious law embracing the subject
of sacrifice, which the prophet held to be from God, and charged
both priests and people with neglecting " ; (2) that, however, the
tense (pf.) of in^'PiJ renders the hypothetical construction impossi-
ble, and favors the treatment of ainSK as historical (cf. Ps. 103^) ;
and (3) that the hypothetical explanation involves certain incon-
gruities which are fatal, e.g. would ten thousand requirements be
more likely to secure obedience than a smaller number?^ — As
those of a stranger they would be accounted~\ and therefore of no

is by no means a closed and completed whole, handed down from antiquity, but
the continuous and ever renewed indication to Israel of Yahweh's will."

* We. Prol. 57.

t Che ; cf. Briggs, The Hexateuch, 14 ; Carpenter and Harford-Battersby, The
Hexatcuch, I. 19.

X Cf. Addis, The Documents of the Hexateuch, II. 34, N. 1. § Or.

II Green, Moses and the Prophets, 114.

H Cf. Sm. Moses apud Prophetas, 13; Now.H.

viii. 12-13 323

binding force ; for how could the laws of one nation be regarded
as authoritative by another? Cf. Gn. 19^. The matter may be
summed up : Hosea condemns those of his time, priests and peo-
ple, who are observing in great detail a sacrificial cult (v.") and
accuses them, although they are very busy in the observance of
this cult, of having forgotten Yahweh (4^"*). These people, he says,
would count even a myriad of Yahweh's laws, if they were written
for them, as the prophecy of a stranger and therefore as not bind-
ing. They have in mind nothing but offerings ; they forget the
divine instructions delivered by the prophets. — 13. My offerings
of . . . they sacrifice flesh, atid they eat it'\ The easiest disposi-
tion of the words "2n Ti-T, and the one most common, is to render
my sacrificial gifts {v.i.) they sacrifice, etc., which is interpreted to
mean that sacrifice, with them, is merely formal, the important
thing being the " luxury of a dinner of flesh-meat " ; * but this
is almost meaningless in this connection. The same thing may
be said of the slightly varying translations, sacrifices of tny own
gifts,\ as a sacrifice of my gifts, J etc. Essentially different are
the interpretations which understand ^^r^'z^n to mean raw flesh
{v.i.),% or roast sacrifices {v.i.).\\ (§ {v.s.) connects the first
two words with the preceding, viz. " and my laws were reckoned
as those of a stranger, the beloved sacrifices " ; while some treat
them as a gloss and thus secure the simple reading, they sacrifice
flesh and they eat it.% There is not very great choice in the
midst of so many difficulties. — Yahweh havijtg no delight in them'\
On nil, v.i. This is the important point.** Whatever the pre-
ceding words mean, they were intended to describe a cultus, a
worship, in which Yahweh took no pleasure, and consequently
Now must he remember their guilt'] Now = at last; the consum-
mation has been reached. Patience is exhausted ; he must re-
member, i.e. he feels himself obliged to remember and to take
notice of their guilt (cf. 7" 9^ Je. 14^"; in all of which, as here, the
verb in the parallel member is "ipD, visit, punish.) — And visit
their sin] The usual and frequent technical term for punishment.
— Since they to Egypt shall return] Cf. g^^ ^ 1 1^. This is either a

*Ki., Hd., Ke.,St., Che., BDB. t Sim. || Or.

t Stuck, Hes. ; cf. Bauer. § Ew, U Oort, Ru.

*♦ But Marti om. this phrase as a gloss.

324 HOSEA

poetical expression for captivity in general ; or a prediction of cap-
tivity in Egypt, parallel with the more frequent prediction of an
Assyrian captivity. In favor of the second supposition may be
cited (i) the repetition of the threat (v.s.), (2) the threat in
Is. 1^ of a double invasion from Egypt and Assyria, (3) the con-
stant vacillation between the two political parties, one of which
advocated alliance with Egypt, the other with Assyria ; but above
all (4) the predictions of restoration from Egypt in Is. 11"
Mi. 7^. It would be interesting if in this connection it could be
shown that (3's addition to this verse {v.s.), and in Assyria they
shall eat the unclean thing, were anything but a gloss borrowed
from 9^.* — 14. And so Israel forgot his 7naker and built palaces']
This verse is a later addition,! for (i) the reference to Judah is
uncalled for; (2) the style resembles that of Amos rather than
Hosea ; (3) the natural conclusion of the discourse is in v.^^ ;
v." only weakens the climax; (4) the thought of Yahweh as
Israel's creator is unexpected in Hosea's time; (5) the verse is
superfluous in the strophic system. The abandonment of Yahweh
in the opinion of the prophet is contemporaneous with and in
proportion to the steps taken to exhibit self-dependence. Palaces
(rather than the more common rendering of m'72\l temples) must
be understood (v.i.), since we may ascribe neither to Hosea
nor to a later author the opinion that the building of the
temple was a wicked thing. — And Judah multiplied fenced
cities'] The poetic parallel for the preceding statement. — And
so I will setid fire upon his cities, and it shall devour his palaces]
Cf. Am. i*-2\

11. xonS 'td] If i!H2C stands, an interesting case of repetition of a series
of words, H. 39, 5rt, rm. {e). — 13. 2in3N] Q''r! shortens the longer form of
K^thibh. — i3n] Q'^ri changes 1 of K^thlbh to % thus securing a pi. cstr. —
liu'n;] For pass, used with ace, v. Pr. 17^8; also frequently, as here, with 3,
cf" is. 528 29I6 Jb. i83; K6. 338 v, y, e. On d. f. in r, cf. GK. 13 c —

13. ^\PD''^ . . . "i3P] Parallel acts, hence i rather than 'dm. K6. 370 /I —

14. innSi:'!] Waw consec. with pf. = impf. of threat, as seen from the con-
text, although no determining word precedes; cf. also 4^" lo^*; Ko. 3677.

* Cf., however, Gu. Marti treats since they to Egypt, etc., also as a gloss,
t So Sta. G VI. I. 577 ; Scholz, Oort, We. ; Che. in WRS. Proph. XVII. ff. ; GAS.,
Now. ; Marti, EB. 2122 ; et al. ; but cf. Kue. Einl. § 67, 8-10 ; Co. EM. \ 27, 3.

VIII. 13-14 325

§ 11. Israel's exile — a breaking up of social and religious
habits. 9^"'''. Israel should not rejoice too loudly in her har-
vest and vintage feasts, since, on account of her adultery, the
time is at hand when there will be no threshing-floors nor wine-
vats, no libations nor offerings ; for all food will be unclean, and
all who eat unclean (vs.^-^-^). Israel is to be carried into exile
in Assyria or Egypt, where it will be impossible to celebrate
feasts and festivals, and her own land will be thorns and thistles
(vs.^- ^- ®) . Israel's days of visitation are coming, — days of bitter
experience, when prophets and spiritual guides will have been
driven mad because of Israel's faithlessness, and because of the
opposition which they encounter, — days of dire punishment
(vs.^-»).

This piece is marked by a peculiar definiteness and clearness. Perhaps
v.^ forms an exception to this statement. It consists of three strophes, each
of which is introduced by a three-membered clause, after which come perfectly
regular couplets : strophe I, 3 + 2+2 + 2 + 2; strophe 2, 3 + 2+2 + 2;
strophe 3, 3 + 2 + 2 + 2. Strophe l warns against the heathenish joy of their
celebrations, for soon there will be no libations nor sacrifices. Strophe 2
announces the exile, during which the celebration of feast-days and festivals
will be impossible. Strophe 3 describes days of visitation. The following
modifications are to be adopted: (i) the transfer of v.^ to precede v.^;
(2) the treatment of v.^ as a gloss.

1. Su'Sn] (3 fJ-v^^ €V(ppabov; so 5U2C, all reading Sx. Om. as a gloss
repeating ncrn Sn. Marti, hin Sn. — Davys'] Some codd. of Kenn. and de R.
0''nj?2 (so also Abarb., Ros., Gr.). IL adds terrae. — V^'Sy] % 'S,^ _^. —
p^] Om. with S as a dittog. of pj (v.2) ; this yields a trimeter line and permits
pj (v.2) to follow closely upon nuij, a construction demanded by the context.
— 2. Dj;-\i] Read, with (S, €71/0; ainoi^, a;?Ti (so Houtsma, We., Oort {ThT.
and Etn.), Gu., Ru., GAS., Now., Oct., Marti). S> ^oijaiaJ = dit. (Seb.). —
na] Read, with (SSFC, 03; so Bab. cod. (so also Dathe, Ew., Bauer, We.,
Gr., Oort, Loft., Ru., Gu., GAS., Now., Oct., Marti). — 3. nu"] @ Ka.Tt^K7)<Tav
= ^2•f\ — a-jM] ® KaTt^K7)(T€v = 3r;; U om. i. — 4. laiy] Read i3-ir (so Kue.
I/iM. Led. 1882, pp. 312 f.; Oort, ThT. and Em.; Val., We., Gu.,' Loft., Ru.,
GAS., Now., Marti). Gr. 3ny\ Gardner, nay^ (cf. Ex. 13I2 Lv. 1821).—
D'Tnat] Join, contrary to accents, with what precedes; so S; but (SU join
with following. — onSa] Gardner, anS 13. — aijix] ^ )jJ!^o|. — onS] % ejus.
Read DcnS (so Kue. Hibb. Led. 1882, pp. 312 f.; Oort, ThT. and Em.; We.,
Val., Gu., Ru., Loft., GAS., Now., Oet., Marti). — Nia"»] GAS. w^a;. — 5. DvS]

326 HOSEA

(5 pi. (so also GAS.). — 6. toSn njn] Gr. u"?.! p = if, etc.; Marti, Di^Sn 'n.
Read, with We., Val., and Now., voS;. — na'D] S \j^£i£i = ^t^'3. Read, with
We., niB'N (so Val., Now., Get., Marti). Ru. om. as a double of [o"']ixc,
and supplies the town-name Dnjpnn before DX^pn. — ncnn] @ Max/^tis ( =
e'cnc), due to confusion of t with foil. *? and consequent resemblance to
familiar U'CDO (Vol.). S. rd iiri6vix'f]ixaTa. Gr. pDOD. Marti, onncnp. Read,
with Hi., •'icnp for S 'nc (so We.; Oort, Em.; Val., Oct., Hal.). — dddj'^]
Gardner, acnoS. Hal. ^\]^ri2. Some codd. of Kenn. and de R. DSfijj'? (so
Ru.). Marti om. as gloss. — ifiDp] (5 dXedpos = B'piD (Vol.). S |.«f£a3. —
Dtrnii] @ K\-r)povofi-f)<T€i avTb = y^'\'^\ (so also Ru.). — 7. ijJi'] <5 KaKwdi^-
o-erai = j?-i\ Now. and We.^ yi\ — '7NTJ'''] Ru. adds isn and transfers here
from V.8, rnSvS np? anss*, the text being changed. — nooa'D nam ^J^y oi Sy]
@ U7r6 ToO ttXiJ^ovs twv olSikluiv ffov iTrXridivdn] /xavla aov = ri3"i T'jiy 31 Vy
nyaJ^fn (Vol.); & om. conj. with (§, and derives nntaa'D from ntair = forsake
(Seb.) ; U renders last clause ^^ imdtitudinem amentiae. Read riNonn 3ii
(so Ru., Now.; w.z.), and, with Now., transfer nct3t^'D to beginning of v.^.
Gr. nnaifDn 3ii (so We., Oort {Em.)). Oort, ncBb'D nai, omitting i with (S.
Hal. "ti'B ^3";\2. Ru. om. hdx ncoifD as a correction of the foil, ncaii'n. —

8. nss] Gr. n^s. Che. and Hal. npis. Oet. no nsb. — o;-] Grotius, oy
(so Mich., Gr.). Che. a;'c. Oet. Sy. Ru. and Hal. oyt. Oort om. — \nSvx]
(5 om. suff. Some codd. rnSx (so also Oort, ThT. and Em.; Ru., Hal.).
Oet. om. as dittograph of last word in verse, ^n*?!* oj! is to be omitted, with
Now., as a gloss. — chp"'] Oort, vp_-_^. — nciDii'o] Om. as dittog. of 'd in v.'' —

9. p-iDyn] (5 joins with V.8 (so also Oort, Gr., We., GAS.). Oort, pinyn. —
inntt'] ® ^^^dpTjcrav = innE' (Vol.). Read, with We. and Now. 'innr. — ^di3]
Hal. ■'piD. — nyajn] (S tov ^ovvod ; so S. — 113?''] S inserts nnj? before T (so
also Ru.). IL adds dabitur after 'i\

IX. 1. Do not rejoice, Israel, like the peoples^ The words are
addressed to Israel at a time when the nation is engaged in
the midst of the wild and exuberant celebration of a harvest
feast. It is, perhaps, also a time when Assyria's hand, for a
moment, seems to have been lifted, and Israel permitted to
breathe more freely (cf. 2 K. 15^^). Instead of (i) retaining
'^■'r':)^ = unto exultation = too loudly, cf Jb. 3" ;* or (2) reading
^t'?^ (^•■5'-)j which is irregular in that an imperfect would have
been expected; it is better (3) to omit the phrase as a gloss
on nttC'n "^K.t This harvest-rejoicing places Israel on a plane

* So Hd., RV., et al.

t Cf. Hal.'s sug. that S"iJ here = produce of the soil, being allied to Aram. nSu
(stalk), Arab. Juts^ (tribe), and Ethiop. egy^l (child) ; cf. Dn. iio Ps. 65 13.

IX. I, 2 327

with other nations, i.e. makes her like the peoples, the heathen.
What, in the prophet's mind, constituted the difference ? The
people in their celebration acknowledge the harvest to be a
gift of the god of the land in return for their sedulous worship,
thus making material gain the goal and the reward of worship ;
while it is the prophet's contention that divine blessings are
bestowed for real worth and character (Dt. 28^"^). Here is
opposition between the folk-religion and the true Yahweh-reHgion
as preached by the prophet. It is here that D'ttU is first used
in the sense of heathen.* — That thou hast played the harlot
frotn thy God'\ Is this the ground of the command not to
rejoice,! or is that ground to be found later in the statement
that threshing-floor aud wine-vat will not know thetn (v.^).J In
the latter case, ""S = that, in that, and the following clauses
furnish the substance of the rejoicing, not the reason or occasion. §
— Thou hast loved a harlofs hire upon all threshingfloors'\
Accepting the harvest-fruits as from the Baahm commits Israel
to the service of the Baalim. Every celebration of a local
festival is, therefore, an act of harlotry, in which the harlot
acknowledges her paramour and accepts his gift, i.e. the harlot's
hire. The sin here is not worshipping on the high places, but ob-
serving a cult in which debasing tendencies are at work, instead
of those which would elevate and ennoble. It is, in other words,
a case of the material vs. the spiritual (cf. Zc. 14^""^^). pi is
unnecessary and may be omitted. — 2. Threshing-floor and wine-
vat shall not know the/?t'\ Feed them || (cf. 4"^) is not an easy
expression with the subject here indicated. The reading DrT
is very natural and is supported by the parallel phrase t^n?\ The
floor and the vat (the place within the press into which oil or
wine flowed, cf. Jo. 2-*) stand, concretely, for the grain and oil
and wine, these henceforth will not know, i.e. be known to,
Israel, not because a failure of crops is to be expected,^ but
because they are to be carried into exile.** — And the new wine
shall play them false'] Cf. Hb. 3^^. The reading her, if correct,
is due to Israel's representation as a harlot; but (i) the versions

* We. $ Now., Marti. H Dathe, Mau., Hi., Ew., et al.

t Ke., Or., et al. || So fll3r. ** Marck, Stuck, Umb.

X Hi., Ew., Now.

328 HOSEA

(v.s.) read them; (2) everywhere else in chaps. 4-14, Israel is
spoken of as he (thou) or they (ye) (even in 4^® lo^^ in com-
parison with feminine animals).* — 4. They shall not pour liba-
tions to Yahweh'] f In eating and drinking at sacrificial meals
a portion of the wine was devoted to the deity and poured out
as a libation, the rest was drunk in connection with the offering
(cf. Am. 2* I S. I-* 10^). If this custom be interfered with in
the exile, the whole of the wine in general will become unclean,
and therefore unpleasing to Yahweh. — Nor prepare for him
their sacrifices^ This is the simplest treatment, although it re-
quires the change of lany to iDiy {v.s.) and the connection
of D.Tn^T with this verb as object contrary to the accents. J
To represent the sacrifices as unpleasing to Yahweh § (cf. Je. 6-"
Mai. 3*) is inconsistent with v.^" and with chap. 3, which say
that there shall be no sacrifice at all. The word ']"iy, used
of laying in order the parts of the sacrifice, is common (Lv. i"-^
6^ Ex. 40^-^; cf. Ps. 23^). It must be remembered that sacrifice
and feasting upon animal food were inseparable. || — Their bread
shall be like the bread of mourning\ i.e. Utirh for Urh. Just
as the wine they drink and the flesh they eat will be taken
without giving thereof a due portion to Yahweh, and conse-
quently will be unconsecrated and unclean, and without " the
joy of the sense of the divine favor," so the bread which they
eat will be unclean ; it will be, in fact, like the bread of
mourtiing, i.e. the bread eaten during the days of mourning
for the dead (Nu. 19"), or, better, the bread used at the
funeral feasts and broken for the dead (cf. Je. 16^ Dt. 26").^
No stronger impression for impurity could have been found ;
and yet all bread eaten in exile will be thus impure. — All who

* Ew.

t Cf. Oort, Th T. XXIV. 491 f., who rejects vs.^ and 5 as a later addition for the
following reasons: (i) the difficulty of explaining nin' pij (v.*) as coming from
Hosea, since it cannot denote the temple at Jerusalem, and there was more than
one temple in North Israel; (2) these verses break the connection; (3) they
do not reflect the sentiment of Hosea's time, but that of the Deuteronomic
period; (4) they are inconsistent with vs.i-3. Marti makes ■**• ^ late.

X Cf. RV., which takes this word with what follows. § So ®S5E.

{{ WRS. Sem. 222 f. ; Sm. Rel. 140 f.

H Ros., Hi., Ew., Hd., Sim., Ke., Now., Marti.

IX. 4, 3 329

eat shall defile themselves^ The idea of cleanness and unclean-
ness is very old ; it is to be connected closely with the ideas
of ancestor worship and totemism, and is, in fact, only another
name for taboo ; * and there is, therefore, nothing in this to
prove the observance at this time of the Levitical cult. — For
their bread shall be only for their hunger'\ Instead of the double
purpose involved in eating as heretofore, viz. worship of, or
communion with, the deity, and satisfaction of desire for food,
only the latter shall now exist. All that was holy and sacred,
all that was spiritual, will have disappeared. This is the idea
whether we render dtrSD"? for themselves,-^ or for their belly, % or
for their desire or hunger^ (cf. also Is. 29* 32® Ps. 63* 107^). —
It shall not come into Yahweh^s house'] i.e. any place consecrated
to Yahweh, e.g. the temple, or a high place. — 3. They shall not
dwell in the land of Yahweh] This is the explanation of the
dire threat contained in vs.^- ^- ■* ; they will be compelled to
abandon their home land, the land of Yahweh. This expression
furnishes the key to an understanding of the O. T. religion down
to the exile. The old Arabic tribal conception of God, involv-
ing on the one hand a belief in the personality of God which
opposes a tendency toward pantheism, and on the other, a belief
in the deity as an abstract representation of irresistible power
and force, which was opposed to polytheism, developed into
henotheism or monolatry, according to which each nation had
its own god (Chemosh, the god of Moab ; Milcom, the god of
Ammon). In this way Yahweh was the god of Israel (Ju. ii^*).
This was a worship of one god, but also an acknowledgment
of the existence of other gods for other lands and peoples. ||
As clear cases of this belief, cf. Naaman the Syrian, who takes
home earth from Palestine on which to worship Yahweh, who
had cured him (2 K. 5^^) ; the flight of Jonah, who thought he
could thus escape the presence of Yahweh (Jon. i^) ; and the
feeling of David that in being driven out of Israel into another

*Cf. Sta. GVI. I. 481-487; WRS. Sem. 446 ff.; Now. Arch. II. 275 f.; Benz,
Arch. 478-484; G. A. Simcox, EB. I. 8425.; Matthes, ThT. XXXIII. 293-318;
and other literature cited in my Priestly Element, etc., 126 ff.

t Ma., Umb., Hd., Ke., et al. % Ew. § Hi., Che., Now.

II WRS. Proph. 54 f. ; Sm. Ret. 113 f. ; Schultz, Theol. I. 176 ff.

330 HOSEA

land he was being forced to transfer his worship to other gods
(i S. 26"). — But Ephraim shall return to Egypt'\ Cf. on 8^^
This reference is not simply a " type of the land of captivity,"
Assyria being intended and designated thus as a new Egypt.*
The fact is, that at this time Israel was between two great
threatening powers. It is not yet certain in the prophet's mind
whether Egypt or Assyria, or both, shall be the agent of Israel's
exile. Both are tyrannizing over her. Toward both Israel leans
(cf. 5^^ 7"). Time will determine the issue more definitely. —
And in Assyi-ia they shall eat what is unclean'] Cf. Ez, 4^^.
Living in a foreign land and eating that which is unclean are
synonymous terms. The situation is now squarely before them.
Perhaps they will consider (cf. (©'s addition to 8^^). — 5. What
will ye do on the day of a festival ?'\ How will the Sabbath and
the day of the new moon be properly celebrated ? How, indeed,
will they be celebrated at all in a foreign land, where Yahweh's
sanctuaries do not exist ? These days were the great days of
rejoicing, recurring weekly and monthly.f — Or on the day of
feasti?ig to Vahweh'] The 2n was the great harvest feast J (cf.
I K. 8^ 12'^ Ju. 21^^ Ez. 45-^ 2 Ch. 5^), and not a general term
for all feasts and synonymous with nuia. § — 6. Eor behold they
will go to Assyria] This reading || (z^.j.) relieves two difficulties :
(i) the absence of a reference to Assyria in connection with
the mention of Egypt; (2) the confusion involved in the
rendering of the present text, they will go from the devastation,
i.e. they will leave their wasted land ; ^ or they will die of hunger ; **
or yea, if they are gone from the ruins, ff a protasis, — all of which
describe a departure on account of devastation, rather than a
deportation. I J — Egypt gathering them, Memphis butying them]
Rapid strokes in a picture, intentionally left somewhat indefinite. §§
In this description reference is made to the numerous and vast
burial grounds of Egypt, one of the largest being at Memphis.
Memphis occupied an important position on the Nile, a short
distance south of Cairo, whence it commanded the whole of
Egypt, of which it was the most important city during the

* Ke. t See my Priestly Element in the O. T., p. 96. J Sim., Now.

§ Ke. II We., Now. t Cal., Bauer. ** Ki., Dathe. tt Ew., J 357 <J.

tt Or. §§ Marti cm. 'pn 'XD as a doublet of 'pn «]a.

IX. 3-7 331

greater part of its existence.* — Nettles inheriting their precious
things of silver'] Another side of the picture ; cf. 9^^. The plural
nana is probably to be read.f This has been taken : (i) as a
reference to idols of silver;]: (2) as meaning treasure-houses
or palaces ;§ (3) as a proper name ; || (4) as connected with
mapn, and meaning "on account of longing for their silver.''^

— Thorns coming up in their tejits] Cf. Is. 34^^ Their dwellings,
not tabernacles, or places of worship (cf. Ez. 16^^). — 7. The days
of visitation will come] The perfect is prophetic. This and the
following line tell what it is that Israel shall know, or experience.

— The days of recompense will come] D^u; (cf. similar formation
in bl3B, hT\T\) is an abstract noun, parallel in thought to visitation
(mps),** and is hardly a play on the proper name Shallum.ff —
Israel shall knoiv] It is better thus to connect this clause with
the preceding, J J than to make it a parenthetical clause and
connect it with what follows, "D being understood. §§ — A fool,
the prophet ; mad, the man of spirit] Two uncertainties exist
here : (i) Is this phrase {a) the direct object of lyT, i.e. Israel
shall know (that) the prophet is a fool, etc., this entire clause,
m"in . . . lUT, being parenthetical, and the following 'i:i nTbu
depending upon IKS ; || || or {b) is the phrase independent of what
precedes and to be taken only with what follows ?^^ (2) The
other question concerns the sense in which K'3J and nm r^K
are taken, whether {a) of the false prophets, who have deluded
the people by their prediction of prosperity and are now con-
victed of folly and made insane by the divine judgment ; ***
or {b) of true prophets Pfft Against the interpretation oi false
prophets it may be urged that the terms " fool," " madman," are
not likely to have been used by the people of false prophets who
had led them astray (OreUi), that Pini t^'K must be used of a
truly inspired prophet, notwithstanding Mi. 2", and that v.^ sup-

* See arts. " Memphis," DB., and " Noph," EB., by W. M. Miiller.

t Hi., We., Now, || <B. f\ We., Marti.

X Hess., Hi., We. H Marck, Ros. ++ We.. Or., GAS., Now., et al.

} a:, Jer., Ra., Ki., Wu., et al. ** Ki., Wu. \\ 3r, Marck, Hi.

nil 5C, Jer., Ki., Ra., Marck, Mau., Hi., Bauer, Ros., Wu.

tH Umb., Sim., Che., Or., Now.

*** Ki., Abarb., Marck, Dathe, Ros., Mau., Hi., Hd., Ke.

ttt Ew., Umb., Sim., Che., We., Now., Marti,

332 HOSE A

ports strongly this interpretation as a whole. The sentence is
to be taken with Nowack as a quotation from the mouth of the
people (cf. 6^ Is. 28"-^'').* The prophet seems to say: You,
the people, maintain, do you, that the prophet has become a
fool, and the man of spirit a madman ? It is true, just as you
say, but learn that this great calamity has come upon them
because of the greatness of thine iniquity and the greatness of thy
sin'\ It is Israel's iniquity and sin (adopting Ruben's suggestion
to substitute n><l2n, sin, for naau^a) that have driven mad the
inspired messengers of Yahweh. This same thought is ampli-
fied in the following verses. — 8. This verse is almost hope-
lessly confused. The more important solutions proposed are
the following: (i) Ephraim's watchman, appointed by my God,
even the prophet — a fowler's snare is in all his ways;-\ this
interpretation involves the reading of DUtt for DU, a tt having
dropped out after D"'~iS>{ ; and uses the word "watchman" as in
Je. G^. The result is a sentence giving an appropriate thought,
but so involved in expression as to make it very doubtful.
(2) Ephraim acts the spy with my God; the prophet is a
fowler's snare upon all his (Israers) ways. J Variations of
this interpretation are three : {a) Ephraim lays ambush against
the people (Dp instead of dp) of my God;§ {b) Ephraim looks
round about outside of (away from) my God (for foreign help) ; ||
{c) Ephraim looks after prophecies in addition to those from
my God.^ (3) Ephraim expects help from my God,** treating
nS2 as in Ps. 5^ Mi. f La. /^\ and oy as for Dria (cf. Jb. 27^^).
(4) There is hostility to the watchtnan in the house of his God ;
the prophet {finds) the snares of the fowler on all his ways.-\-\
This interpretation involves considerable change in the text, viz.
{a) the transfer of natira from the end of v.^ to the beginning of
v.^ ; (b) the omission of ^•^b^{ Dl? D'"iSi< (cf. Ruben's suggestion
that these words stood originally in connection with h^fTW IDT
(v.^ in this form : rnbx BUT DnsK "SX bvnS" ll?T', the "'SK having
dropped out, dUT being for dlJ) ; (c) the omission of naatra in **
as useless repetition ; (d) the transfer of 'K n^2d to follow nB2£,

* Cf. Ew., Oort, We., Che.

^ Mich.

**Hd.

tChe.

II Struensee, Sim.

ttNow.

X GAS. ; cf. Ew., Umb., Ke., Or.

t Dathe, Hi.

IX. 7-9 333

— all this disorder being due to efforts to restore the meaning,
when by mistake nttDtra was placed at the end of v7, instead
of the beginning of vA The parallelism is perfect, and the
sense excellent.* I desire, however, to suggest the following
arrangement, which renders unnecessary certain omissions and
changes involved in Nowack's interpretation : Enmity exists tow-
ards Ephraim's watchman ; the prophet {fitids) the snares of the
fowler in all his ways ; in the (very) house of his God they dig
for him a deep pit'] This interpretation follows Nowack only in
transferring naatro from the end of v.' to the beginning of v.*,
and in the omission of 'n^N Di?. A preposition, b or b)3, must
be inserted. It adopts Wellhausen's suggestion to place the
first two words of v.^, inniT ip'ttun, at the end of v.*, giving them
another pointing. With this interpretation v.^ supplements v.^,
adding three expressions, of which the first is the simple state-
ment, the second and third poetical pictures and illustrations.
The watchman (cf. Ez. 3"*^) of Ephraim meets persecution on
every side ; fowler's snares compass about the prophet ; a deep
pit is digged for him even in the house of his God. House
here, as in v.^", means Canaan. — 9. As in the days of Gibeah']
A gloss from io^;t here inconsistent because the thought has
to do only with Ephraim's persecution of Yahweh's prophets ;
cf. Ju. 19-^ 20''^^*. — He will remember their iniquity, he will
visit their sin] An insertion from 8

13 +

+

1. S>j"Sn] If retained = inf. abs. or cogn. ace. with nctiT, although of
different stem; K6. 329 -4. For similar cases of combination of different
stems, v., e.g., Jb. 3^2 2 S. 19^ Zc. 82 — |jnN] Deriv. from njn (BDB; cf,
89. 10. but cf. We. who regards these forms as corrupt and from inj) with K
prosthetic and affix j_ ; or from ]-ij (BSZ.) for jjpjn; cf. Ko. II. i. p. 96. —
2. pj] Position of words chiastic with prec. verse and emphatic. — 4. orfnai]
The objection of Oet. and Hal. to the reading 'T y^'J on the ground that it is

* Marti reconstructs vs.7- 8 as follows : —

HJiy an Sj? (or ^st<) ^exp ha-W' y-y;

DnNDn nam ">??];r onoN yii (80)

T».7. ''a ^y 'S'lp' no (86)
D'nSjj noa ncairni

t So Now. X So Now., Marti.

334 HOSEA

not good Hebrew, cannot be maintained in view of the occurrence of n?ij) Tiy
Lv. 6^ In any case the poetic and prophetic use of iiy must not be meas-
ured by the later strict and ceremonial usage, — o^:w'] The phrase d^jin onS
occurs only here according to iiil9C ; but of. Ez. 24^- 22, where aijiN is probably
to be read for n''B'jN. On this and similar practices see Sta. GFI. I. 387 ff.;
SchwaWy, Leden nach d. Tode ; Frey, Tod Seelenglaube u. Seelenkult. — iNDtJi]
On assim. of n, cf. GK. 54 c, and cf. the Hothp. Dt. 24*; the Hithp. is not pass,
but reflex. — Dtra:'^] If xtnAtxed for theviselves, it is emphatic in contrast with
their gods ; K6. 40. — 3. 3tri . . . 12:;"'] Intentional similarity of sound. —
5. or'?] *? is rarely used of time to express concurrence {at or oit) rather than
duration in; cf. Is. 10' Je. 5^^; v. BDB, 517; K6. 331/ — 6. uSn] Ace. to
fflST, proph. pf.; cf. also in3, v.''. — Di3|in . . . onsD] The rhythm and pictu-
resqueness of these circ. clauses is to be noted; the nouns beginning with c,
the first and second radicals of both vbs. being ap; each word closing with
D_ ; cf. similar change in one consonant of a word in Is. 5''. — ^d] Is elsewhere
(Is. 19^3 Je. 2^6 44I 46"- 19 Ez. 30^3. 16) r|j; D here is perhaps due to influence
of preceding c. The ancient Egyptian name was Men-nofer (=: the good
abode) which was shortened into Mennefe and Menfe, which forms were trans-
ferred to other languages, e.g. Assyrian JMiinpi. — -idhd] On the cstr. fol. by
prep. H. 9, lb; GK. 130 a; Ko. 336 w; cf. also K6. 2S0 n, on the expression
of indeterminateness by cstr, with S. — tflDp] On form cf. K6. II. i. pp. 147,
461; Earth, yViS. 45; Lag. BA^. 117 f., 181 f.; Baer, in loc. In some Mss.,
irin^?. — DB'l"'''] On pi. suf. used as collective, v. K6. 346^. — mn] cf. Assyr.
hahin, "a thorny growth" (Dl. HWB.^. Used as here parallel to B'iDp,
Is. 34-'^. Later with meaning hook, 2 Ch. 33!^; cf. T'D which also has both mean-
ings. Che. {EB.') emends this verse freely and finds here the names of four
North Arabian districts. — 7. nnpon] On d. f. in 3rd radical, cf. A. Miiller,
ZDMG. 1891, p. 234; K6. II. i. pp. 199, 461. — oStiTi] On art. with nouns of
this form, K6. 241 /; cf. 261 e. — 7. nnoa'D] a.X. from DD'J', a by-form of JOS', to
oppose, be hostile; cf. Gn. 27*^ Jb. 16^. Cf. the sugg. of BSZ. to connect it
with the Syr. >a.{aD, Pa. — bind with cords, the word being omitted from v.''

— 8. vyp'' no] ripi only here; cf. rip> with same meaning, Ps. 91^ Pr. 6*
Je. 526. For the phrase snare of the fowler, cf. Ps. 91^ 124^, On nsi, v. Am. 3^

— 9. lp^Dj?n] Vb. appos.; H. 36, 2; GK. I20g; a case of asyndetic appos. —
•"Dia] 2 = as in, used pregnantly; cf. Is. 5" g^ Jb. 29^; cf. BDB. p. 453, on
original force of 3 as subst.; K6. ^igd on the adv. force of preposition. —
nyajn] Art. with this proper noun sometimes used, at others omitted; cf.
Jos. 15" 1 828; K6. 295^.

§ 12. Israel is corrupt ; the life of old as well as young licen-
tious. 9^*^^^ Israel started out with freshness and purity of
youth ; but contamination came at Baal-peor, and the abominable
thing took hold of them (9'°). Ephraim's glory is gone; no
children, no mothers; no fruit (vs."-^®"-'). Even when children

IX. ic^i7 335

are born they are slain before maturity ; they are destined only
for slaughter (16^.120.5.13^^ Qjye them, O Yahweh, barrenness; in
Gilgal they have shown their wickedness, and for it I will drive
them forth ("isa. j.-j^ j ^^jj cease to love them, because of their
rebellion ; woe upon them. My God will make them vagabonds
for their disobedience (is c 12 c. i:^ ^

This piece is commonly recognized as complete in itself; so Mich., Dathe,
Stuck, Mau., Hi., Ew., Ke., Che., Or., Val., Now., GAS., et al.; cf. however
Hd., Sim. It consists of five four-line strophes, in a movement essentially
tetrameter. Strophes I and 2 might be united ; so also strophes 3 and 4 ;
with this combination the order would be 8 + 8 + 4. Strophes i and 2 describe
the immoral life of the people and their consequent decay — no fruit. Strophes
3 and 4 assert that even those born are destined to captivity and slaughter
before they are grown, for they will be cast off — because of wickedness in
Gilgal. Strophe 5 declares that Yahweh, instead of loving them, will make
them wanderers in the earth — on account of their rebellion. This arrange-
ment involves the following transpositions: (i) v.i^ to follow v.n Qv.i.');
(2) V.12C, DHD nvj'a anS iix"DJ"''0, to follow v.i^ (z/,?.). Gr. arranges as follows:

10. 11 o. 14. 116. 12.13.15.16,

10. DOjy] © sg. — n-\iD3D] (g m (TKovbv. — niT'CNia] Om., with S, as a
gloss; (5 irp6ifjLov; U in cacumine ejus. — DS^niaN] (SSiH 3 pi. suff. (so also
Ru.). — nc.t] 2tS = nsni (so Ru.). — ncaS] Read, with We., Now., and
Marti, SjnS. — a'lSipi:'] (5, S. ol i^SeXvyfi^poi = o^xipu* (Vol.); so F; 'A. /35e\i;-
ffuiTa. — D3n!<3] @ wj ol r)yairr]fji.4voi = 0^2!}it2 (Vol.); 'A. wj ■^dw-qaav ;
S. Sffij} rp/aTr'l]dr}(Tav; U sicut ea quae dilexerunt ; & ain^j? »j_«|. Gr. onianKDi).
Gardner, on^SriNa or dShnj. — 11. ain::] (3 and U join with foil, clause.
(5 renders this and three foil, nouns as plurals. — jej3d] BSZ. and Marti,
jbap. — 16. r[Dn^ (Q iirdvecrev = ry'^n (Stek.). Gr. noDD. — oan^] (g rds p/faj
avTov; 'A., S. i] pl^a avrov; S connects with 7\2^ as ace. of specification.

— ca^] Gr. V2\ — "hi"] Read, with Q<^rt, Sj; so 40 codd. of Kenn. (so also
Gr., Ru., Get.). — 12. OTiS^anj IQ aTeKvud-ftffQvrai.; Ru. o^'n-i^ri. Gr. dp'^sb'i.

— mND] (& i^ av0pd)iruv ; U in hominibus. Gr. DPDnN. Oort, hding. —
onS Mx] Ru. and Hal. DniSnjj. — ann mso] ®, 0. ffdp^ fiov (= >"it;'3) i^
aiiTwv; & }j] ''^j^i^i^ which Seb. corrects to ^^-^sl^J^ (from mo), or
. *..^aAVo. Read, with Hi., niab (so Ew., Sim., Gu.). Ru. ana w'Na\ Gr.
Dn>j3 nran. Hal. an b"i);c'3. Bauer, nioa (so Oort (£m.) ). — 13. la'Na onfls
ipiN-i] (5 'E0. $v rpSwov; ®^Q- add etdov. Omit '1 'J (^v.i.). Gr. om. 'ott
as dittog. from i^^ Ew. "\rN3 for ic'sr. Hal. (or n^Ni) n^Ni •\vp Dnpi. — nisS]
Read, with <B, ets O-fjpav, i^xS or nisS (so also Houtsma, We., Ru., GAS., Oort
{Em.^, Oct., Marti) ; 'A., S. ws dKpdrofWP; G. els ir^rpav; "E om. S and treats
lis as the subj. of nSinu'. S takes "\ as 2 p. sg. with iixS, treated as proper
name, as its obj.. Hal. msa. — nSinc] ® Trap^a-Tr]<rav = 'hnv (so also Hal.),

336 HOSEA

or HN inty (Houtsma). Read ^pf. Gr. nSioc'. Qet. nS mr. Scholz, S ntr.
Ru. niB'nS. — niji] Read, with (S, rd t^kw avTQv, Dn\:3 (so also Scholz, Ru.,
Hal.), or better v:2 (so also Houtsma, We., Now., GAS., Oort (Em.), Oct.,
Marti); similarly 9. Gr. n^jx & ai »1 1 1 n*^, reading nip, as pi. (Seb.).
— nnijNi] Oort suggests that this represents some vb. — Jin Vn] Read, with
(5, e/j anoKivT-riffLv, jnn Sn (Vol.), or better nj-\nS (so also We., Now., GAS.,
Oort (^/«.), Marti); similarly S). Ru. Jnn'^. — 14. Om., with (5, the second
on*? ]n (so also Bauer). — d^dx] Another reading nipni. — 15. h^] Gardner,
"jj? or Sa Sj?. — anyn] (S kclkIui airGiv. — >n] © ^as KaKlas. — ^D^n] Oet. f^DiN.
— 17. "inSx] ® 6 0e6j; so Arabic and one cod. of Kenn.

10. Like grapes in the wilderness I fou7id Israel~\ i.e. with the
same satisfaction and pleasure with which one finds grapes in
a wilderness, I found Israel ; this connects I2"ia3 closely with
D-aiUS,* and not with TiX^ia t ( = I found Israel in the wilderness
like wild grapes belonging to no one, and under no one's protec-
tion, i.e. poor and helpless), nor with both "lattta and D'2:r3 f
(= like grapes which have no place in the wilderness, and are
not expected to be found there, so was Israel ; and the discovery
of Israel in this unexpected place brought with it surprise and
joy). This interpretation is supported by the position of the
words, and by the parallel thought of the next line ; cf. Je. 2^,
also Ho. 2^^ 13^. This expression is an allusion to the dwelling
of Israel in the wilderness. — Like the first-fruit on a fig tree L saw
your father s'\ The first ripe fig, on account of the lateness of the
fig harvest in Palestine, § was always a great dehcacy (cf. Is. 28*
Mi. 7^). In Je. 24-^ the better class of people are compared to
the first ripe figs. Ln its first time, i.e. when it begins to ripen,
is evidently a gloss, intended to make the statement still more
exphcit. It is shown to be superfluous by the rhythm and the par-
alleMsm. & omits it. — {But) they came to Baal-peor'\ The whole
of ^"^ is clearly in contrast with ^°'', although no conjunction ex-
presses this contrast. Although Israel was so favorably regarded
and so tenderly treated by Yahvveh, yet in the very beginning of
her history she showed her ingratitude and her faithlessness by
the episode of Beth-peor || (cf. Nu. 25^^-^ 2328 3i'« Dt. 3^ 4^) for

* Theod., Rashi, Mich., Stuck, Hd.,Sim., Wu., Or., Che., Sharpe, Now., Marti.

t Hi., Ew. § Cf. G. E. Post, art. " Figs," DB.

X AE., Ki., Umb., Ke., Schm. || Creuzer, Symbolik und Mythologie, II. 411.

IX. lo-ii, i6 337

which Baal-peor (perhaps an abbreviation of Beth Baal-peor*)
here stands. Peor was situated somewhere in the vicinity of the
hill of Pisgah t (Nu. 23"-^ Jos. 13^); cf. Wellhausen's sugges-
tion X that it was identical with Pisgah. — And separated thernselves
to Baal'\ ilHC = shame, is of later origin than Hosea, and by a
later copyist has here been substituted for the original " Baal." §
Yahweh is called Baal in 2^^. || nw in the Niph'al refers to that
formal separation of oneself which may be called consecration.
— And they became abominations like the object of their love~\
It may be questioned, with Wellhausen, whether D'^^iptr is not
also an insertion, used perhaps instead of the word which stood
here originally. DSnKD may be taken as here, i.e. an infinitive
construct ; ^ or as active participle or noun, like their lover,**
or loved object,-\-\ i.e. the thing loved at Baal-peor. — 11. Eph-
raim — his glory files away like a bird'\ With the swiftness of
the bird's flight will Ephraim's glory depart. The construc-
tion places special emphasis upon Ephraim, to bring the former
fruitfulness (the idea contained in the name) into contrast with
the coming calamity, which shall consist in lack of everything
which made up Ephraim's glory, i.e. prosperity, honor among
the nations, and, as a prominent element, children. — There
shall be no more birth, 710 more tnotherhood, no more con-
ception'] This, the greatest possible curse, was the punishment
threatened for their lack of chastity. The construction is singu-
larly terse and strong. The order is climactic : women will not
conceive ; if they do, the child will die in the womb ; if it should
survive the embryonic period, it will die at birth. Cf. 4^". Does
not their sin against chastity deserve this? Cf. Hal^vy's interpre-
tation of these words, in which he reverses the order of the climax.
— 16. Ephraim is smitten, their root withered] This verse inter-
rupts the thought in its present position, but fits in perfectly
between vs." ^^'^ ^^ ; it is, therefore, to be transferred, f % This change

* EB. 406. I y. d. Th. XXI. 580; cf. Di. on Nu. 2328.

t Cf. Dr., art. " Beth-peor," EB. \ We., Che., Gu., Now.

II On the use of ntt'3 as a substitute or nickname for Sya, cf. Dr. on 2 S. 4* ;
Di. in Monatsberichte der Kon.-Preuss. Academie der Wis sens chaften zu Berlin, 188 1,
June 16 ; Morris Jastrow, Jr., in JBL. XIII. 19-30.

t K6. I.p. 395. ** BSZ., Ke., Or., Now. ft Hi., ED B.

Jt So We., Now., GAS., Get. ; Marti transfers only 16 6.
z

338 HOSEA

also relieves an important difficulty in the strophic structure. The
figure of the tree is adopted ; Ephraim is like a tree smitten by
worms (Jon. 4^ or by heat (Je. 1 7*) ; and, worst of all, the very
root is destroyed, thus leaving no hope of further growth (cf.
Am. 2^ Mai. 4^, and for the opposite idea, Is. 11^ Ps. 1^). — Fruii
they cannot produce\ This is the sum and substance of the whole
thing. — Yea, though they beget children, I will slay the darlings of
their wo?nb'\ This means practically that they will bear no fruit. —
12. Yea, though they bring up their sons, I will bereave them that
there be not a man'] Cf. i S. 1 5^. This statement follows natu-
rally upon ^®*, and is in strict accord with the Hebrew method of
statement, viz. to make a general and absolute statement, and
then to add the exception or modification (cf. Jb. 31-^ Pr. 7'**^^).
V.^^* should follow v.^^ (v.i.). — 13. Ephraim — for a prey are
his sons destined] This rendering * is based upon @ (z'.x.) ; in
addition, it involves the omission of TTX"! "UTiO as unnecessary,
and inconsistent with the rhythm. The old rendering, Ephraim,
as I saw Tyms, is planted in a pleasant place, \ means nothing,
(i) for Tyre ("1^, not as here ~n2i) is entirely out of place;
(2) nbinty = planted, does not fit as predicate to Ephraim ; (3) D
would have been used with Tyre, not b. Other renderings of '^^1
are : the palm ; \ like pleasure groves of Tyrians, reading "itTK as
a noun {v.s.^;% Ephraim as I selected it for a Tyre, etc. ; 1| a
rock ;^ as I saw is like a tree planted in Tyre ;** if I look as far
as Tyre,-\-\ or towa?'d Tyre.W — Ephraim must lead forth his
sons to slaughter] Hosea still continues his description of the
coming judgment. #'s MJnn'? {v.s.), the abstract, slaughter, is
to be preferred to the fJl^E Tn h'& ^ unto the slayer.%% —
14. Give them, O Yahweh — what wilt thou give ?] This is
imprecation, II II not deprecation. 1[^ The entire context pictures

* Cf. Houtsma, We., Now., GAS. Marti reads 13 as follows : —

Via riS rw -vh tiini u'ind onDN

TT T ■- - • !

vja njinS Nisin hv^■yv1 Nim

TT T"-:-

t AV. ; cf. RV. II Ke. ft De Wette.

So.-

t Cf. Arab. \*-0, /a//«; Hi. t ©., Bauer, Bockel. JJ Mau.

k Ew. ** Cal. \\ Ew., AV., Or., GM.,etal.

III! Mau., Hd., Sim., Ke. ITU Cal., Ros.,Hi., Ew.,Umb., Or.,Che., Now.,Marti.

IX. i6, 12-15 339

Ephraim's ruin; and this is an appeal for that absolute ruin
which is involved in the failure of a tribe or nation to propagate
itself. To understand that this ejaculation is born of a sympathy
which asks for the prevention of births that those born may not be
compelled to suffer is far-fetched. The imperative, give, implies
the opposite. The question is rhetorical, indicating excitement,
and is intended not merely to furnish a basis for the repetition
of v.", nor to ascertain the divine mind,* but = what would
I have thee give ? i.e. the prophet's own wish and prayer. — A
miscarryiyig woinb and dry breasts^ The give them found in iiHST
is superfluous and spoils the line. It is omitted in (§. Unfruitful-
ness was regarded as a special and definite punishment from the
deity; cf. Gn. 25^^ 30^' ^ This punishment stands related as a
climax to that which has before been uttered ; it also bears upon
one of the chief sins of Jeroboam's time, the pride taken by the
people in their numbers and prosperity; cf. Am. 6'*^ Ho. 2* 10^
1 2^.t — 15. All their evil being in Gilgal'\ A circumstantial clause
=■ since the consununation of their mischief {ox calamity %) is in
Gilgal; this use of bs (cf. Ec. 12^^) § is strained in order to secure
paronomasia in connection with bhi^. Gilgal was the seat of
Baalistic practices (cf. 4^ 12^ Am. 4* 5^) ; but there is no evi-
dence of its being the headquarters of human sacrifice;! cf. 13^

— Yea, there I conceived hatred for thern'] 'D is resumptive,
yea or therefore ; the verb is inchoative, = not / hated, nor /
learned to hate, || but I formed or conceived hatred. — For the evil
of their doings I will drive them out of tny house'] The house here
is not the temple, but Palestine, the land of Israel ; cf. 8^ On
the use of unj cf. Gn. 3-'* 21^'' (but there is no reference here to
the Abraham episode).^ The figure of the husband and wife is
again the basis of the expression (Nowack) ; cf. Lv. 21'^" 22^^

— / will no more love them, all their nobles being rebels] A strong
anthropomorphic expression for the decision to withdraw all
favor and mercy from Israel. The reason assigned, one of the
most important in the whole hst of causes of the coming destruc-
tion, is the apostasy of the leaders. The same phrase with its

• Umb. X Oort. II Hi.

t Marti om. i*- 16 <»^- 17 as glosses. § Ma. U On the contrary, Ke.

340 HOSEA

paronomasia is cited in Is, i^. The court power is plainly in
large measure responsible; cf. "j^^- — 12c. Yea, even woe upon
them, when I look away from them'\ For text, v.s. This clause is
out of place in i]ffll9E, in which it not only has no logical connec-
tion with what precedes, but actually interrupts a closely con-
nected passage.* Here it forms a fitting climax to a series of
strong assertions, the idea of all of which is the abandonment of
Israel by Yahweh. "'5, here asseverative, is tautological if joined
with ^- *, which also is introduced by an asseverative ''3. The D3,
here indicating the climax, is impossible after ^^*, as is seen by the
effort of interpreters to make it refer to dnb rather than tof 'IK.
The strophic structure is disturbed by its position in v.^^, but
entirely satisfied by the order here proposed. — 17. My God will
cast them away, for they have not hearkened to him'\ The prophet
now speaks, summing up the thought of Yahweh as it has been
given in vs.^^ ^^ Yahweh had said, " I will drive them out of my
house ; I will no more love them ; yea, even woe upon them ! "
The prophet says, My God (for since they will no longer listen to
him he may no longer be called Israel's God) will cast them away.
They had been chosen (in3) from among all the nations; cf.
Dt. 32* Ez. 5^ Am. 6^ Mai. 3^^. — And they shall become wanderers
among the natio?is'] They will become (not be) wanderers, or fugi-
tives, Je. 4^ ; cf. use of TC, of birds who have been cast out of their
nest and fly hither and thither (Is. 16^ Pr. 27^); cf. the use of
Cain, Gn. 4^^ In 7^^ it is used figuratively of wandering away
from Yahweh.

10. ai3:i"] Hebrew is particularly rich in different words for the grape
(cf. Che. EB. I9i6f.). Among these 3:11 (the usual term, being found also
in Aram., Arab., and Assyr.) is the true word for the berry, hyz'H being used
for the cluster (Gn. 40^0 Nu. i-^^). — 1N3 ncn] On circ. cl. with pf., H. 45,
I a; GK. 142 (5; Dr. § 163. — iiyfl hy^"] For 'fl '3 nij; for discussions on site,
cf. also {v.s.) Conder, Heth and Moab, 142 f.; PEF. 1882, pp. 85 f.; Buhl,
Geogr. d. alt. Pal. 123. — nir3] Cf. Je. 32* iii3; the substitution of nivn for
'7;>a is especially frequent in proper names, e.g. na'3T', 2 S. ii^^ = Syai^ Ju. 6^^.
— D^'Xiptr] On form. Earth, A"^. 102 1/; GK. 84^,/. Its use is always late,
Je. 4^ being apparently the earliest passage aside from this. As used for idols,

* Marti therefore makes it a gloss.

t Mau., Hi., We., Dr., Gu., GAS., Now., et at.

IX. 12, 17 341

cf. also 2 K. 232* Je. 730 Ez, 2o7-8 Dn. 92T; v. Gunkel, Sckdpfung u. Chaos,
141. — oanN^] On form, BSZ. and BDB, ; only here and Pr. 7I8. — H. t]£3iyn>]
HIthpolel, only here; cf. Polel, Gn. i^o Is. 6- 1429 306. — jc] Three times
with the force of negative, H. 41,4^; GK. 119 jt; Ko. 406/. — mS] Rare
formation = B-h, GK. 69W. — 16. OB'IB' Dnsx] Chiastic order. — oj] On force,
Ko. 394^. — •'Vo] Knhibh, but •« is prob. dittog.; so S3 (QM) is better; •'Sj
is rarely used with finite vb., Ko. 352 c, ^. — ptf;?''] On p, GK. 47 w. —
12 c. nis'3] For various readings v.s. In favor of nic'a is the appropriateness
of the meaning thus obtained, the slightness of the change involved, and the
fact that DJ is thus given its proper force. Against the interpretation of
niu'a = >-\iD3 (so 'A., FE, Ros., Mau., Ke., We., Or., Now,, et al.) is the fact
that Hosea regularly writes D; so 2*- ^^ 71*. — 16. incni] 1 marks apodosis;
H. 48,2(5; GK. 159/; on form of ^"•; vb. without inserted 6, GK. 72 /J. —
ncnr] Cf. 9^; also La. 2* Jo. 4^; on form. Earth, N^B. 174. — 12. dn] = iS
GK. 159W; cf. Ko. 372,^. — 13. N-isinS] On % H. 29, 3^; Ko. 3992. —
14. |Pn"nc] On optative force, GK. 151*; Ko. 354/;. — 15. 1?'**'] One of
the few jussives of 1st pers. used for cohort.; GK. 109 a'; cf. Ko. 191 c,g;
also 197.

§ 13. Israel is wicked in proportion to her prosperity : but an
end is coming of all that she has falsely trusted. 10'"*. Israel was
a luxuriant vine, but in proportion to her prosperity she multiplied
altars and pillars ; however, she will now be declared guilty, and
her altars and pillars will be destroyed (lo^-^). On account of the
idol-calf, people and priest shall mourn ; for it shall be carried to
Assyria, a token of Ephraim's shame (10'"). The high places
shall be destroyed, thorns and thistles growing over them ; the
king of Samaria shall be cut off; and the people shall even pray
to the mountains and hills to fall upon them (lo*"^-^').

This piece consists of six four-line, or perhaps better, of three eight-line
strophes. Removing the glosses in vs.^-*" (v.i.'), the arrangement becomes
8 -|- 7 -{- 7. The movement is trimeter, although dimeters are occasionally
employed, and in the last strophe the elegiac movement is used. Strophe I
(vs.^- 2) pictures Israel as a fruitful vine, and with the increase of fruitfulness,
has come also an increase of idol-serving; but now that she has been found
guilty these emblems of idolatry shall be destroyed. Strophe 2 (vs.^-^)
describes the carrying away to Assyria of the idol-calf in which she has taken
such pleasure, which, therefore, has been her shame. Strophe 3 (vs.^"-^-^)
declares that the high places shall be destroyed, the altars grown over with
thorns and thistles, while even the king shall be cut off, and men in the con-
fusion of the judgment will call upon the mountains and the hills to fall
upon and cover them up.

342 HOSEA

This arrangement involves the following modifications: (i) vs.^'* are to
be taken as a later insertion (z'.z.); (2) vj is to be transferred to stand
between Sa. andSi (y.j,).

1. Ppa] & evK\i]iJ.aTovffa ; U frondosa ; 'A. evvdpo^ ; S. iXofiavovaa ;

5 JJsoajk'J = piiiJ' (Seb.; so also Gr.); S^ Nin3. Oet. nppi. — Snib'^] Ru.
d;"!??>'' — ^t^^} ® (6 Kapwbs) eiidrivuv = nSti^'i or ISC' (Vol.); 'A., S. i^ia-der] ;
U adaequatus. Oort and Gu. iS iW 'ins, or merely iStr ins. Gr. iS nic'^ me.
Marti, niNj. Gardner, Nir. Read, with Oet., n^ju': (cf. Jb. 12^3 362*), an Ara-
maicism. — inaS] We. om. S (so Now., Oet.). — -rh njin] Gr. 'd 'h 'n. —
1a1D^^] @ (pKoddfxriffev ; 'A. ^crTToi^Sacre (Trepi <tt7]\Qv). — 2. DjS pSn] ® i/j.4pi-
ffav Kapdias avruv^'b ipSn (Vol.); 'A., S., i/xepiffdrj KapSla. Read p^n (so
Oort, Val., Now.). Oet. phn. Ru. dSd^ phn, 'n being the name of some hostile
tribe. Briill ("Beitrage zur Erkl. d. Buches YLo." Jahrb. f. Jud. Gesch. u. Lit,
v.-vi. (1883) 1-62; so Gr.), u±"a iDiSnn, — r\r\y'\ Ru. takes it here and in S^'*
as the name of some hostile tribe. — 1Dl^'^!1] ® dcpavia-dT^o-ovrai (cf. 5^°) ; A., 2.,
0. ir\7]p.p.e\7i(rov<Ti ; H ititeribunt. Gr. •idu'\ Ru. Dcr\ — T^i"] @ Karaer/cd-
^ei = mjj' or ij?-iy (Vol.). — -nt:"] ® ^a\anzo3p'^l(Jov<Jlv=^^^z'^ (Vol.). —
3. nS 13] S om. '•D. — 4. njn] (5 XaXtDi', = n^-i, agreeing with ^SD of v.^;
U loquifnini. Oort, nai?2 or 151 (so Val.). Read, with We., 131 (so Gu.,
Ru., GAS., Now., Oort (^;«.), Oet.). — anan] Gr. 0^3-3 (cf. f^). Ru. nai.

— piSk] <5 irpocpdcreis = niSj;, an Aramaicism (Vol.); 30^ visionis. Ru. S^n. —
NW] Ru. N-'tJ'n. — mo] (§ diadT^a-eraL. Oort and Val, n^b. Gr. nnpa. Hal.
n>2. Ru. nn3i. — b»n-\] (g dypuaris = Nun (Vol.) ; 2. and 0. Xdxawv
(sc. x^f^P^") > S 1r^' Some Heb. codd. tt'N-12. Loft. i?n. — aaa'D] Ru.
T'nc'5 CTO. Oet. nsu'p or naE'p (cf. 11'' 14^). Hal. nnir'c. — na* idSh Sj']

.S ^Zj-k^ l^'l? lla-i^a ; (5 i-n-l x^pco" dypov. — 5. niSj;?^] Read, with
@, e., and S, Sjy': (so New., Oort, T/iT. and £m.; We., Gu., Loft., Ru.,
GAS., Now., BDB., Oet., Marti). Dathe, Val. and Che. (C^.) nSjj?'-. Gr.
SrjJ Vp. — ]Mi no] @ roO oi'/con "fiv ; 'A. toO o^kou S.s ; 0. roC o^kov 6v. Oort and
Marti, Sn ni3. — nu''] 6.S, 2. render dwe/I; Uand ^T worship ; 'A., 0. /^ar.
Gr. niji or mjn\ Ru. iT'jnv Che. nij\ — ps"] Read, with (§, /caroiKoO^'Tes,
ijTi' (so New., Oort, ThT. and .£ot.; We., Val., Loft., Gu., Now., GAS., Oet.,
Marti). — "la] Ru. iin;? or axr. — Son] We. Sax'' (so Gr., Val., Now., Oet.,
Marti). — moo] @ /ca^tis irapeTrlKpavav avrdv = ^r\^•\l:^ (Vol.); & joins with
preceding. — vSy] S = rSjJi; © om. — iSij^] Read iS''n'' (so Oort, Gr.). We.
ih^^l (so Val., Now., Oort (Em.), Oet., Hal., Marti), Ru. 1':'''?::. — 'o-*?]?] Gr.
'^"Sjji. — 6. iniN] <3 takes as obj. of an inserted Si^irai'Tes, which GAS. accepts
as belonging to original text. — Sav] © dv-qveyKav = ^h•'DV (so S2C and
Arabic; so also We., Loft., Now., Oet., Marti). — nnjc] <3Si pi. — 3-\i ^Sc]
(5 T(J3 /Sao-tXe? 'lapeifi; U r^^" ultori ; 'A., 0. StKdfoi'Ti ; 2. inrepnaxovvri.
For other readings see on 5^^. — njiyj] (5 ^i* SSp-ari = njoa (Vol.); U con-
strues as subj. Gr. njnp. Gu. and Marti, nc'a. Hal, nnS^. Mich, njc-a.

— inx;jD] We. iaxyp (so Val., Now., Marti). Oort (£/«.), idx;?d. — 7. nmj]

X. I 343

6 djT^ppti^ej' = nci (Vol.); "B transire fecit ; % Z-A = nm (Seb.); some
codd. of de R. nc-\j (so Oct.). Cornelius ^ Lapide, n3-i>. Cappellus, nnnj- —
\r\-zv'\ Hal. 'B-:p. Che. (£j9. II. 2125, note), unpc. — ixps] © is (t>p&ya.vov;
so S. Gr. fjaipp. We. aspo. Che. {loc. cit.), om. as corrupt dittog. of pre-
ceding iripn (v.s.). — a>n >jfl Sy] Che. (Z^?^. «V.), ansx jinj. — 8. PNtan]
(5® = pi.; so some codd. of de R. We. om. 'n ps as gloss (so Ru., Now.,
Marti), while Che. {CB.) om. Ssntt'i nxon. Gr, suggests that r^a has been lost
from before \w, because of likeness to niD. — u^S;'] S>K have suff. in 3d p.

"K. \. A luxuriant vine is Israel'\ i.e. a vine running luxuri-
antly, sending out shoots, a fruitful vine, prosperous.* With this
may be compared the view f that makes Israel a pillaged vine, i.e.
stripped of its fruit, which, however, after the robbing will lay up
fruit for itself ; and the very common view ]: which renders pp3
empty, i.e. one which pours out into leaves, but has no fruit.
This statement is an extension of 9^*^ ^^ ; cf. the vine nrtiD, Ez. 1 7®.
Hal^vy makes \i'p'2 predicate with the meaning lay waste, destroy
(cf. Is. 2^ Na. 2^) = Israel lays waste the vine which has fur-
nished him its fruit; but this is not supported by the history of
interpretation, nor by analogy (z'.j.). — He multiplies fruit for him-
self \ The thought here is obscure. The following have been
suggested : (i) Which yields fruit for itself , referring to the vine ; §
(2) Who yields fruit for himself , referring to Israel;! (3) He
putteth forth his fruit ;% (4) And the fruit is like him;** (5)
Her {the vine's) fruit flourishing (so & using perhaps h'V or
rh^", cf. Zc. f Jb. 21^3 Ps. 7312 i22« Ez. i6*^) But none of
these gives an adequate sense. Perhaps the rendering given
above ft (reading X'':t?"'), which furnishes an idea corresponding to
pps of the preceding line, may be adopted. G. A. Smith (using
T\^V or .TU) renders, " he lavishes his fruit," while Gardner's read-
ing gives just the opposite, " an evil fruit is his." — In proportion
to the increase of his fruit he multiplied altars ; in proportion to
the prosperity of his land, he made beautiful the pillars'\ i.e. the
more fruit, the more altars did he build ; the more prosperous the
land, the more beautiful were the pillars (or statues) which he

* (EF, Theod.. Bauer, Ma., Hi., Ew., Sim., Ke., Schm., Or., Che., GAS., BDB.,
Now. t Cal. X ST, AE., Schmidt, Os., Ros., Pu., Sharpe.

f Ma.. Hi., Ke., Or., RV. If Hd. tt Oet.

II Ew., Pu. ** U, Mich.

{ UNIVERSITY )

344 HOSEA

erected.* This points to a recognition by the prophet of the
influence exerted on Israel by the agricultural life which Israel
had come to adopt, for with this life there came the influence of
the Baal-cult. On the pillars, or massebahs, j). on 3*. — 2. T/iet'r
heart is false] Was their heart " divided," resting now on Baal,
and now on YahwehPf Or was it not rather "slippery, false,
deceitful"! {v.s. for text), since Hosea particularly inveighed
against a certain kind of Yahweh- worship? Cf. the use of the
word with reference to tongue, lip, mouth, throat, and speech
(Ps. 5^ 12^ 55^^ Pr. 5^ and in Ez. 12-*, where in parallehsm
stands pbn htipi:i . . . Kitt^ Jlin). — Now must they bear punishment
for //§] Other renderings are: be guilty, || deserve punish-
ment,1[ suff'er,** be punished, ft Ruben's hostile tribes {v.s^
seem to be the offspring of a fertile imagination. Now is logical
= consequently. — {But) he will break the neck of their altars ; he
will rui?i their pillars] " Breaking the neck " is a strong figure in
this connection. It is unnecessary to suppose there is any refer-
ence to the striking off of horns (Am. 3") ; JJ the word used
elsewhere only of animals is here used metaphorically. The par-
allelism of order between these lines and the first of the strophe
is to be noted. This representation of punishment is in contrast
with the picture of prosperity just presented. — 3. For soofi
they will say : we have no king] This confession is clearly incon-
sistent with the context and dates from a later period, probably
the exile. The inconsistencies of vs.^^°'^^ as pointed out by
Nowack and Marti, §§ are : (i) they furnish an entirely different
explanation for the coming judgment, as compared with vs.^'°®;
(2) the lack of fear of Yahweh is not a true charge against the
Israel of Hosea's time ; (3) nnu in v.^ refers to the present or
immediate future, but in v.^ to a more remote future ; (4) they
break the connection of thought between vs.^*"**^, which are both
concerned with the destruction of Israel's high places. If from
the exile, the phrase we have no king means what it says ; if from

* So Ew., Ke., Or., et al. H Bauer.

t Mich., Bauer, Hi., Hd., Pu., Or., RV. ** Ew.

X We., Val., Now., GAS., Marti. tt Hd.

§ Hi., Sim., Ke., We., Gu., GAS., Now. J+ We., Che., Marti.

II CaL §§ Rel. 168 and Dodekapropheton ; so also Ru.; but cf. Now.*

X. 1-4 345

an earlier period, it means, we have no king worthy of the name
or from whom help can come, i.e. an expression of despair.* Cf.
(i) the view which places the sermon in the interregnum follow-
ing the death of Jeroboam 11. ; f (2) the view that makes the
basis of this statement, the fact that all of Israel's kings were
established in opposition to Yahweh ; J and (3) the view that
makes the statement interrogative, Have we not a king? i.e. the
king of Egypt. § — For Yahweh we have not feared'\ This is the
evident point of inconsistency with the context. No Israelite of
Hosea's time could have acknowledged that he did not fear
Yahweh ; as a matter of fact he was engaged most assiduously in
a worship every part of which pointed in this direction. The
expression is not one of Hosea's time, but comes from that later
age when rightly it might have been uttered. — And the king,
what could he do for us /] For MtTl?, cf. Ec. 2^. If ^" means, we
have no king, this means, if we had a king, what could he do ; if ^^
means, we have no king worthy of the name, ^* means, what can
the king we have do for us? In either case the answer is nothing.
— 4. Speaking words, swearing false oaths, making bargains'^
With na'i the infinitive absolute {v.s. ; cf. 4^ ; (§ = -isn) we have
speaking words, i.e. mere words, words from the lips (Is. 36'' sS^'')
in which there is no truth, — falsehoods (Is. 29-'). On swearing
false oaths, \\ cf. 4^; on making bargains, i.e. making covenants,
cf. 5^^ 7'^ ; not in the ordinary affairs of Hfe ; H nor with the
sanction of idols ; ** but rather with the great powers, Assyria
(or Babylon) and Egypt ; ft cf. 10* 12^ — And law springs
forth like weeds in the furrows of the field '\ We expect here
the punishment which is to be inflicted for the conduct de-
scribed in the preceding clause ; but, as Nowack has pointed
out, Jt (i) tSBU^a does not mean judgment in the sense of in-
fliction, execution, but right (cf. 5", also Am. 5^i*-24 6^^), an
indefinite term without special application; (2) the comparison
US"iD is hardly clear or satisfactory; (3) while on the furrows
of the field fits in well in 12^^, it is here awkward, being sep-

* Mau., Ew., Hd., Sim., Or. § Dathe; cf. Schmidt.

t Mich., et al. || See Coffin, JBL., 1900, p. 107.

X Hi., Pu., Ke., Che., et al. IT Pu.

** Ros. tt Mau., Hd., Ke., Che., Or., Schm. ; Val. ZA W. XIH. 247, %% Cf. Ke.

346 HOSEA

arated from tTKi, to which it belongs. Perhaps this is a con-
tinuation of the preceding picture of wickedness, and in this
case (i) law may be used in the sense of lawsuit;* or (2) law
may be used ironically in the sense of legal injustice,^ cf. Am. 6^ ;
or (3), after dW, punishment, which shall be as bitter (cf. Dt. 29^^
La. 3^^ Je. 9^^), and as plenteous as U>X"i. % Cf. (§'s interpre-
tation = grass. It has been suggested by Nowack that either
another word be substituted for DBtyto, which shall mean " evil,"
or that tTKib I3sn be read after Am. 6^ (cf. Ho. 4^), i.e. and
Judgfuetii they turn to poppy ; but (3) above seems satisfactory.
Cheyne suggests that this judgment began with the man who was
foremost in those illegitimate covenants — the prophet's royal name-
sake, Hoshea (2 K. 17^). ti-'X"! has been rendered bitterness, %
poppy, \\ weeds ^ poison, or wormwood,** hemlock ;\-\ and tsEtt'J:
has been emended {v.s.) to murder or backsliding, W falsehood,
like this ties, %% destruction. \^\^ — 5. For the calf of Beth-aven the
inhabitants of Samaria shall tremble'] We come back now to the
original utterance, and to the beginning of the second 8-line
strophe. The occasion of the approaching punishment is here
stated to be the worship of the calf (cf the different representa-
tion in v.*"). The connection with v.^* is very close. While now
Israel identifies the calf-image with Yahweh, the prophet sees no
relationship between them. There are no words too scornful for
him to use of the calf Calf (cf. (§) is to be preferred to calves,
because of the singular suffix in rj:y and vnas and because prob-
ably only one image was set up in each place. For explana-
tions of this feminine plural, see p. 348. Beth-aven is probably
ironical and contemptuous for hvt. T\"2, cf. 4^^ Am. y^.ff On
jar, v.i. Cheyne's bemoan instead of tremble for is interesting in
view of the parallelism. For other readings, v.s. — Yea, his people
shall mourn for hitfi] The perfect, if retained, is prophetic ;
perhaps the imperfect should be read {v.s.). — And his priestlings
shall writhe for hifn] I'^TT' for ib'J", v.s. The word "las is used
only of idol-priests ; cf. 2 K. 23^ Zp. i^. In Syriac and Aramaic

* GAS. II Tkes., Hd., Che. ++ Oet.

t Ke. ir Ew.. Or., GAS. ^ Ru.

t Ew., Hd.. Che. ** Ki. ||l| Hal.

§ TS. ft AV. Ht Ko. SHI. 297 f.

X. 5-8 347

it is used of priests in general without discrimination between
those of the true God and those serving idols. It is perhaps to
be connected with the Assyr. kamdru, to lay prostrate, the priest
being one ivho prostrated himself.* It is evidently used here as a
term of contempt. The interpretation rejoice is impossible. — On
account of his glory, that it is banished front hini^ Cf. i S. 4^.
This is an insertion from a later hand, as is evident from the fact
that the suffix cannot possibly go back to bjy, although this is
intended, and the connection with what follows is impossible. f
— 6. Yea, this they will carry to Assyria^ The emphatic word
this (ims) refers to the image. — As a present to king Jareb']
Probably a gloss based on 5^^, v.s. It was not uncommon to carry
presents of gold and silver from the temple to a foreign king;
cf. 2 K. 12'^ 16^ 18^^*^. — Ephraim shall take disgrace, and Israel
shall be ashamed because of his counsel '\ The reading iSitra =
becaiise of his idol {v.s.^ is good, but not necessary. Shame and
reproach will rest upon Israel for the counsel which has been
adopted as the basis of the national policy. — 8a. The high
places of Aven shall be destroyed, the sin of Israel '\ This arrange-
ment of the verses prevents the interruption of the thought, and
preserves the climax. Perhaps the reading, the high places of
Israel shall be destroyed, both J1K and riKtSPi being taken as glosses
{v.s^, is better. — Thorn and thistle shall come up on their altars^
Cf. 9". — 7. As for Samaria, her kifig is cut off'\ This is better
than to put ki7ig with the following clauses. \ The perfect is pro-
phetic ; cf. 8^ No particular king is intended ; nor is the refer-
ence to an idol-god. § — Like a chip oti the face of the waters'] i.e.
tossed about, without ability to move in a definite path. t]i,"5
means r///^, II rather than /^^iw.^ — 8 6. And they shall say to the
mountains cover us ; and to the hills, fall 071 us^ This petition
goes up in order that they may not fall into the power of their
enemies (cf. Lk. 23^° Rev. 6^^ 9^^).

1. \>P'i\ But for the context and the general usage in this figure (y.s^, it
would be unjustifiable to adopt here a meaning found nowhere else; and

* Cf. BDB. ; Dl. Hebr. Lang., 40 ff. ; Che. + Wu., We,, Gu., Now., GAS.
t We., Now., Oct. \ Hess.

II «5S, Ki., Theod., Ma., Hi., Ew., Hd., Pu.. Ke., Or., Che., Now., Marti.
f UK, 2., Rashi, Marck, Umb.

348 HOSEA

yet the Arabic laJ = to be abundant {v. Lane), furnishes good ground for
this interpretation. BSZ. treats this case as an intrans. of the same ppa
(found in Is. 24^ and elsewhere, to empty') = to pour oneself out, to spread out.
From this root Jabbok, the river, is probably named. — ma"] Cf. GAS. I. 286,
note; Earth, ES. p. 66. — j] On the more . . . the more, K6. 371 0, — 3^]
Is inf. cstr. fol. by S, indicating dative of advantage (cf. Dt. i^ 2^ 32^, etc.) ;
K6. 286^, 402/', 407^; and not subst. in cstr. before a gen. with *?, cf.
Ew.8 295 «. — 1\6\ Inf. cstr. like 31 {v.s.'). — I3^t3^n] PI., while r\i-\r\ is sg.;

K6. 346^. — 2. s>'^r\'\ This is not the Pu'al (S^FSC, Hi.) of pSn = ^sJLs*.,
measure off; cf. Assyr. eklu, field, cf. Is. 33^^ Zc. 14^ (Jager, BAS. II. 296) ;

nor Qal of \hr\ = foJ^, make smooth, lie (Ke., Wii., We., RVm.) ; but
probably an adj. from latter, viz. x>^n; cf. Pr. 5^. — npy] Lit., at the twie,

an ace. of njj; cf. rTjJ'li <^^ the time, now. Here without 1, used of present
or immediate future, a favorite construction of Hosea; cf. 4^^ 5'^ 8^- ^3. — ick'N"']
On _, GK. 63 f. On the dagh. in :;•, GK. 13 1. On impf. of obligation,
H. 22, 3 b ; Dr. § 39. a'vi'X = to do a wrong (Ez. 25^^) . then to be guilty
(cf. 4^^ 13^); then to be treated as guilty, to receive punishment (cf. 5'^ 14^)-
Here in this third sense. The word seems to be a favorite with Hosea. —
iny] A denom. vb. from li>', neck ; on the privative force of denom. vbs.
(cf. Pi'el) GK. 52^. The other cases, Ex. \f^ 3420 Dt. 2i*-6 Is. 663, all
refer to the breaking of the neck of an animal, e.g. calf, dog. — Nin] Emph.

— 3. nnj; •'d] The ordinary ra^2.vi\n%, for then, does not fit here; it refers to an
action in the future and = at that time — soon (v.s.). — 4. an^i] Cogn. ace.
= emph. — m'?N] For iiSx, the usual form of inf. abs.; here with n under
influence of mj, cf. Is. 22^3; GK. 75 n; Ko. 402 <f. On this use of inf. abs.,
H. 28, 5 a; GK. ii3ff- — msi] Pf. with waw cons., continuing inf. abs., K6.
367 0. — !3Dt:'D] Cf. Sellin, Beitrage, II. 252 ; Sm. Rel. 389 f. ; Duhm, Theol. 1 14 f.

— tfxi] See on Am. 6^2. — n-i:'] Art. omitted, K6. 293 a; cf. this form with
mr. — nSjy] Read Sjy (w.j.) ; the only case of the fern, used of the calf-
idols in North Israel. The fem. pi. of ilil^T (cf. the masc. suff. of the vs.)
has been explained (i) as heifers for calves used contemptuously (Jer., Cal.,
Bauer, Pu.) ; (2) because the images were those of young animals in which
sex was not prominent (Sim.) ; (3) because they were lifeless, man-made
things, cf. GK. 122 m (Ki.) ; (4) as an expression of indefinite generality, the
fem. being the proper form for the abstract (Ke.). — \y^'\ Sg. with preceding
predicate pi., K6. 349/ — mcD] Suf. collective, K6. 348 z^. — 6. ihin] On
ace. with pass, according to fSlSC (cf. Zc. 13^), GK. 121 b; Ko. no; as obj.
of "p^" ((5), its position is emphatic. — nr^io] From D'O with affix j short-
ened from aw/ Ew.8 163/; cf. Earth, A'J?. 210 f; Ko. II. i. p. 185. Perhaps
PK'a should be read (v.s.). — 7. nmj] Ptcp., perhaps to be read, nciji;
Ko. 349/. This same word occurs also in 4^ lo^^. — n^Sn |nc't:'] The order
of words is difficult unless with Ko. 349/ (cf. 330/) we suppose 1 to have
dropped out before the labial c and read {v.s^ Samaria and her king;

X. 9-15 349

cf. Ex. 820 & Dt, 328^, etc. — i'jsjj] Masc. for fem., the obj. added being fem.,
K6. 205 c.

§ 14. Israel's history consists of sin, guilt; the fruit of
such seed is a sad harvest, desolation, destruction, and death,
— even of the king. lo^^^ From the days of Gibeah, Israel has
sinned : Ephraim is a heifer desiring to tread the corn, but I will
spoil her beauty with a yoke upon her neck, and she shall be made
to draw, to plough, and to harrow (^- ") . Sow in righteousness
and reap in love ; break off evil habits ; there is still time to seek
Yahweh and obtain his favor ; (I exhort you thus) for hitherto you
have sowed wickedness and reaped punishment ; you have made
it your policy to lie, and to trust in chariots and warriors (^^- ^^'').
But for this reason ruin is coming, tumult, the destruction of
fortune ; and in a morning your king shall be cut off (i3»"i5).

This piece consists of three strophes, each having seven lines of the trime-
ter movement. The strophic structure and measure prove conclusively that
the piece is entirely distinct from 10^"*, although treating of the same subject.
For that matter, all of the chapters now treat of the same subject. Strophe I
brings up out of the past "days of Gibeah," when Israel sinned; however
beautiful and prosperous she may be, hard burdens are before her — burdens
which will prove very heavy (vs.^-^^"). Strophe 2 recites the fact that it is
not too late to secure Yahweh's favor, if the right methods are followed, if
old habits are broken off; but to this end an entire change of policy will be
demanded in comparison with that of the past, in which deceit and faithless-
ness to Yahweh have been the principal elements (vs.^" i^a). Strophe 3
pictures the ruin which for this reason is coming quickly and surely — a ruin
that will involve land, city, and king (vs.^^*""- 1^). In this arrangement,
vs.io. i4i are regarded as later additions (t'.z.).

9. ■';:''::] Gr. 1^3 (so Marti, Fel. 168), — nv2jn] (g ol /Sovyoi = myajn;
S li^M. — TNon] S5E take as 2d p. of vb; (gU = 3d p. Gr. nm (so Oort
{Em.)). Ru. nsan. Read n son (We., Now.). — ncy] We. nja. Gr. •n]^p.
Hal. ncN. Oet. nn":. Gardner, 113?. — nS] Oort {Em.), nSi. — aj'-B'n] Linder
(5'A'. XXXIII. 747), aj'DP. Gr. and Hal. uj^'CT. Gardner, nj^fn. — nyjja]
Gr. n5,'3J3. Oort {Em.) om. Marti om. n;'3j3 . . . rsan as a gloss. — S;j] Read,
%vith Gr., Ru., Now., -h)}. Gardner, '^n. — niSy ija Sy] Transfer to follow ncj;
(so Ru., Now.). Ru. inserts after this phrase, Ss pija Sjy 'i"""^";! (cf. I K. 1229).
Dathe joins to v.i" (so Oort, Oct.). — 10. a-\DNl imNa] @ iraidevaai avrois,
omitting 'N2 and joining 'Ni = 3-iE^ (Vol.) to v.^. (Q^ and some codd. render
'N3 by ^\^e = \-iN3; 5 ^aJ] I??) •»^A'^'^' = S'liD^Ni "'myja; probably & should
be corrected to v*A.=]jD = \-i-i3;'3 (Seb.; so also Gr., Ru., Now.). Oort

350 HOSEA

(^Em."), ibNNi DnD:Ni iPNa (so Marti; Dathe and Oet. also read »nN3), Hal.
D-ipSN '3. Read a^p^x ''n^3j;3 (so Gr., Now.). — anDX3] <S h t^ vcuSe^eadai
oi)toi>s = Dnp''3 ; cf. Ps. 132I, inu;? (Vol.); S ^?»i^J }^ = anDin3 (Seb,;
so also Oet.). Oort om. as dittog. We. D^pi'? (so Oort (£m.)). Hal. aiDNp
(= Dipxns). — onyy ipB''?] Q^rl, Qnjij;/^ (so also Scholz, Gr., Gu., Now., Oet.,
et al.); so 6. Hal. 'p in!:'\ Oort, DPijySi. BSZ. onrj; 'S (cf. S). Marti
om. "f"} 'DN3. — 11. oncNi] @ om. 1 (so also Now.). — mn'^c] Om. as a gloss
(so We., Now.). Hal. 'Sd nS. — rn':'] @ m/coj = jn (Vol.). — >n-\3p] Hal.
inigy (of. I K. 621). Ru. om. as dittog. from \P (S). Marti, Sj Sj; "Tinajjn.

— 31B] S om. — 3i3n!<] Insert nnjji before 'in. Oort {ThT.) and Val.
n3>3-\Ni ; but, in Em., 3?-;n. Ru. substitutes 'ix for preceding '3;;, and inserts
Sj as its obj. — D''1Dn] Ru. om. — a'nrr'] (S 7rapa(TiW7n7cro;u.at = t^nnx; 'A.,
G. d\o7?(ret; <S '^'r^^ = ii'n^(?) (Seb.). — mini] Read, with Now., hn-Vif.

— -ntr-i] @ ^wo-xtJo-et = i-iB'i (Vol.); S 1a.aJ. — iS] ^ om. Gr. "h. —
12. npisS] S renders as an accusative. — nones'?] (S eix /ca/)7r6v fw^s = na?
a"n. Read ^D^ naS. — nij ao^ n^j] @ (fxaTlffare eavrois (f>u>s; so S; U J«-
novate vobis novale. — nyi] (5 7v(ja-€ws = nj?T (so also Oort, ThT. and iSw.;
Val., Oet.). Ru. -ipp (cf. Dt. 921). — tt'm'^] @ ^/cfr/TiJcraTe. Ru. uttt. — nj;]
Gr. Tiy. — mn] Read, with <S, 'ie.viwxa.To., ns (so also Oort, We., Val., Now.).
F ^Mi docebit; similarly, Si^T. Ru. Ti.^i (cf. Jo. 2-3). — pis] Si = ipix (so
also Ru.). — aoS] @ ^/xtj/. Oort, nnS (cf. @), joining it to v.i^. — 13. ontfin]
(5 'iva. tL TrapecriuirrjffaTe = 'ui nn'^, perhaps dittog. from asS, — nnSijj] S con-
nects with preceding. — anSos'] Ru. anSpxi. — 13"n3] (§ iv tois afiapri^na-
fflv (Tov, a corruption of S,piJ.a<Ti = ^3313, which occurs in (5*Q; so read with
Ma., Dathe, Eich., Ew., Duhm ( T/ieo/. 130), Houtsma, We., Or., Che., Gr., Ru.,
Lofl., Gu., GAS., Volz, Now., Oort (jSw.), Oet., Hal. — l^nj] (3 dwdfieds
ffov = rin-ii3j (Vol.) ; so Si. — 14. T'DJj] (SSF, sg. We. rin^s (so Gr., Ru.,
Oct., Che. (CB.), Hal.; cf. Marti). Oort (Em.), -mv^. — ntfr] (3 olx'fi(Te-
rai = -\w> (Vol.). We. nrv (so Oct., Marti). — ivz'] ® cjs &pxo}v = •\t'2;
'A. wj wpovofi-fi', 2. Kad<h% ri<pavl<Tdri. — jdSi:'] <@ "Zakap-dv; 'A. awqpTiffp.ivr];
"E Salmana ; S j ViN^i; Syr.-Hex. = yjcSx. Che. (^jr/., Nov., '97, p. 364,
and art. "Beth Arbel," EB.), aiSr. N. Herz {A/SL. XIV. 207 f.), a^,^,.~
'?N31N ni3] @ iK TOV ofKOi; 'Iepo/3od/ot = B>'3"»i n^3 (so also Che. /oc. cit.; cf.
Gr. '"!> '3c) ; ,S '^^^l ^ *r\ — ^ ; U a domo ejus qui vindicavit Baal ;
(S^ 'lepo^adX; 'A. tov oHkov tov diKai^ovros; S. iv t(j) oIki^) tov 'Ap/3e^X; G. ^v^-
dpov; © ^'3533. N. Herz, ^N^g-ix ni3C, reference being made to Ju., chaps. 17,
18. —Dv] @ pi. — n^'o-i] (@ ■f)56.<t>i<rav = ic*b-i (Vol.) ; so S^. — 15. nr;'] Read,
with ®, :rot^(rw, hb'JJN (so also We., Gr., Ru., Now., Oort {Em.), Oct., Marti) ;
Si = Vi:';\ Hal. r\t'Vl. — '^f<-'^^3] Read, with (5, o'Ikos tov 'lo-paiJX, Sn->-J"' n''3 (so
also Oort {TkT. and ^w.). We., Gr., Gu., Ru., GAS., Now., Oct., Marti).—
PjJi] Oort {TkT. and Em.) and Gr. om. as dittog.; so (g'^Q. — B3n;n]
(SUSD pi. Hal. arryn or asnxv. — nna'3] Some codd. of Kenn. and de R.
'B'3 (so also Oort, Gr.); so some codd. of (5, m 6p0pos. Oort (Em.), myB'3
(cf. We., N0W.2, Marti). Ru. -".nv n^r. — 'j ncnj] ® direpl<j>y]aa.v &irepl<j>ii

X. 9 351

= nmj imj; cf. lo^ (Vol.); ®SF connect last clause of v.^^ .with ii^.
'A. KaTea-twn-nOt], Ru. nniji dun.

9. J^rom the days of Gibeah is IsraePs sin'\ i.e. the sin (nxtert
for nKDPi because the address is not continued *) of Israel is
something which goes back to earUest times. But what is meant
by the days of Gibeah, from which (not 7nore than in which,'\ nor
as in which = '')D''3, % Israel now sins) this sin dates ? Three
answers have been given : (i) The episode of the Benjamites at
Gibeah (Ju. 19^^) ; § but since there Israel (the eleven tribes)
was taking vengeance on one tribe (Benjamin) for an infamous
act, and here Israel is represented as committing sin, the allusion
is inappropriate || (cf., however, Cheyne's statement: "True, Is-
rael as a people took summary vengeance on the Benjamites for
the outrage of Gibeah ; but the seed of wickedness remained,
and developed into evil practices worthy only of the Gibeah of
old"). (2) The beginning of the kingdom under Saul which
occurred in Gibeah^ (cf. 13^""), which (according to Wellhau-
sen) Hosea seems to regard as a sin perhaps second only to the
cult ; but does Hosea as a matter of fact oppose the kingdom as
such? Is it not rather the schism? (3) The idolatry of Micah
(Ju. 17^"^), which marked the beginning, according to tradition,
of that which has now spread so far and wide.** — At that time
there stood against me the sons of tinrighteotisftess'] This rendering
involves the reading of 'h'Q for by, and the transfer of Th^a ""iS 'h'V
from the end of the verse to follow nay,tt a change which permits
the passage to give a sensible meaning, and relieves two lines, one
of which is too short, the other too long. UfO is here temporal J{
rather than local ; cf. 2 K. 15^ Ps. 14^. The sons of unrighteous-
ness are either the Benjamites {v.s.), the Israelites as a whole in
the case of the selection of Saul, or those associated with Micah.
Wellhausen's suggestion, 11J3, is unnecessary. Other interpreta-
tions of niau are : " stood still," as if Ephraim had acted traitor-
ously (cf. the great defeat of the eleven tribes, Ju. 20'^^) ; §§ " have

* We., Now. t Ma., Gr., Meier {^SK. XV. 1030).

t AE., Bauer, Ros., Sim. $ Mich., Mau., Hd., Pu., Ke., Or., GAS., etal.

II Now. 11 ar, Sharpe, We., Now. ; Sm. Rel. 219.

*» Jer. tt Ru., Now. tt Hi., Sim. §§ Mich.

352 HOSEA

remained {i.e. sinful), should there not overtake them in Gibeah a
war against the sons of wrong?"* "stood firm against the sons
of wrong," in contrast with present attitude ; f " there they stand
(now) defiant like the old Benjamites." J For interpretations
involving textual change, v.s. — Shall not war overtake them even
in Gibeah .?] Interpreters {e.g. Ruben) have been greatly perplexed
to find any meaning for this line. The removal to the preceding
line of n"?!!? "'33 ""bu seems to relieve somewhat the difficulty. §
This difficulty is seen, e.g., in G. A. Smith's rendering, " there
have they remained, and this without war overtaking them in
Gibeah against the dastards ; " also Cheyne's, " there they stood
that the war against the sons of unrighteousness might not over-
take them at Gibeah," — both utterly unintelligible, even with
the authors' additional remarks. The sense of the rendering
adopted above is easy and natural. Inasmuch as they have
sinned, beginning at Gibeah, war shall overtake them, reaching
down even to Gibeah ; i.e. a war which, coming from the north,
shall cover the whole land, and reach even to the southernmost
limit, Gibeah ; || for Gibeah was most probably situated about four
miles north of Jerusalem, where the Tell-el-Ful now stands.^ —
10. In my wrath I will chastise theni] A reading based on 5>
(v.s.). Other interpretations are: (i) (§^" against the children
of unrighteousness I have come (= TiKS) to chastise them ; " **
(2) most common, "in my desire," "at my will," "when I de-
sire," cf. Is. i^ Ez. 5^^ i6'*^.tt — And peoples shall be gathered
against them'] It is this sentence, together with the strophic
structure, that makes the authenticity of the verse suspicious.
The indefinite " peoples " marks a later date, it being the invaria-
ble custom of the prophets down to Ezekiel to name distinctly
the hostile country intended. Hosea always indicates Egypt or
Assyria. J J Giesebrecht (Beitrdge zur Jesaia-Kritik), in support

* Marck. E\v., Umb., Hd., GAS. t Sim., Pu. J Or.

\ Perhaps Hal. has come still nearer to the true solution in his rendering: " there
they said (noN) : the war against the sons of iniquity shall not reach us (1J_) as
(it has reached) Gibeah (n;?2Jo)." Worthy of note also is Oort's suggestion (based
on ®) : "Against the sons of iniquity (connecting these words with v.i"), I come
(ins3) and I will chastise them." || Ru., We., Now.

H Cf. Robinson, Bib. Res. 1 . 577 ff. ; Stenning in DB. ; Now. ** Cf. Oort.

ft U, Ki., Rashi, Cal., Bauer, Or., Che., Reuss, GAS., RV. JJ Cf. Now. in loc.

X. 9-" 353

of Hosea's authorship, cites Is. 8^ 29^ Mi. 4"*^- Je. 3"''-. But
Mi. V^* is late {v. in loc), and Je. 3^'"*- is suspicious {v. Duhm in
loc), while in Is. 8^ 29' Wiya probably refers to the various peoples
constituting Assyria's armies (cf. Stade, ZA W. IV. 260). Some
read {v.s.),And I will gather, etc. — To chastise them for their
double j-/«] Reading oniiy Tur'? D";i?!'p iys^, following (!l and S.*
Both words of iJHSC have been in doubt, and interpretations have
varied according to the reading of the text; e.g. (i) "When
they have bound themselves (iDS) in two furrows " (n:ii; ; cf. n21?tt,
I S. 14" Ps. i29"),t a reference to ploughing; i.e. however Israel
might join together and thus strengthen themselves, Yahweh could
easily gather people and destroy them; (2) when I give them
over to captivity (iDX) because of their two sins ; \ (3) when I
chastise them, etc. ; § (4) when I chastise them before both their
eyes (using the k^thibh), i.e. openly, in the sight of the heathen, ||
but niD^y means " fountains," not " eyes " (cf Ewald, who assumes
a Syriac plural, m3"y, and Schultens, Animadversiones phil. {v.
Wiinsche), who reads ad potationes (^T\'<2)/ontiu?n eon/tn) ; (5) when
they are bound to their two transgressions.^ What now are the
two sins? The idolatry of Micah and Jeroboam?** The calves
of Dan and Bethel ?tt Apostasy from Yahweh and acceptance of
idols? XX Rather, the cult and, not the desertion of David's house
(3^)>§§ but (with Nowack) the establishment of the kingdom. —
11. Ephraint, indeed, is a heifer loving to thresh~\ ma'^a, well
trained, is a gloss, for it is inappropriate beside TianK || || (cf. Ha-
l^vy, who inserts s"? = untrained, cf. Je. 31'*). Israel, in her past
history, is compared to a young heifer to whom is assigned the
easy task of walking round and round the threshing-floor, an
occupation that carries with it the privilege of eating freely, for no
muzzle was allowed (Dt. 25''). This pleasing and delightful work
she is still doing; cf. again Hal^vy, who (following the hint given
in (§, vdito<i) interprets triT as in Hb. 3^-, strike with the foot, i.e.

* Cf. Ew.

t K, AE., Ki., Cal., Sim., Pu., AV., BSZ. ; cf. Mich, ("ploughshares").
J Dathe, Bauer, Hi., Umb., Hd. § Che.

II Here again Hal. interestingly suggests (».J.), "in their being chastised they
will expiate their sins."

ir Or., RV. tt Dathe, Hi., Marti. §§ Hes., Ke., Wu., Che.

**Jer. ++Theod. |||| We., Now.

2A

354 HOSEA

to hurt or injure. — And even I myself have spared the beauty of
her neck'] Upon the rendering of 1217 turns the decision between
this translation and a second having almost the opposite meaning,
viz. " but I have come on her fair neck," * or " but I will come,"
etc.,t or " I will pass on beside her fair neck," J as a driver
beside his ox. § The rendering given || is to be preferred because
(i) it continues the thought of the preceding member, and thus
divides the strophe more satisfactorily as between the description
of Israel's past and her future ; (2) the real transition is marked
by the nnui, to be suppHed (for various reasons) in the following
line ; (3) this usage of 131? to pass by is fully justified by its
occurrence in Mi. 7'* Pr. 19", cf. Am. 7* 8", although commonly
in this sense b follows with the person ; (4) " it adds a beautiful
distinctness to the figure, for the heavy yokes used in the East
not only gall the necks of the animals, but often produce deep
wounds " (Cheyne) ; (5) the rendering "come over on," or "pass
over "IT (cf. I S. 14* (bu) 14' Ju. ii^^ \2^ (bs')) utterly fails to
fit the connection ; while (6) "'JKI, although possibly adversative,
is more appropriately emphatic = and even I myself. — But now
I will make Ephraitn draw] This is to be the fate of Israel, viz.
captivity, in which heavy labor will take the place of the easy
life hitherto enjoyed. 231 in Hiph. = " cause to ride," or " give a
rider to," ** but from the context {i.e. inin', nty), the secondary
meaning " draw " or " yoke to " (a plough or cart) is required ; tt
no analogy for this occurs ; cf., on the other hand, Hal^vy, " J'ai
plac6 haut " = "J'ai fait monter sur mes bras " (cf. 1 1^). — Israel
must plough, Jacob must harrow for himself] Another kind of
work, that which precedes threshing, is now assigned to Israel,
viz. the rougher work of ploughing and reaping. Israel (not
Judah as in iiffltOT) must be intended, J J for there is nowhere in

* GAS. ; and, essentially, CaL, Ma., Ew., Umb., Pu., Wii.

t We., Now. + Hd.

§ Hal., citing i K. 621, renders, "J'ai pourtant bien doucement mis la chalne A
son cou," and contrasts, with this loving and lenient treatment of Israel, Yahweh's
more severe attitude towards Judah, whose citizens as slaves will be compelled to
hard labor. || BSZ., Che. IT So Now.

** Ew., Umb., Pu. tt Mich., Ma., Sim., Ke., Or., Che., GAS., Now., BSZ.

Xl Now.; Seesemann, 20 f.; cf. Oort and Val., who regard min> as originally a
marginal note.

X. II-I2 355

the passage even the most remote reference to Judah. This line,
with "Israel" instead of "Judah," is original (cf. Marti,* who
suggests that nm.T and D'SiK should be omitted as a gloss), since
(i) its thought is necessary to complete the picture of Israel's
change of occupation, and (2) the line is needed to complete
the strophe. No good reason exists for reading "b f instead of "h.
— 12. Sow for yourselves righteousjiess ; reap the fruit of love ;
break up your fallow ground ~\ Here are given three successive
commands, each independent of the others, and all three making
up the total of the activity which in the prophet's thought is
demanded of Israel. % The second is not to be taken as the
consequence of the first ; the three are necessary, as the prepara-
tory steps toward seeking Yahweh. The figure thus employed to
express the desired kind of life is taken from the field of hus-
bandry (cf. 8'), with which Israel for so long a time had been
familiar : (i) Sow for yourselves righteousness, a rendering which
makes "? = the accusative, § instead of according to or /«,|| i.e. act
righteously, let your deeds be righteous, direct your lives in such
manner as that the result will be a proper sense of justice towards
your fellows. (2) Reap the fruit of love, a rendering which reads
"ib':' (with (§)^ for "s"? in proportion to,** i.e. let your lives be
filled with the spirit of love, let the outcome of your activity be
characterized by love ; "icn here = not love of God for man, but
love of man for fellow- man, ff and with it, love of man for God ;
perhaps piety expresses the idea as well as any other English
word ; cf. Ho. 4^ 6^- ^. With this interpretation compare that
which binds together the two imperatives, lUiT and Tiltp, giving
them the conditional force if you will sow . , . you shall reap, H
a construction in itself entirely legitimate, but not adapted to the
context §§ because of the absence of i and the presence of the
third imperative, 1T3. (3) Break up your fallow ground~\ Cf
Je. 4^ Vergil, Georg. i. 71. The third and most significant of the

* Rel. 119. t Gr.

X Volz, 33 f., questions authenticity of vs.12. 13 a; Marti om. v.12 as a gloss based
on Je. 48, and also 13*- Wap.

\ S, We., Now., GAS. ft Hi., Ke. ; cf. Wii.. p. 463.

II AV., RV., Che., and many others. JJ Ros., Mau., GAS., et al.

H Gr., GAS. ** Che. §§ Wii.

356 HOSEA

prophet's injunctions ; before sowing the seed prepare the ground |
which has hitherto been neglected, and in consequence has be-
come full of weeds and thorns, i.e. plough virgin soil ; in other
words, no result may be expected unless the old habits are changed
and new character formed. — Since there is time to seek Yahweh'\
i.e. there remains sufficient time; * not it is high time to seek.f
— To the end that the fruit of righteousness may come to you']
In favor of this rendering J and the text which underhes it are :
(i) (§ {v.s.); (2) the recurring phrases "fruit of righteousness"
(v.^^, " fruit of hes " (v.^^ ; (3) the usage of nu to express purpose
(cf. Jb. 14^ Is. 22"); (4) the impropriety of the idea of teaching
(i)fl9r mv) in this connection. The two most common renderings
(upon basis of nil") are till he come and rain righteousness, § for
which Is. 45^ and Ps. 85" are cited as analogies ; and till he come
and teach you righteousness. \ Righteousness here = salvation,
deliverance, as frequently in Is. 40-66 (cf. Is. 46^- 54^'' 32^^ 33^
Dn. 9-*). " Righteousness is the divine principle faction, salvation
the divine principle in action " (Cheyne) . — 13. Ye have ploughed
wickedness ; injustice ye have reaped] Here, as before, the terms
used are not intended to designate consequence; sow, reap, and
plough, 7-eap, represent the ordinary activities, and these are, in
effect, wickedness and injustice or disaster. This is in direct
contrast with the demands set forth in v.^. — Ye have eaten the
fruit of lies] The end of your present policy is already in sight,
utter disappointment. — Because thou dost trust in thy chariots,
in the multitude of thy mighty ones] Here begins a new strophe,
as is seen from (i) the change of thought, for nnas "'a must go
with the following rather than with the preceding lines, since
id) the reason for the disappointment expressed in "IJI Dnbsx has
already been cited in Ye have ploughed, etc. ; {b) the 1 in DKpi
is resumptive, pointing to an occasion or reason already given ;
(2) the change of form from second plural to second singular.
Nowack's first objection (that the ground of the judgment in v." is
by this assigned to something which is not elsewhere emphasized
in Hosea) is insufficient, for this is {a) only another way of saying

» Hi., Che. t Ras., Ke., Wu., GAS., et al. X We., Now.

§ AV., Ke., Che., GAS., et al. || SSTF, Dathe, Hi., Hd., Pu., Or.

X. 12-14 357

that they no longer trust in Yahweh, and {b) exactly what Isaiah
in his early sermons (2^*^) emphasizes so strongly; while his
second objection (that the idea of arrogant self-trust is incon-
sistent with the actual weakness and hesitation of the time implied
in their throwing themselves into the arms, now of Assyria, now
of Egypt) is contradicted by Isaiah's representation concerning
Judah for the same period (cf. Is. 2') . Cf. Wellhausen, who Hke-
wise regards the lines as unauthentic. (3) The strophic structure,
which with these lines makes a strophe of seven lines correspond-
ing with the two preceding strophes. Volz* regards vs.^^'^^" as a
later insertion and v." as misplaced because (i) they interrupt the
connection, breaking into the middle of a threat of punishment
with a warning accompanied by a promise of deliverance to which
no reference is made in the context ; (2) the figure changes, —
in v.^' Judah-Jacob is the animal engaged in agriculture, in v.^
it is the sower ; (3) there are linguistic difficulties, e.g. Tl.p'^':i, which
occurs only here in Hosea, and pnsi denote a right state of heart,
the common meaning in late literature, while in Amos and Isaiah
they refer to external, forensic righteousness ; this usage of "b"? is
paralleled in Pr. 12* 27^^; t: it: seems more original in Je. 4'
than here ; Utri (v.'^) is a late word; (4) there are echoes of 6^ in
S12"' and mr and in m,T nuTriK trnib (following i!s>). In reply to
these objections, Nowack urges (i) that the original significance
of vs.^- ^^ is too uncertain to make the connection of v." with them
certain, and (2) that the deeper significance of p^^l was doubtless
known in early times. The reading, in thy chariots {v.s.') ("iMia
for "|3"n2) rather than in thy way f ( = in thy policy) is based
upon (i) (§ (^--s"-)} Jerome, Syro-Hexaplar text ; (2) the parallelism
thy heroes ; (3) Ho. 14'^ Is. 2' ; (4) the demands of the entire con-
text. — 14. Therefore the tumult {of war) shall arise among thy
peoples^ The 2 with Dp may mean against (Ps. 27^ Jb. 16* Mi. 7*^) %
or in, among. § The tribes are understood as peoples (cf. Dt. 33^
Lv. 2 1''" Jo. 2®) ; but cf. the suggested emendation (t>.s.) in thy

* Pp- 33 f- ; cf. also Ru. who regards v. 12 as having " no connection with its sur-
roundings," and as being made up of two fragments, the first of which may, perhaps,
be restored by adding hdn ns onSaxi after -"Dn •'o'^. Ru. and Grimm, Lit. App.

72 f., also reject V.12. t Ke., Wu., AV., RV., ^/ a/.

X So Ke., Wu., et al. \ Umb., Sim., We., Now., GAS., et al.

358 HOSEA

cities, which is hardly necessary. On tujnult, of. Am. 2^ Is. 17^^
Je. 48''^ (sons of tumult = warriors). — And all thy fortresses shall
be ruined^ We cannot fail to note here another idea which Isaiah
later develops (cf. 2^). The heroes and the fortified cities in
which Israel had put her trust shall be laid waste. — As Shalman
ruined Beth-ai-bel in the day of war'] Both proper names have
been the subject of many conjectures. Beth-arbel has been iden-
tified (i) with the Assyrian Arbela on the Tigris,* but this was
too far away to have produced so strong an impression on the
Israelites ; (2) with Arbela near Pella ; f (3) with Arbela on the
west of the Sea of Tiberias (cf. i Mace, (f ; Jos. Ant. XII. 11, i ;
XIII. 15, 4) ; J cf. the corresponding words in the versions
(z'.j'.) ; (§^, rendering Jerubbaal, interprets the passage of Zal-
munna (Ju. chaps. 7 and 8) . § Shalman has been identified
with (i) Shalmaneser IV., the name being abbreviated (cf.
Coniah for Jehoiachin, Je. 22-*-* 37^) for the sake of rhythm,
who became king 727 B.C. and besieged Samaria 724-722 ; ||
(2) Shalmaneser III., who made an expedition to Lebanon (the
cedar-country) in 775 b. c. and to Damascus in 773-772, when he
may have invaded the country across the Jordan ; ^ (3) Salamanu,
a Moabitish king, contemporaneous with Hosea, mentioned ** by
Tiglathpileser as paying tribute ; ff (4) Zalmunna (z'.j-.) ; (5) the
name of a North Arabian tribe who invaded the Negeb. \\ To be
noted further are the following points : {a) the name occurs in
Arabian poetry and on a Palmyrene inscription ; {b) the refer-
ence is evidently to some great city and well-known king ; this
would throw out the Moabitish Shalman and the Palestinian
Arbela ; {c) the entire clause is a later insertion because the
most reasonable supposition is that the reference is to an Assyrian
king; but Hosea elsewhere speaks of the Assyrian king as "^btt
ST, and the king here spoken of would seem to be Shalmaneser IV.,
who lived after Hosea's time ; cf. Am. 6^. Steiner takes 4T2 \th^
"rNDiK as a compound place-name, after the analogy of Abel beth-

* Eich., Ew. t Hi, Or., Che.

X Hd., Pu, Schr., Ke., Now.; cf. Robinson, Bib. Res. II. 399.

§ Also Syr.-Hex., Old Latin, J} , Horsley, Geiger, New.

II Ros., ilrnb., Pu., Hd., Ke., We. ft COT., Hal.; cf. Ru.

II Or. ** II. R. 67, 1, 60. ++ Che. (C5.).

X. I4-IS 359

Maacah (2 S. 2o"*") and Almon-beth-Diblathaim (Nu. 33*^^). —
T/ie mother being broken with the children'\ Cf. Gn. 32^^ 2 K. 8^
Ps. 137*'^ — 15. Thus shall I do to yoti, O house of Israel']
This rendering adopts (§'s ncUK for TWV, it being impossible to
find for ntrr an appropriate subject ; * also (§'s bxitt''' n''n for
b)^rr^ (cf, 6^'' 8^).t Various subjects for rws have been given, e.g.
Bethel, J Yahweh, § Shalmaneser ; || but none of these is satisfac-
tory. The reading of (§, ^rjO 'la-parjX instead of firjOrjX, has arisen
according to some from the shortened IrjX ; ^ according to others
from the fact that the two are synonymous.** — Because of the
evil of your evil~\ i.e. your great ivickedness, the doubled form ex-
pressing intensity. — In the dawn utterly undone shall be the king
of Israel] The king is to be cut off either (i) in the morning of
his work, z>. at the very beginning ;tt or (2) in the morning
dawn, when prosperity is once more to present itself; \\ or
(3) as suddenly as comes the dawn after a night of slumber (cf
Ps. 90^) ; §§ or (4) like the dawn (nmrs), Is. 58* ; |||| or (5) in
the storm (nrca).^^ The probabiHty Ues between (3) and (5).

9. r\')iv<] With art., cf. 'J3; Ko. 295 ^. — m^y] = nSijr; for other cases of
metathesis cf. au'r for t'zz; niyr for n;?v ; nScu' for r\T^t\ — 10. atDNi] If fHST
is retained, on 1 cf. K6. 415 j; on assimilation of ', GK. 71; on _ in pause,
GK. 60 a. — onoN] Circ. c\. Ephrait?i being a heifer, &ic. — 11. ^nanx] For
other examples of the old case-ending in ptcp., v. GK. 90/; on >_ before
prep. S K6. 272 3; cf. 336 w. — iT^y^] Very doubtful; only here and Is. 28^*
Jb. 39!"; cf. H. W. Hogg, EB. 77; Vogelstein, Landwirtsch. in Pal. 36. —
12. x*?] On S here and in noS GK. 117 «; Ko. 289. — -cj . . . nij] Here
and Je. 4^ with cogn. ace. ; the only other occurrence Pr. 132'. — cmS] = geni-
tive; cf. 2 K. 5'-6 Ps. 102I* Ec. 32-5; K6. 281 /, 400^.-13. r\rhxf\ Chiastic,
K6. 339/; on n_, K6. 287^5; GK. 90^. — 14. dN|-'i] On the full (and rare)
writing of S, GK. 9/^, 72 «, 23_g-. — iti'v] Cf. Massoretic note; really a Qal
pass. (GK. 53 u; Bottcher, 906; Barth, Festschrift 2. Jubilaiim Hildesheinier,
(1890) pp. 145 ff.), though commonly called Hoph.; only here and Is. 33^. —
ISO] Inf. with subj. and obj. — D''j3 *?;? ax] Circ. cl., GK. 156^ ; cf. K6. 402/6.
S'^ — together with, GK. 119012, note 3; cf. Gn. 32^2^ — DDn;?l nyi] After
analogy ol Holy of Holies, Song of Songs ; GK. 133 i; Ko. 309 i; but cf. sugg.
of dittog. iy.s.') ; on _ retained after removal of tone, GK. 25 e. — hdhj] Niph.
inf. abs. intensive.

* We., Gr., Now. || Hes. ++ Ke. ^ Che.

t Oort, We., Or., Now. II Cf. Baudissin, Rel. I. 39. || || Oort, Gr.

JAV., Rashi.Wu. § Ew. ** Marck. ft Bauer, Hi. HIT We.

36o HOSEA

§ 15. Israel a child ; Yahweh his father, with all the love
of a father, even in the face of ingratitude and desertion.
11^"". I called Israel out of Egypt, but he wandered away from
me, rendering worship to other gods Q- ") . And yet it was I who
brought him up, teaching him to walk, carrying him in my arms ;
leading him kindly, treating him mercifully, gently feeding him (^•*).
He must go back to Egypt, or take Assyria as his king, for he has
cast me off (and the sword shall consume him for his bad policy) ;
he . . . {^'^). But how can I give him up to destruction like
Admah or Zeboim ! For I am God and not man. My voice,
like that of a Hon in the distance, will call them to return (?)

(8a.9b.lOa\

This piece is made up of four strophes, each of six or seven lines, having
the trimeter movement. The first strophe (}■ '^) describes Israel's rebellious
attitude toward his father, Yahweh. The second (*• *) pictures, in contrast,
the loving and fatherly attitude of Yahweh toward Israel. The third (^^)
declares that he must go into a foreign land, his cities be destroyed, etc.
The fourth (Sa.db.iOa.-^ depicts the agony of the father, who, indeed, is unable
to give up the son thus condemned to destruction and to exile, and con-
sequently sends forth the summons which calls him back. The following
parts are from a later hand: (i) v\2 nnSoi (v.^); (2) the closing section

(■ys.Si. 9a. lOi. U>

XI. 1—4. Israel has wandered away from Yahweh, although
he cared for him most te7ide?iy.

1. iJ3^] (5 TO. rUva. avTov = rjaS; so K (so also Val., Gu., Marti).
S. vi6s fwv (so ,S) ; 0. (^KciXetra) airbv vl6v fwv, Wkl. "ij3 iS (^Untersuch. 182;
so Ru., Che. jS^at/. Nov. '97, p. 365; Hal.). Gr. ij3 iS. Oort, ijdS Read, with
We., 133 iS, '0 belonging to v.^ (so Now.2). — 2. iNnp] (@ Ka.dii% ixereKaXea-a
= 1X^p3 (so also Oort, \Vkl., Val., Gu., Ru., Loft., GAS., Oct., Hal., Che. (C^.),
Marti) ; S also inserts r. Read, with We., 'N-ip, with nj from v.i. Gr. "i;:'X3
MC\p. Oort (Em.) >nii-\p. — onijDc] Read on >jsr, with (3, ^k Trpoa-diwov /jlov
(so B, Mich., Dathe, Bauer, Oort, We., Val., Gr., Gu., GAS., Now., Oct.,
Hal., Che. CB.; Marti). Wkl. "i>tc, omitting an as dittog. of anS (^U^iter-
such. 182; so Ru., Loft., Oort {Em.)). — 3. ansN'? inSjnn] ® crvveivbBiffa.;
2. iirai5a'ydj''/ovv; 9. /card w6oas; & •^— ?• Gr. 'H "h ^n';'^;. Oort and Hal.
tSjih. — onp] Read, with (3, dviXa^ov ai/rdv, anpx (so also Ew., Umb., Olsh.
(§232«), St., Or., Che., Oort (77/7: and Em.), We., Ru., Gu., Loft., Now.,
Oet., Marti). Hal. aTnpS or rnnp'?. Gr. onnp. — vnynr Vj.'] (SSU have suff.
of 1st p. (so also Dathe, Or., Ooit (^T/iT. and £m.), We., Gr., Ru., Gu., Loft.,

XL I 361

GAS., Now., Oct., Hal., Che. CB., Marti) ; (§ also makes noun sg. — D>nNc-\]
Now. sugg. D''n'?ij or a^npcn (cf. We. and Is. i^). Gr. oinna. — 4. ^San]
@ diacpdop^ = hzn, with Aramaic force (Vol.). — din] Gr. {Psahnen, 144), ipn,
cf. We. (so Ru. ; Che. £x/>, Nov. '97, p. 365 ; Now.^, cf. Marti) . Gr. (£m.) sugg.
DiDm or D^Dinj (so Ru.; cf. Che. £xp.). — h^.tn] (§ d.ya-rrri(Teu>s fwv = inanN.
Ru. adds here, o nn^i, on the basis of 2. ivoix.l(TdT]v. — n^nNi] Ru. hmn ^jn oj,
foil. @A kclI iyu eaofjiau — anS] Oort, iS. — 'DncD] @ dis pairl^wv dvdpwiros
= 0733 (so also Houtsma, Ru.) or mx njci) (Vol.; so Marti); Arab. = <75 a
man stniting. Read, with 5>, sg. onno (so also Oort (^ThT. and Em.'), Gr.,
Val., Gu., Now., Hal.); 'A. ws alpuv; E. ws 6 iiridels. — *?].•] (SST om. (so
Ru.). — '?>!] Read, with S, ^vn (so also Oort (T'AT. and Z'w.), Val., Now.,
Oct., Hal.). Ru. om. — on^nS] © ras o-ia76yas avrov. Houtsma, rnS (so
Oort, Val., Gu.). Oet. cn^nV or □n'^n'?. Hal, ao-ir. — vSn taxi] <3 Kal ^tti-
j8X^^0/iiat (= D3N1, so also Houtsma, Oort, Val.) irpbs avrbv; 'A. /ca2 eK\iva
irpbi airbv ; similarly S., 9. ; S ^31^ iJ^^jo = on>S!< t3Ni. Ru. iSn ta^aii.
Read, with Hi., taxi (so Sim., We., Gu., Now., Hal.). Scholz, oxi (so Oet.,
Now."'^, Marti). — Sidin] O 5vvfi<Top.ai; 'A. ^pdixara; "2,. Tpoipifv, Q. ^pQxriv;
Si oiikslo = iSdni. Oort {T/iT. and Em.), S>3nni. Gr. Sao. Ru. S31N.
Val. SipiNi. Hal. ■''^HN. Marti, iS SpiN^. -^ 5. nS] Read '''^, with (5 a^r^J, and
join to v.* (so Dathe, Ma., Bockel, Eich., Houtsma, Scholz, We., Val., Gu.,
Ru., GAS., Now., Oct.). Gr. sugg. s'-n (cf. Or.). Oort {Em.) om. — av^^]
<S Ka.Tt^Ki)(jev = y^^; SST = pi.; so one cod. of Kenn.; three codd. have
aitt'N. — fiN Sn] (S 'E(ppdLfi iv = 2 onijN. — Nin] Ru. mr; cf. Now.'s sugg,
that it is the remnant of a vb. of which loSs was obj. Gr. rv'7\>. — uSd]
& pi. suff. Between ivi'N and isSd Nin, Hal. inserts nin^ 13 "pi nh, and trans-
fers 2^s^h ^:nv o to the end of v.^.

1. WJien Israel was young, then I came to love him~\ As
before (cf. 9^" 10^), the prophet goes back to Israel's earhest days

— this time (cf. 2^ in which the national existence dates from the
wandering in the wilderness) to the sojourn in Egypt. In 2"
this same period is designated as the days of his youth. It was
at this period that Yahweh fell to liking him. The verb snx is
inchoative ; * cf. K3tt?, 9^^ "3 is temporal, not causal, "lyj is very
indefinite, inchiding any age from youngest childhood (cf. 1172,1
"ir3, I S. 1''') to some degree of maturity (Gn. 34^^ i K. 20^^
I S. 30^^) ; but in its use here of the nation, it is evidently in-
tended of the child age. This representation of Israel as a man

— at one time young (as here), at another with gray hairs (7^) —
is very striking. — Ajid out of Egypt I called hi??i] The §^% here

♦ Hi., We., GAS., Hal. ; but, on contrary, Wu.

362 HOSEA

presents serious difficulties of text and interpretation ; viz. (i) ^iih,
my son, implies a call out of Egypt to become Yahweh's son; but
in Ex. 4^- Dt. 14^ Je. 3^^ 31^'^, the standard passages for this
idea, no such statement occurs, he is already represented as
Yahweh's son ; * (2) Hosea everywhere represents Israel and
Yahweh as husband and wife, not as father and son f (but cf.
vs.^") ; (3) (^ and 2E read "his sons" ; (4) difficulties in con-
nection with v.^ (z>j.). In view of these difficulties, the following
renderings have been made: (i) and called my son out of
Egypt, % but this does not do justice to the preposition ; (2) and
. . . I called him to be my son, § but v.s. ; (3) and out of Egypt
J called his sons, || following (§ and 2E, but this is inconsistent with
"1U3 as used of bxilT'' ; (4) and out of Egypt I called him\ (x^dL^-
ing ''ns "h instead of ^V:h and taking ''13 with following verse) ;
this is to be preferred. The use of this phrase in Matthew 2^^
has been understood (i) to determine the meaning of Hosea's
words as predictive of the Messiah;** (2) to represent Israel as
a type of Christ ; ft (3) to furnish an illustration of the historical
event which the evangelist was describing. J J This, however, is
but one of many instances in which the N. T. interpretation
has proceeded upon lines other than those which may be called
historical. — 2. The more I called them, the farther they wetit
away frotn me'] This reading rests upon a text, in which, (i) ''13
(7;.^-.) has been substituted for "'03 and ''Kip for iKip (cf. (g),
= according to my calling ; (2) according to (§, D.1''3Sa has been
separated into 3.1 '3SI2 (cf. S). The ordinary text, they called
them, so they went from them, (i) has nothing to which f3 may
correspond, although in AV. and most translations this is supplied ;
(2) leaves the subject (prophets, §§ or idols, || || all agencies ^^)
unexpressed, thus giving rise to unnecessary confusion ; (3) re-
quires the 31 of 3T3S)a to be the prophets (subject of lJ<ip) though
the 31 of Urh is Israel, — all of which is inconceivable. This,
then, is Yahweh's ground of complaint, that with every new effort
made by him through the prophets of succeeding centuries, Israel
became more and more hardened (Is. 6^° Je. 7^-^^. If this were

* We., Now. \ GAS. ** Hux. \\ Cal., Ew.

t Now. II Now. tt Meyer, Broadus, Weiss. |||| Eich.

X AV., RV. H We. XX Kubel. 1I1I Pu.

XI. 1-4 363

true, why should the work of the prophets have been continued?
" It kept up a church within the nation, and it developed ideas
which bore fruit in due time " (Cheyne). But was it true? No;
for, as a matter of fact, Israel was making progress all the time.
Every century was raising Israel farther and farther away from the
heathenism on every side, and preparing the nation for the time
when the great doctrine of monotheism could and would be ac-
cepted. The prophet's statement, thus placed in Yahweh's mouth,
must be judged from the prophet's own point of view at the time
of utterance, and not from the larger point of view gained in the
comparative study of centuries of history. — They kept sacrificing
to the Baalim, making offerings to images^ Cf. 2*"^^. These are
details of the departure. The Baalim and the images (wood,
metal, stone) of 2 K. 17^^ Dt. ^^■^ are the same, viz. the calves
at Dan and Bethel. The imperfects are frequentative, expressing
customary action. — 3. Yet it was I who taught Ephrai7n to walk,
taking them up in my artns'] The " I " is in contrast with the
Baalim, and introduces another description of Yahweh's exhibi-
tion of paternal love. Here again (©, reading cn|5Si {v.s.) and
fny arms, furnishes a better text. Only Ephraim is in the mind
of the prophet, although he is speaking of a time when Ephraim
and Judah were together. Teaching them to walk = keeping
them on their feet; i.e. directing in a providential way their foot-
steps. To this is added taking them up iti my artns, another term
expressing paternal fondness and care, exercised when the child
is weary {cL Is. 63^ Dt. i^i 32"). The rendering of fHST he
took them up has been interpreted of Moses.* — But they did not
know that J healed {?) them~\ Another reproachful touch; for,
notwithstanding all that Yahweh did, they failed to recognize his
presence and participation. The figure of " healing " is common
in Hosea (5^^ 6^ f ; cf, Ex. 15^), but it does not seem in place
here, unless, perhaps, we supply the thought, f when they fell and
hurt themselves in their learning to walk. Wellhausen regards
DTixan as a disturbing element ; Nowack suggests that " I reared
them " (Is. I-) might have been expected ; the suggestion of
Graetz, " I redeemed them," is not bad. — 4. With the cords of a

* Rashi, Ki., Sim. t GAS.

364 HOSE A

man I would (or used to) draw them'\ The figure, as Hebrew
usage permits, now changes, and it goes back to that of the
" team of bullocks, in charge of a kind driver. Israel are no
longer the wanton young cattle of the previous chapter (10^^)
which need the yoke firmly fastened on the neck, but a team of
toiling oxen mounting some steep road." * The driver, Yahweh,
uses co7-ds of a man not cords of a heifer ; i.e. cords adapted to
men, such as men could bear. — With bands of love'] A parallel
member interpreting anx ; the first time the word " human " is
made synonymous with " love." f It is a tempting opportunity to
suggest a gloss J inserted to make clear the difficult phrase DnN "'ban,
but the thought may well be attributed to the prophet himself, and
not to a later reader. — And I was to them as one who lifts up the
yoke from upon their Jaws'] This continues DDraK. The particu-
lar action here described is somewhat obscure, because of our
lack of knowledge of the form of ancient yokes ; but the general
sense is clear. The driver so disposes the yoke as to afford rehef
to the animal, perhaps while eating, perhaps while resting. The
singular, d"'"!^ {=lift up, not take away § nor lay upon ||), is to be
adopted with (§ and S {v.s^ instead of the plural, ilflST. by is
better read bya with S. Strangely enough, (© omits ^12, yoke.
Yoxja7us, cf. Ju. i5i^i<5 Dt. 18' Jb. 41^ Is. 30^^ ; cf also the proper
name Tib nai, Ju. 15^^. Hal^vy's " shoulders " for "jaws " is un-
necessary. — Atid I inclined unto him and would give him to eat]
For tSKl, read taNi ; the object my ear being implied.^ Others
have taken this to be the adverb tax ^= gently ; cf. i K. 21^ 2 S. 18^
Is. 8^ Gn. 33" Jb. 15^^;** but the construction thus obtained is
harsh beyond measure. (§ reads t2?K;i, and makes h'"2y& Hiph. of
bb^, "to be able." In either case the figure is that of one ap-
proaching his people with food in a most indulgent and com-
passionate manner. The i<b of v.^ is to be read '"h and joined to
the end of v.^ with ({§.

1. nyj] Predic, though noun precedes. — inanxi] \ = and so; on form
of anw, GK. 68 /! — no] For ij3, literally according to the sufficiency, or
abundance of; cf. Dt. 25^ Ne. 5^ ; the more usual correlative of p is ib'nd. —

* GAS. t Ew. I Now. $ Or. || Bauer, Bockel.

IF Hi., Sim., We., Now. ** Ma., Has., Ew., Umb., Ke., Che., GAS.

XI. 4 365

2. h wip] Ca/l to a person, cf. i K. 1^2 Lv. 9I; also with Sn, Gn. 3' Ps. 50*;
even without a preposition, Gn. 27I. — p] =so = Ya. the same proportion; here,
either without the preceding is-ns (cf. other cases of omission. Is. 55^ Je. 323
Ps.48«; K6. 371 /<?), or with no instead of ->rNj (z/.j.). Cf. the use of other par-
ticles for p, viz. 7\-:i, npr, nt<r|. — tnap^] On pi. end. ii_, GK. 47 m. — 3. >n'7j-in]
A Taph'el; i.e. a causative with n preformative, denominative from Sj-\, foot;
other cases are mn.-T', Je. 12^ 22!^; ajnnc, Ezra 4'; GK. 55 /i; Ko. II. i. p. 380;
but against the existence of such a stem, Barth, NB. p. 279. — qiionS] S
here probably sign of ace, but this usage is very rare indeed in so early an

author; Ko. 289a. — Dnp] Corrupt for cn,-;iN; but cf. GK. 19?, 66 p-.

4. "roiN] Hiph. of '^sn; d = a, GK. 68 i; Ko. II. i. p. 544. — ddb'dn] I would,
or sought to, draw them ; Ko. 181. — T\2r\n'] Elsewhere of God's love for Israel,
Je. 31^ Is. 6f Zp. 31^. — !3nmJ So, rather than ^ay, apocopation of nox; cf.
Jb. 23II Je. 156. Cf. Che.'s emendations on vs.i-^ in EB. col. 2826, and his
additional ones in CB., which involve Jerahmeel here as everywhere.

5-11. Israel must be puiiished by going into exile, and yet how
can I, Yahweh, execute the punishment ?

5. uxc] © sg. (so also Oort {Em.')'). — airS] 2. /uerai/o^o-at. — 6. nSni]
© Koi rjadivqffev, and 5i \s.^JO oijj^, both derive from nSn = be sick ;
2. KoX Tpav/jLaria-ei; TB coepit. Gr. nSji or dSSji (cf. Je. 23^^ 30^3) . Marti
om. as corruption of nnSai. — nr-S^i] @ koX KariTrava-ev = nSji (Vol.) ; 2. Kal
avvreX^ffei. Om. as corrupt dittog. of n'i'ni. — mj] @ iv rats x^P^^" airov
= v\^2; cf. S ; 2. Toi>s jSpax^oTOs avToO ; "S electos ejus ; ^ ^nnaj. Read,
with We., mya (so Marti). Gr. sugg. v^na (so Oet.) or vnna. Scholz, lya.
Gardner, Vja. — nSasi] © /cai ^d7orrai; so S ; 2. KarovaXwo-et. Oet. DnSaNi.
Gardner, D^SaNi, taking first n of 'ycc as vb. suff. — Dnimxycn] Ru. Dn''n''Dsn.
Oort {ThT. and Em:), on^n'nsn (so Val., Gu.). Gr. on^nraixj; (La. ii»).
Read, with We. and Now., nn^-ixaca (cf. Marti). — 7. ""Dj?!] @ koI 6 Xads
a^ToO = 'D'y'i. — o\xi^r] (5 2. iiriKpeixdixevos = KiSn ; "E pendebit. Oet. nN*;-:
or 'Jf^'?'!?, which is to be adopted (cf. Now.^). Marti, □•'i'^:, — inawcS] @ iK
T7\% KaroiKlas aiiToO = latficS (Vol.) or inarCD (Now.), 'A. t^ iiri(TTpo<p^
fjLOv; 0. els iirt(7Tpo(f)r)v a&rov', 2. els rb iirt.(rTp^<f>eiv irp6s fJLe; S ^g^Vi\.
Gr, rnbtt'iDS, Oort (Em.), inaiccS. Oet. vrairoD or 'ifoa, which is to be
adopted. Marti, aiaxjJ'SN. — Sj? Ssi] (5 Kal 6 debs iirl = h^ Sni. *A. Kal irpbs
^vybv; 0. els t^y6v; 2. ^vybs d4; V j'ugum autem — all reading h'y (so also
Oort, Oct.). & ]a^\i = Sx Sni (Seb.; so also Gr.). Read, with Oct., Sy Sn.
Ru. Syan Sni (so Marti, J?et. 147). Hal. Sy Sn\ Miiller (SJ^. 1904, p. 126),
Siy Sni. — inNi|i>] <S tA rlfita avroO = vipi; 'A., 0. KaX^aei avrbv; 2. o-umxT'^-
aei atuTip; U imponetur eis ; & 3 pi. without suff. or with suff. taken as subj.
of foil. vb. Read inNij-i^. Gr. Nini iN-jp-'. Ru. Kin Nipv Marti (J?et. 147),
•n;?'. Oet. ■impN2. — ocn^ nS nn^] @ 0vfMu6-q<Terai, Kal oi //tJ vif/da-ri avrbv
= innnn^ nSi mni (Vol.); 2. bfwv, $s oiK dpO-^fferar, U simul, quod non

366 HOSEA

auferetur, reading '-ii as a passive; S >o^9.^iJ |3o ]t-**^1 l^r^®) taking in>

as adv. and joining with preceding. Read iDnnS S^n N-in. Gr. DDn^i j<Si in'';
cf. Ru. "irnn/.. Oort and Hal. Dnn\ Oet. DDn^ nS inx. — 8. ijnN T'n] S )^ " -)
■ ■•^^ w| — ijjdn] @ i^TrepacTTrttD (Ton; 'A. SttX^ Ki»KX(iffw ce; 6. d0o7rX/crw ere;
S. iKddjju (re; ST "iJ^iB-N; S t'r^l- Hal. r\-\iuii or ^Dirx. — nmNo] @ joins
with foil. vb. — ID'irN] ,S om. — ini] (3 ^v tQ aiirip (cf. 2^) ; 2. ei/ TovTip;
'B par iter. — nc3j] Gr. nnnj. — iDinj] Read ^rnn, with 0. tA (77rXd7XJ'a
ToO A^ous ixjov, and 5i -^-^ •-* (so also We., Gr., Ru., Now., Oct., Marti) ; cf.
Gn. 43^*^ I K. ■^ Lk. 2dP'. — 9. pin] (5 /cardi ttjv opy-qv. Read, with Gr., jnnD.

— aiCN] ® e7KaTaXi7rw = 3!;;N (Schleusner), or msCN (Vol.). — l^npa] S joins
with ir^N nSi. Hal. ^aipa. — ii^ja ni3X xSi] Read, with Volz (p. 34) and Now.,
ip; DIN nSi, the last word being joined to v.i°. One cod. of de R. -\>y2.
Houbigant, T'JjS. St. IJ73S (so Oort {ThT. and Em.), Val., Oct.). Marti
(i^if/. 133), ■T'P^x t**:"!. We. and GAS. n;jaV na^N n*?!. Ru. and We.^ ij?3n n*?!
(so Marti). — 10. nnx] Oort {ThT. and ^;«.), nnnx, joined with v.^ (so
Val., Ru., We.3). Volz and Now. nNs. — ijS''] (5 iropeicoixai = •]hn (so also
Ru.). Oort, 1^;. (so Val., We.^). Om., with Volz and Now., as gloss. —
JNB'''] 'A. pi.; ,S = adjectival impf. Ru. JN'U\s. — jnb'i Nin ij] Omitted in
Lucian's text, in three codd. of Kenn., and in three of de R. (so also Ru., Oct.).

— D^D D1J3] (5 T^KVa I'SdTWJ' = DID iji; ^ = D>'p D1J3. Ru. DOD'a 1J3. Gr.
D1DJ7D '2. Che. (£^. 5.Z/. " Javan "), Disn a^j3. Now. d> iind D''J3 (cf. Is. iiii),
Oort {Em.), CD T'ja. Oet. om. 'D '3 mnn as a corrupt repetition of
the first three words of v.^^, Hal. adds jiflJiDi after D''D in view of the
parallel "Egypt" and "Assyria" in v.". Miiller {loc. cit.), a^D \n. Marti,
D''p W'ii. — 11. mn"'] U avolabunt, but in v.^'^ formidabtmt. Oet. 'rv<\ —
D^iJirini] <g airoKaTa.(TTi)ffij} = inn''B'ni. ^ ^| ^scijo = D>n2K'ni (Seb.).
Read, with Gr., Dini^rni (so Now., Oort {Em.), Oet., Marti). — onina Sy]
& .oaLaJL^Iik, probably corrupted from ^au^ii^ (Seb.). Now. 'pj-Sn (so
Oort {Em.), Oct.).

5. He must return to the land of Egypt'\ Cf. 8^' 9^^ 11". The
prophets had both Egypt and Assyria in mind as places of exile ;
both powers are constantly threatening invasion ; cf. Is. 7^^ Pre-
dictions are made of restoration from both countries (cf Is. 11"
Mi. 7^-). The sense here is perfectly clear, whether it is obtained
(i) by transferring xb = ib to the preceding verse {v.s.), or
(2) by using )ih interrogatively, Shall he not return?* but the
latter is hardly consistent with the following clause. The prophet
does not intend here to say that the people's desire to be free
from Assyria's influence, and to go back to Egypt (to be in alli-
ance with Egypt t.) is not to be realized, for this was never true

* Mau., Schro., Ew., Or. f Jer., Ros., Hes.

XI. 5-7 3^7

of the entire people, as this statement would indicate. Nor may
we take this reference to Egypt literally, and the others, cited
above, merely as types of a place of exile.* — Or Assyria will be
his king] The use of Kin in this connection is difficult. Nowack
suggests that it is the survival of a verbal form ; perhaps T^TV {v.s.)
is to be accepted. Hal^vy's insertion is far wide of the mark. —
For they have refused to return {to me)] The poet plays with aVk^ ;
Israel must turn back to Egypt, because they have refused to turn
{i.e. to me). This refusal has been shown in the nation's attitude,
on the one hand towards the prophets, and on the other towards
Baalism. — 6. And so the sword will whirl in their cities] The ' is
consecutive ; the reference is to the coming devastation, in which
the sword, the chief instrument of destruction, is represented as
twisting or whirling about in their cities as a person (cf. Ez. 14"
Gn. 3-^) . — And will destroy their branches] These words have
probably crept into the text in explanation of the words in the
preceding Hne. The word "ns has been taken of (i) branches,
the suffix referring to Ephraim, the whole being the figure of a
tree (cf. p^"'^^),! but this is hardly appropriate in this connec-
tion; (2) great ones, princes of the land, J or his chosen ones,%
or his sons ; || (3) hands, (§S; (4) his bars (Je. 51^, i.e. the for-
tresses (cf. Na. 3^^ Mi. 5^ which protect the land ;^ (5) Magi, i.e.
false prophets.** But in view of the uncalled-for change of figure,
it is better to understand vn2 as a modification of V"ir3, and nnbD
of nbn, and to drop out the entire clause.jt This is in harmony
with the strophic structure. — And will devour them in their for-
tresses] This clause furnishes the parallel for and the sword will
whirl in their cities. In this rendering D,T"'ii-a3 is substituted for
Drrmaraa, because the latter gives no satisfactory sense, or the
first to may be attached to the preceding verb {v.s.). — 7. And
my people having wearied me with their rebellions, unto the yoke
(i.e. captivity) Yahweh will appoint the?n, since he has ceased to
love them] For text, v.s. This verse is declared wholly cor-
rupt by modern commentators. J J Of the verse as given in

* Ke., Wii. t "^^^ Rashi, Bockel, Thes. II Hes., Ew., Wii., Che., BDB.

t AE., Ki., Hi. § Gr. || Gardner. ** Hal.

tt We., Now. ; cf. GAS., who suggests that v.s may be an insertion, in view o*
corrupt text, and the fact that it weakens the climax of v.5. JJ We., Now.

368 HOSEA

ilHSr, Nowack says in substance : While a representation of
Israel's sin must be expected, 't>ib d"i<ibn makes no sense ; the
expression "call upward" is extraordinary in the sense of calling
to repentance, and the lack of an object after dtoiT is unusual.
With the thought of this line, cf. Is. 7^^ On the reading inxnp^
instead of ^'^K'^|'^'', i.e. Hiph. of X"ip = n"ip, cf. the exact equivalent
in Je. 32^, " and thou causest this evil to fall upon them " ;
also Nu. 35". The '' of irc is the remnant of Kin lost because of
the preceding suffix, in with the b of sb = b'^n ; for Dan'' read
iarjl^ /(? /ove Mm.* For parallel expressions, cf. 4^ 9^^

V.^" has been rendered by others as follows: (i) My people are fastened
to defection (Cal.); (2) Since my people inclineth in order to fall away from
me (Ew.); (3) My people is bent upon apostasy from me (Ke.; cf. AV.,
RV., Or.) ; (4) And my people is in doubt whether to turn to my law (?C) ;
(5) And his people is suspended from its dwelling ((§; cf. U) ; (6) My
people is hung up; i.e. is crucified, by the revolt from me (Oort); (7) My
people is weary because of its revoltings (Oet.) ; (8) My people have a bias
to turn from me (GAS.) ; (9) My people persists in its rebellion against
me (Hal.); (10) And my people has joined itself to idols (Marti). V.^*"
has been rendered by others as follows: (i) Upwards it is called; never-
theless it striveth not upwards (Ew.) ; (2) One calls it to the yoke (of
the law) but no one takes the yoke upon himself (Mich.); (3) They call
them to him on high; no one raises up himself (Cal.) ; (4) And unto the
Baal (cf. Sellin, Beitrage II. 306, who thinks Sj?3 impossible in view of nS
Dcn") he calls; he does not pity him at all (Ru.); (5) And unto God they
call; he is angry; he pities them not (Gr.); (6) And though they (the
prophets) call them upwards, none of them can lift them (GAS.) ; (7) To
a yoke will one call (or bind) him, which no one afterwards shall take away
(Oct.); (8) Unanimously they call the most high God, Lo-Yeromam, i.e. he
who should not be exalted (Hal.) ; (9) And they all meet the Baalim (Marti,
Dodekapropheton ; cf. Rel. 147, note); (10) And even if they should all
together, even to the suckling, call upon him, he would not lift them up
(Miiller). The case is certainly a desperate one. Perhaps the suggestion
given above is as satisfactory as any that has been offered.

8. How can I give thee up, O Ephratfn f] Here begins the
struggle in the prophet's mind between what seems to be the
demand of justice and the claim of love. The How is exclama-
tory t and not interrogative ; J it carries with it the negative

* Cf. Gr., Ru. t Wu., Or. % Umb.

XI. 7-9 369

force : there is no way in which I can give thee up ; it is impossi-
ble (cf. Gn. 39^ 44^ Is. 20^ Ps. 137*). — How can I surrender
thee, O Israel fl A poetic repetition of the former line in which
pa, further defining fn3, expresses the idea of " deliver into the
hands of an enemy" (cf. Gn. 14^^, a surrender (as in 2.), not a
deliverance (as in (§ and 'A.). — How can I make thee as Admah /
How can I place thee as Zeboiim .''\ These cities were associated
with Sodom and Gomorrah (cf. Gn. 14- ^ but the statement in
that passage is probably based upon this *) ; cf. Dt. 29-^ Je. 49'''
Mt. 10^^ Lk. 10^^; but Hosea, like the author of Dt. 29^, has
sources of his own on which he draws for information concerning
this catastrophe, i.e. sources other than Gn. 19 (z^/.). Amos and
Isaiah use Sodom and Gomorrah in this same way (cf. Am. 4"
Is. i'*'- 3^ 13'^)- It is better, in accord with the parallelism, to
take na"tK3 with what precedes than (cf. (§) with what follows. f
The T'K is expressed only twice, viz. in the first and third lines,
being omitted in the second and fourth, thus giving us a beautiful
example of the elegiac measure, 3 + 2, 3 + 2. — My heart is
turned upon ;«<?] This and the three lines following (vs.^*'*")
are evidently late (z'.j.). The thought of surrendering Ephraim
produces paroxysms of sympathetic feeling in the divine breast.
George Adam Smith (p. 297) says, "There follows the greatest
passage in Hosea, — deepest, if not highest, of his book — the
breaking forth of that exhaustless mercy of the Most High which
no sin of man can bar back nor wear out." On the phrase
tipon me ("br), within me, cf. i S. 25^ Je. 8'^. On "^sru, of the
heart turned in sorrow, La. i^. — My compassions grow hot to-
gether'] Din? occurs elsewhere (Is. 57^^ and Zc. i^^ only in the
sense of comfort; consequently 'Jan*!, my cotnpassions (cf. 2^^
Am. i") is suggested J as a better reading here. "iM in Niph'al
occurs elsewhere only with D'ann (Gn. 43^ i K. 3^; cf. also
Lk. 24^, and once with "liy, skin (La. 5'"). Light upon the
meaning of the root is obtained from the modern Syriac, kemr,
ferme7itation.% "IT = D^3, begins the clause with emphasis (cf.
v.'^; also Dt. 33^ Ps. 41^). — 9. / will not act according to the

* Cf. Kue.. We., Sta., Co., Bu., Bacon, Wkl., Ball, Che., and Gunkel, who make
Gn. 14 later than P. t We.

X We., Ru., Now. { Wetzstein, ZDPV. XIV. (1891), 6.

2B

370 HOSEA

fierceness of my anger] Cf. i S. 28'^ This follows the strong
expression of sympathy (v.**), and is only another way of saying
what has been said in *". So close is the connection between **
and °" (the expression of compassion, and the determination, in
consequence, not to carry out his purpose of destruction), and so
complete a parallel does this furnish for ^" and ^* (/ cannot give
thee up, because I am God and not i7iaii) that** and ^^ are best
treated as an insertion of a later writer.* — / will not turn to
destroy Ephraiffi] Cf. 2"^. This has been thought to mean : (i) I
will not turn from pity to destroy Ephraim ; | (2) I vvill not again
destroy Ephraim ; J (3) I will not bring back Ephraim to noth-
ing. § In any case, the expression is a confession of inability to
do the thing it has been asserted he would do. — For God am I,
and not man] i.e. divine and not human (cf. Nu. 23^^). God
may have sympathy and compassion ; he may have still other
human attributes, e.g. anger ; but this anger may not divert
Yahvveh, as it might divert a man, from the execution of a well-
considered purpose. — Holy in the 7)iidst of thee] i.e. holy in a
truly ethical sense. — And not human] iJttST reads, a7id I will
not enter into the city;\ but this means nothing (cf. Ex. 20^*');
it has been interpreted (i) any other city ; ^ (2) I am not one
of those who live in a city, i.e. a man (cf. 2 Ch. 6'*) ; ** (3) of
the omnipresence of Yahweh, occupying no space ; |t (4) of the
thought that Yahweh's presence in a town must bring punish-
ment. \X None of these being satisfactory, it has been suggested
(i) to read T'SJ = hate, terror, from "ilU to boil (cf. Je. 15*; cf.
Rashi on i S. 28^^) ;§§ (2) to read 11?^'?, yet I come not to con-
sume ;\\ (3) to read "lUa'? n3lX '^, I am not willing to consume ;%%
(4) to read ^""^^ "lU^b, joining first word of v.-*", with a slight
change, to v.^ (cf. i K. 14^° 16^ 21-^);*** (5) to read Dnx 7nan,
for b{i2K, and close the verse with this, thus securing a perfect
parallelism (cf. Is. 3i*).ttt This last suggestion seems, perhaps,

* Now. ; cf. We.3. f U. U Rashi.

X AV., RV., Or., We., Now., Hal. ** Jer. ; Lowth, De sacra poesie, 242.

§ Che. tt- Stuck.

II Marck, Stuck, Ros., Hi., Pu., et al. tt Hi.

\\ Schro., Dathe, Eich., Mau., Ew., Umb., Sim., Ke., Wii., Or.

nil St., Che., GAS. HH We. *** Oort, Val. \W Volz, Now.

XI. 9-IO 371

the most plausible, and may be adopted. — 10. Yahweh will cry
like a lion] This is based on Volz's emendation,* which takes "i'L'2,
last word of v.^, and nriK, first word of v.^", with m.T, reading
" ni<3 -lyr. The ydy following m,T is a gloss from the hand
of some one attempting to improve the passage in order to
make sense of it. This roar, like that of the lion calling together
its young, is the summons of Yahweh to the scattered people
to return (Am. i^ 3^ Je. 25^*). In Is. 27^^ the summons is
conveyed by means of a great trumpet. A different figure is
employed in Ho. 5" and 13^. The remainder of v.^'^, together
with ^\ is from a later hand, explaining and amplifying the force
and significance of the summons to return. The return is one
of the most common and significant elements in the prophets'
descriptions of the glorious future (cf. Is. 11"^- 27^^ 43^ Je. 3^*
Am. 9" Mi. 7^- Zc. io^°). As a matter of fact, t;, to growl, roar,
occurs only in Je. 51^, where, as here (if this emendation is
adopted), JKC is the corresponding word in the parallel Hne.
Other treatments of these words (jks) are : (i) / will go, like a
lion I will roar,-\ joining "ini« with v.'-*, and omitting .XT ; (2) Yah-
weh will go, like a lion he will roar ; \ also joining nnK to vA —
As a lion he will roar, yea, he himself will roar, and there shall
come hurriedly . . .] Once more, with greater emphasis than be-
fore, the thought of the summons and the return is repeated.
Here emphasis is placed on the fact that Yahweh himself will
send the summons, § and there will come hurriedly {i.e. eagerly,
trembhngly; cf. 3^ (nns), Ps. 18^^ (nn)); — who? whence? Ac-
cording to fHiir, sons from the sea, i.e. faithful Israelites || (or also
the heathen^ from the west((© children of water, v.s.) ; the west
being (perhaps a'tt = C ""Kfi, Is. 11") "the same as 'the islands
(or coastlands) of the sea ' in the latter part of Isaiah, except that
Hosea's knowledge of the coasts and islands of the western sea
would be much vaguer than that of his fellow-prophet " (Cheyne).
But how can the Israelites be called D"3 in this connection, and
how can they come from the west when they have been repre-
sented as living in Egypt and Assyria? The reading D'SiJ^a, from

* Adopted by Now. t Ru. t Oort.

§ In six Mss. of Kenn. and de R. mz'^ Nin >3 is lacking.
II Wii., Che. H Hes.

372 HOSEA

their captivity* would make good sense, but has no real basis.
Perhaps it is necessary here, as in some other cases, to acknowl-
edge our inability to meet the difificulties, and to leave the subject
of n"in' untranslated.! These words have been emended variously
(z/.x.) ; e.g. (i) my children from their captivity ; \ (2) sons
from Aram ; § (3) sons from the nations ; || (4) sons from the
west and from the north, -^ (5) jny sojis from the west;**
(6) builders fro )n the west, ft — H- They shall come hurriedly, like
sparrows, frojn Egypt, and like doves from the land of Assyria"]
The birds represent the speed J J (cf. Ps. c^s^ Is. 60*) with which
they come, not the timidity and faint-heartedness ; §§ cf. 7", in
which the stupidity or foolishness of the dove is made a point
of comparison. || || — And I will bring them back to their houses']
Cf. Je. 32^^ This rendering ^^ really represents D''ri'iD''tyn instead
of iiS2E DTiiUll, which means / will cause them to dwell.*** —
// is the declaration of Yahweli] These words are questioned by
Nowack, since they occur elsewhere in Hosea only in verses that
are unauthentic or suspicious (2^^-^®-^^). The closing verses of
this chapter (vs.^*-^"-^°*") are probably late,|tt because (i) they
introduce an element of promise in the middle of a series of
threats, there being no preparation for this word of promise and
no reference to it in the following context ; cf. also chap. 14,
where a promise appears, although introduced in a wholly
different way; (2) the expression, "I will not again destroy
Ephraim," is explicable only at a time after Ephraim has experi-
enced some severe chastisement ; (3) there is no connection
between vs.^*"""*^".

5. Jitfi] He must not, etc.; cf. Dr. §39; K6. 180; GK. 107 n — 'CSl]
'\ = or, here connecting alternative propositions; cf. Ex. aoi"- 1^ 21^^ Jb.

* Ru. ^ Che. {V.S.). ** Miiller {vj.).

t So Oort, We., Gu., Now. || Gr. ft Marti.

X Ru. H Hal. ++ Che., Now. ^ Wfl.

III! On doves and sparrows cf. Now. Arch. I. 82 f. ; G. E. Post, " Dove," in DB.;
A. E. Shipley and S. A. Coolc, " Dove," in EB.; Tristram, The Natural History
of the Bible, 201 f., 211-220.

^H We., Now., GAS. *** Ew., Reuss, Or., Che., Gu., BDB.

tt+ So Sm. Rel. 215 (i". 11 certainly late) ; Volz (9* genuine) ; Now. (9*- w« genu-
ine; but N0W.2 makes 8&-n all late) ; Marti, Rel. (M. 11 late) ; Grimm, Lit.App. 73.
But cf. Seesemann, 28 f. ; Giesebrecht, Beitrdge stir Jesaia-Kritik, 211 f.

XI. lo-ii 373

2ii3. 16. 26_ — g_ nSm] Accent on ultima, although following syllable (a^n) has
tone. — Oj^'nixjjop] With two accents. — 7. ''Dyi] Introd. circ. cl. — D'>j<iSn]
Treated as h "'? not n "S; cf. Dt. 2866; GK. y^rr.—h'j] If ME is correct,
a noun; cf. 7^ 2 S. 23I. On going over of the local idea into the temporal,
then into idea/ (as in Arabic), cf. Ko. 318 a. — 8. IJHn] Can, impf. of possi-
bility; Dr. §37; GK. I07r, — d^n^x] Q^rt, a;i3x; but regularly d-'OX, Gn. 142-8
Dt. 2922. @ Se/3wet/x. The city was one of " the five cities of the plain,"
but its exact site is unknown, — 9. ly^N'vsV] Ko. 352 /«. — 11. onina] On
form, GK. 96; Ko. II. i. p. 56; Sta. § 187 a; Wright, Comp. Gram. p. 88;
Philippi, ZDMG, XLIX. 206; Rahlfs, ThLZ. 1896, p. 587.

§ 16. Israel's falsity and faithlessness from the first, in
spite of efforts through prophets, must bring retribution and
ruin. 12^'^^ [English, 11^^-12".] Israel is false and faithless,
always doing that which ends in nothing ; turning now to Assyria,
now to Egypt ; he must be punished ; even before his birth he
was a supplanter (i<»-2-»»)_ Israel is a trader using false balances;
rich and self-satisfied ; but his riches will count him nothing, for I
will cause him to dwell again in tents (*'^°) . Israel has been given
prophets, but with no effect; lies and demon- worship prevail;
bitter enmity has been aroused ; sudden retribution will come
upon him ; his altars shall be like stone-heaps in the furrows of
the field C"'^^- 12).

The patriarchal episodes in vs.^- ^*-^ (this is the correct order) and the
historical allusions in v." are from a later hand, and from a different and
conflicting point of view (z'.i.), as compared with that of the original material.
The original piece (omitting vs.^''- ^^''- ^^- ") consists of three very symmetrical
strophes of ten lines each, in trimeter movement. The first strophe describes
Israel as he is and has been from the earliest times, viz. a faithless one, a
vacillating one, never knowing his mind, surely deserving punishment, since
all this has been so from the life of the patriarch in his mother's womb. The
second strophe (adopting the elegiac movement 3 + 2) characterizes Israel
as Canaan, a trader cheating all with whom he trades, becoming rich thereby,
but destined, in spite of present riches, to dwell again in tents as in days past.
The third strophe narrates the efforts put forth by prophets sent from Yahweh
to teach him the right way, the lack of any results, the prevailing falseness
and idolatry, the bitter enmity thus aroused, and the sudden punishment
which is its consequence. Three exceedingly interesting additions have been
made from the post-exilic period (i) v.i^ which includes Judah; (2) vs.'**-^,
which recalls certain traditions of Jacob, putting him in a most favorable light ;
viz. as having had intimate relationship and great influence with God; (3) on

374 HOSE A

ys 13. 14 ^,j^ Tije order according to this arrangement is la. 2^a. 8-io. u. 15.12 (^ib
preceding v.^2 logically), with the additions i'- ^^•**"'-^'*. Cf. the arrangement
of Oct., viz. 1-5- i3f- 7- 6. 8-12. 15. that of Hal., viz. no- 13. 11.12. 14. 15. and that of
Gr. viz. m- 13- 15. 12. 14^

1. ® and U connect with chap. xi. — minii] (5S connect with pre-
ceding. Bewer {/BL. XXI. 109 f.) om. as later addition. — Sx uy nn nj,']
(S vi>v eyvu} avroiis 6 0e6s = Sn dj;ti [n]ny (so also Scholz; cf. Loft, who
follows (§, but reads D'^hSn for DJ?1 '?!<); 'A. iiriKpaTQv . . . ; U {^Judas) autem
testis descendit cum Deo; & jau^j oiiflii L.mJ» p^r^ = Sn ay -\y^ ij;(Seb.).
Briill and Gr. 'Ui an nj?. Read, with Marti (J?el. 119; so Now.), 'ui j;-i; ny.
Che. (^Exp. Nov. '97, p. 365) Sn oy Tin. Get. ha oy nib. Hal. '1J1 t};d.
Bewer, Ss oyT" nj,'V Miiller (SJ^. 1904, p. 126), '?N"n3;T iny. — jdn: o''!:'np Dj?i]
(5 Ktti Xads 37105 KeKX-qa-erai deov = '7n'7 noNJ a'np D3;i (Vol.) ; S . . . j*-^^
I *^ -^ " = 'p Djjji (Seb.); so ST. Gr. ncNi o^B'np oyi. Co. ncxj D-'B'np Dj-'i (Z/4 ^.
Vn.' 286 ff.; so We., Gu., Oort {Em.)). Hal. jdnj nS t^ni^ uy\ Che. {loc.
cit.) jdn: vii^np dj;i. Ko. §3480', jsn |[?<]di rnp aj?V Get. ncoj O'C'ip d>;\
Bewer, nox: o^tJ^np D>n. Bockel, nini dnj, for pxj. — 2. nn n;)n] @ irovepbv
TTveO/jia = nn njj-j. Oort (TAT. and^w.), nnn >n. Marti, "i np. — orn So]
(SB join with preceding clause. — lan] Read, with ©, /cat fidrata, [n]12'1 (so
also Oort (Ty?/; and £■»?.), We., Val., GAS., Now., Hal., Marti). — nan>]
Read, with S, 1212 (so also We., Now., Get., Marti). — nnai] With We. and
Now., om. 1. — iniD^] (@U = sg. (so also Hal.). — Sar] ® iveiropeiiero = Sap
(so Hal.); U ferehat. Read, with Ss, oN^no), iSai\ taking 1 from beg. of v.^
(so also We., Now., Oort {Em.), Oct., Marti). — 3. 3>ni] (S^IL om. 1 (so
also Now., Oort {Em.)). — mini] Read, with Oort, Sxntri (so Now., GAS.,
Oct.). — npsVi] Om, 1, with (5 (so We., Gr., Now.). Marti, npcxi. — iiams]
TS joins with foil. vb. — 4. joaa] Gr. inserts vax before '22. — ijik3i] ® Koi
^v Kbirois aiiTov. Om. 1 as dittog. from prec. ^. — ms'] 3J directus est;
'A. KaTup0Oi}(re. — OtiSx] Gr. 'N tt'iK (cf. Gn. 322^). — 5. IB-m] 'A., ©. Kal
Kardipdwcre ; U et invaluit ; S om. — 'D'Sx] Read, with We., Now., Oct.,
Marti, 'D"nK. — 'mi nsa] (g iKkuvtrav ko.X ide-fidTja-dv fiov = ^h ij:nnM 133
(Vol.); & om. n33. — iS] Gr. adds tih. — Sspio] ® ^v t^j o^kv "Qj/ = ni33
px (so also Gr.); IL m templo meo. — UNXc] ® Arab., and one cod. of Kenn.
have I p. sg. suff.; ^T, 'A., S., G. suff. 3 p. sg. (so also Gr.). — Dl;'!] Oort {Em.)
and Marti om. 1. — ucy] © 7rp6j avrotJs = nnoj? (Vol.). Read, with Ss, oilo^,
^Dj?; so 'A., 2., e., (S^ and also Dathe, Oort {ThT. and Em.), We., Beer
(Z^ W. Xni. 285), Val., Gu., Loft., GAS., Now., Get., Marti. — 6. nin>i] Oort
( Th T. and Em?) om. 1 (so Val., Oct., Marti). — nor nini] (5 eo-rot /tc' = 't n;n>;
S, 6. take 'r as 3 p. sg. of vb. with suff. Gr. 't xin(?). Hal, inb; '\ — 7. 1inSx3]
^U = '{<-'7N (so also Get.), or 'nS (so also Gr.). Marti, T'!?'7J;3- — 3vi'n] We.
y3B'n(?). — nDir] Gr. ncBT. — mp] (S ^77(^6 = snp. — 8. I5;j3] Seb. j>'jdd (so
Gr. (or ijyjss)). — pifyS] U calumniam. Read, with We., Now., and Marti,
3pyV. Gr. Tki'j;'? or niB'y'?. — 9. ncxii] Gr. om, 1, — h px] @ a.va.^p\jxi\v
ijxavTip; 'A, dyw^eX^s oi/ry; U idolum mihi; S 1-^1^ *«»^> Gr, iS pn, —

XII. I 375

"73] 5 = ''31 — ''yu'] Read, with <B, oi irivoi airoO, V}}>}> (so We., Gr., Beer
{ZAW. XIII. 288), Val., Now., Oct., Marti). — in3SD''] @ evprje^ffovrat
= 1NXD> (so also Gr., Oort) ; & ) nnw. — ]r; >^} (3 airi^ di ddidas = iS
a>iv;2; & jaujutJ^ >.a^ = p>'S iS. Read, with Gr. and Now., ]^yb ^h. We.
li;;S (so Beer, Oct., Marti). Oort, pj;p ■■'r. Oet. sugg. ijij'?. — Ntan is'n] Read,
with (§, &s rjixapTev, Ni3n na>N (so also We., Gr., Beer, Val., Now., Oct.). Oct.
Ntan "iii"N'?i(?). — 10. ynND] ® inserts d»^7a76v ce = iin^Syn, before 'nd (so
Oort {Em.) ) ; & inserts -^£uaa|» = TTiNSin na-N (Seb.) ; so 3E. — D^Shnj]
Gardner, Tin^Nj. — n>'iD id^d] 2E aip ^nva = d^i"! '•do (so Marti). Perles (/4«a-
lekten, 44), ny inij. Gardner, -!>"1C3. Gr. and Now., aSij; 1D13 (cf. Mi. 7^**').
Bu. {New World, Dec. '95) and We.^ y-^y;i ■'cs. — 11. Sj?] We. and Now., Sk.
— pin] ®S pi. — ni3] <5 pi. Gr. t>31. — doin] @ w/^otw^T/v = noiN as in
Is. 14I* (Vol.) ; TB assimilatus sum ; Sb ^-M^iJ^. Gr. nNici(?). Hal. WcK.
Oet. riQN np-iN, taking first word of v.^'-* with v." (cf. 46). Cf. We. Marti,
n-^cK. — 12. pj; nySj dn] (g ef /*>? FaXodS iffriv = j^N 'J ax; so 9. Read,
with &, |.£|i r"^^' '>' ''^■'^ (so We., Now., Marti) . Oort ( TA T.), 'n SjSj dn,
foil. Complutensian, FaXYaXo; Oort (Em.) om. sn. Gr. ]1n n''3i 'j dn. — -jn
vn Nis-] ©SUSr, 'A., and 2. join with foil, clause. S reads .SK'S and with S.
om. vn. Gr. an 'Sf -|{<. We. 15:7 'c in, of which 1^7 is to be adopted (v.i.;
so Marti). Now. sugg. rni for vn and would transp. it to ^-^. — omtf VjSja
in3t] <3 iv TaXaad (Lpxavres Ovffid^otn-ei = D^nsr B''->r 'J3 (Vol.); several codd.
of <S, with Complutensian and Syr.-Hex., TaXyaXois; 'A. 0v<XLd^ovTes; "B in
Galgal bobus immolantes ; % ^^*i«.S) \ ■''^ " '\ ^"^ '^-^ > ® 0?!?'? (^°'^
oniB'). Read, with Hi., o^-;iJ'ir (so We., Now.,'Oort {Em.), Oct., Marti).
Gr. onw'?. — Dnin3Tc] & 2 pi. suff. — a'''7j] (5 xf^"^""'; cf. 9. on Ec. 12* and
Nestle {Exp. Tunes, XIV. 189). — 13. int:>] Gr. adds pNX, foil. S;. — 14. n^3:3]
S pi. — "tciyj] Gr. -\DB'\ — 15. D''V3n] Oet. ^D^pn. — onnnp] (3 Kal irapdpyi-
a-ev; ^ ^V^Vio. Oet. -ininDM. — vom] ©SF sg. Oet. om. 1. — vSy] Oet.
Sj?. — U'la^] (5 ^/cxi'^T5<''"'a'; 1?" veniet; S t-^]^- Gr. tid\ Oet. ''B'si. —
vjnN] ® om. suff. Oort ( Th T. and Em.) transp. to foil. onjjN. Marti reads
v.i*, 'iS 3■'i^'^< iPflim ^bc'N rSo VDni Snib'i ■'j-nni 'n >jD>3;3n.

XII. 1. The past is here, as in other discourses, uppermost in
the prophet's mind. Ephraim has covipassed me with lies, and
the house of Israel with deceit~\ Yahweh is the speaker, and
he speaks out of an environment made up of Ephraim's Ues, for
these lies are so many as wholly to compass him about. Not
infrequently has the charge been made, and with these same
words, trnD and niai?2 (cf. 4^ 6' 7I 3.13 lo*-^^). The lies and de-
ceit have to do with Yahweh, for in another strophe their cheating
of each other is taken up. Israel is false to Yahweh whenever

3/6 HOSEA

she turns to Egypt or Assyria, just as a wife is false to her
husband in joining with another man. With ^Pi3 may be com-
pared njn, Je. 5^^ ; and Utrs, Is. 59^^ ; while the opposite of all
these words is naK. " Ephraim " and " the house of Israel "
are synonymous. — And Judah is still known with God~\ The
question is, have the words of ^* a good sense, and are they
then from a later hand (for no motive can be conceived for
Hosea's inserting here a eulogy of Judah) ; or have they a bad
sense, and are they then really from Hosea's own hand ? ilHST
'rs DIJ nn "li? is difficult. The verb "iTi occurs only here and in
Je. 2^^ Gn. 21^ Ps. 55^ It has been taken (i) as = rm = "^tria,
rule; i.e. only Judah rules with God (= only Judah's kings have
power with God) ;* (2) Judah still serves his God; (3) with
ny instead of niJ and "n = it, come down, Judas autem testis
descendit cum deo ;\ (4) as = Arab, rdda = rove about, stagger,
waver, hesitate, be wayward with God; \ (5) as = UT, so (^ {v.s^
= and as for Judah, God knows them now ; but as Nowack
says, neither is Tp_ intelligible, nor do we expect a statement
of this sort after v.^"; (6) as = TT , but Judah is still known
(= betrothed, affianced) with God, which accords well with the
following line;§ (7) as = rebellious ; |1 (8) d& = "Z"^^, great ;^
(9) but Judah walks tremblingly with God;** (10) and still
God knows them, Judah being a later addition.tt — And tvith the
holy one faithful~\ This seems upon the whole the most satis-
factory interpretation of another difficult clause. 10X3 followed
by Dl? is unknown ; but cf. Ps. 78* (nK 'i). The plural in D^trnp
is hke that of DM^K ; cf. Pr. 9^" 30^ The absence of the article
indicates that it is used as a proper noun. This construction
is preferable to (i) that which makes |I2K3 an adjective modifying
D'trnpIJ (although this is possible if D'UJ'ip is regarded as an
intensive plural; cf. Ps. f^ Is. 19*), because the parallelism is
preserved; or (2) that which makes fftr^np plural, and refers it to
angels, saints, patriarchs, prophets, etc. ; §§ or (3) (§, which seems
to have read -i)a«3 '^^E'^] ^^^'V °^'' (^^-^O; or (4) the reading || ||

* Rashi, Ki., Cal., Pu., AV. t ^^^

X Bauer, Schro., Ew., Hi., Hd., Ke., Wu., Or., Che., BSZ. ; Co. ZA W. VII. 287.
§ Marti, Rel. 119; Now. f Briill, Gr. ft Bewer. §$ Jer.

II Hal. **C\x&.{Exp.)v.s. tt Wu. I||| Bockel.

XII. i-a 377

niiT D«5, i.e. oracle of Yahweh, for |ttK3, or, perhaps, worst of
all, (5) the reading -ttoJ£? D'^^lp ^^j "and with temple-prostitutes
joined himself," * referring to the custom of having such attend-
ants at the temples (cf. Nu. 25^ Dt. 2^-'^^ Gn. t,^^^-^'"'''' Ho. 4").
The chief grounds urged for this reading are (i) the parallelism
thus secured between ^^ and ^''; (2) the "ittKD of @, which is con-
sidered an intermediate form between the original na^D and jaxi ;
(3) the fact that 10^3 in the only other places it occurs is used
of a Hcentious cult (Nu. 25®-^ Ps. 106^^) ; (4) in the only other
passages where D'tT'ip are mentioned (i K. 14^* 15^ 22*^ 2 K. 23^),
they are connected with Judah as here. In favor of regarding
^* as latef may be urged, therefore, (i) the favorable estimate
given of Judah, which Hosea could have had no occasion to utter ;
(2) the evident interruption made by ^* in the prophet's state-
ment concerning Israel, which is continued in v.^; (3) the
peculiar, late usage seen in d'tt^ip (as plural and proper name).
Other renderings based on emendations {v.s^ are : (i) and with
the Holy One is not faithful ; J (2) and the people of the Holy
One it is called ; § (3) and with temple-prostitutes is defiled. ||
— 2. Ephraim herds the wind, and hunts the sirocco\ Ephraim
is a shepherd, a hunter; but is the outcome of his occupation
profitable ? His time is spent in herding — not flocks, but
the wind, in hunting — not game, but the sirocco, the deadly
southeast wind,^ which in its course destroys everything that
it touches (cf. Ez. 17^° Jon. 4* Ho. 13^^ Is. 27^. The outcome
of Ephraim's activity is, according to the figure, something ab-
solutely void and empty ; still more, something which is, in
itself, not only useless, but fatally injurious. This use of TXh is
bold and strong, but not too much so for Hosea; so that
(i) Wellhausen's comparison of nit"! (cf. Jb. 20^"), seek the favor
of, is unnecessary, although it is supported by the parallelism ;
(2) we are reminded of the nil XW\ of Ecclesiastes ; (3) the

*Co. ZAW. VII. 286-289; adopted by We., but opposed by Oort, ThT.
XXIV. 498 f.

tSo We. Prol. 417; Oort, ThT.; Gu., GAS., Now.; Marti, Rel. 119, EB. II.
2122, and Dodekaprofiketon. J Hal. ^Gr., Bewer; cf. ffi. || Oet.

t Cf. Wetzstein in De. Job, on 2721 ; GAS. Bist. Geog. 67-69; Robinson,
Phys. Geog. 305 f .

378 HOSEA.

Jewish interpretation, idolatry* is too specific ; (4) " friend of
the wind " f is forced ; (5) there is here a touch of " Wisdom,"
but Hosea is full of wisdom-thought {zk on 14^). — All day long
they multiply falsehood and fraud^ This line explains the pre-
ceding ; without cessation the activity goes on, but the result
is that they increase (IST for 1 nST J) falsehood (/.<?. a false atti-
tude toward Yahweh, § not simply toward one another ||) and
fraud (yc\t being substituted for ^^ 'W, cf. (§ 1U ; since " vio-
lence " is not appropriate here, and the combination of falsehood
and violence does not elsewhere occur ).^ — They strike bat-gains
with Assyria, and carry oil to Egypt'\ Here the thought of the
prophet becomes still more clear and explicit. Ephraim's activity
was fruitless and injurious ; it was false and deceptive ; but how
so ? Because it involved relationship with and dependence upon
other nations, and consequently acknowledgment of those nations'
gods. Of the four expressions for entering into covenant, or
alliance with, n^D D"pn, or jnD, or dir, or m2, the latter is
chosen (cf. 5^^ 7" Is. 2^. Oil, one of the most important products
of Palestine (Dt. 8^ i K. 5" Ez. \(P 27^^, was carried to Egypt,
which had no oil, as a present (Is. 57^) and as an article of
commerce.** Here the former is intended. Read an t'lbDrff
instead of ^"^"11 :'!'D^\ It would be difficult to find a more in-
teresting parallel than is furnished for tliis verse in almost every
particular by Is. 30^ The great sin is against Yahweh, and
consists in alliance with foreign powers, which involves distrust
of and faithlessness toward Yahweh. This is seeking for wind
and multiplying of falsehood. And for this reason, — 3. Yahweh
has a quarrel with Israel, to punish Jacob according to his
ways'] It is impossible to suppose that Judah is here spoken
of, because (i) Judah is not in the thought of the prophet
here, nor often elsewhere, but v. p. clix ; (2) if the text is cor-
rect, Judah is given the place of prominence, even before Jacob

* Rashi, Ki. X Now., We.

t Rashi, Oort (v.s.). § Hd., Ke., Now., ef at. || Hi., Sim.

IT Che., We., Now., GAS. On the use of sir cf. Coffin, JBL. XIX. 168-171.
** See Macalister, art. " Oil," DB. ; Kennedy, art. " Oil," £B.
ft We., Loft., Now., GAS. ; on basis of (C, and to secure uniformity of verbal
form in u-\\ ^n•^2\ iSav.

XII. 2-4 379

(Cheyne's suggestion that Jacob is here used for Judah, as in
Ps. 77^^, is plainly incorrect) ; (3) to accept the text is to accept
the impossible combination, viz. Yahweh has a strife with Judah
(even) in order to punish Jacob (for {a) (^ thus omits 1 with
ipa"?!, and {b^ if retained, it must be rendered as above unless
the verse is assigned to a later period of the language, in which
the construction with b is used to continue the ordinary imper-
fect*). We must, therefore, understand that some one changed
the original text, substituting Judah for Israel, perhaps when ^^,
which refers to Judah, was inserted, f With the phraseology
here, cf. 4^ Mi. 6^. The omission of 1 before "ips"? (cf. ^ and
statement above) makes the second member dependent on the
first ; i.e. the purpose of the contention is to punish Israel, and
this is to be measured according to his ways ; i.e. in return for
and in proportion to his faithless conduct toward Yahweh. The
prophet desires to place special emphasis on the basis of judg-
ment which Yahweh will adopt, and to that end adopts a double
and striking rhetorical method of expression, repeating sub-
stantially what he has just said, and then illustrating the state-
ment by a significant example. This he proceeds to do in the
next two members of the parallelism, f — According to his deeds he
will requite him ( — 4 a) ; in the womb he supplanted his brother']
The two clauses expressing the same thought are arranged
chiastically, and are followed suddenly and strikingly by a state-
ment concerning Israel's ancestor, Jacob, handed down by
tradition, which in a single stroke both announces and explains
the whole case. Jacob's supplanting of his brother in the womb
before birth indicates that fatal characteristic of the nation
which, as exhibited again and again in its history, has now
reached the point at which punishment must be administered.
This reference to traditional lore clearly carries with it reproach
(cf. the unfavorable sense in which the same verb is used,
Gn. 27^), and stigmatizes the nation as deceitful and untrust-

* GK. 114/ ; H. 29, 5 a. t We., Now., GAS.

X In view of the peculiarly symmetrical and artistic expression found in this
section, and of its highly poetic character, one wonders whether Che. was not
sleeping when he wrote (p. 113) in connection with chap. 12, "Again poetry is
dispelled by prose."

380 HOSEA

worthy. In evident contrast with this single line, the long addi-
tion in vs.*'"^ is occupied in the praise of Israel. Spy is rendered
(i) "took by the heel," on the basis of npu ninx 1T1 (Gn. 25-^),
"and his hand was having hold of Esau's heel"; (2) "sup-
planted," on basis of Gn. 2']^, i.e. Jacob's supplanting (apy) Esau
twice, in the matter of the birthright and the blessing. But two
things are clear: (i) there is no basis for the rendering "took
by the heel"; (2) the word jDas used with Spy indicates a
source of authority distinct from the two Genesis sources.* The
statement, therefore, is to be taken as an additional reproach
upon Israel, and as indicating that his deceptive character
is inborn and ineradicable ; * in distinction from the view
which makes this clause a statement of praise uttered of the
ancestor Jacob (in contrast with the degraded condition of his
descendants), since, even before birth he showed his pre-
eminence, how he was destined to anticipate his brother ; f for
in this case the prophet would surely have designated as sub-
ject of ■*" the patriarch Jacob in distinction from the people
Jacob ; or (3) the view that this " catching hold of Esau's
heel " was presented to Israel in order to encourage and
stimulate them, and to show that not merit but the mercy of
God was the source of the preeminence. % Of the three views,
the first interprets the statement concerning Jacob as bad and
in accord with what has been said of Israel; the second and
third, as good, but as in contrast with what has been said. —
13. And Jacob fled to the field of Aram'] This verse seems
unquestionably to stand with ^*"^§ Like these verses it is his-
torical, and like them it is commendatory in its tone. The
abruptness of v.^^ was observed as far back as Rashi. Cf. Gn. 2 7^
28^, for the fuller account. The phrase " field of Aram " is a
translation of the word Padan- (or Paddan-) Aram. — And Israel
served for a wife, and for a wife he herded {sheep)] Cf. Gn. 29^^^"
2q3i 2i38-4i_ Nowack's suggestion of a contrast between "wife"
and " prophet " (cf. v.") is imaginary, and disappears with the
separation of the two verses. — 4Z). In his man's strength he

♦Now. t Ew., Wii., Che. J Cal., Ros.; Beer, Z/4H^. XIII. 281-293.

§ Cf. Now., Oct.; Grimm, Lit. App. "j^-TJ.

XII. 4, 13. 5 38 1

contended with God'\ TTW is also rendered "wrestled,"* "had
power with." f As the writer puts together Spy and Spy, " sup-
plant," so also h^'yiO^ and mtr, "contend." The pun is evident
(cf. Mi. i^^"). Note that (i) the 1 of WKSl is a dittograph of
the I of the preceding rns, dating, of course, from a time subse-
quent to the disarrangement of the original order ; (2) this line is
parallel with that which follows, not with that which precedes ;
(3) it is the first of four lines in close connection with each
other ; (4) the contest with God (or the angel), occurring on
the return from being with Laban (Gn. 32^), is here placed
first in order, whereas in Genesis, the Bethel story, occurring
on his outward trip (z>.t.) precedes; (5) whatever specific inter-
pretation is adopted of these four hnes, it is understood to be
praise of the patriarch Jacob. On i:iK3 v.i. D'>lbK designates
any form of superhuman character: (i) as here, angel; (2) dis-
embodied spirits (i S. 28^^) ; (3) judges, as representing God
(Ex. 2 2^-^). This Hne praises Jacob, and is therefore incon-
sistent with *" ; yet some make ^* synonymous with *"■,% and
understand the change to have taken place at the beginning of
v.^ — 5. Yea, he contended with the angel and prevailed^ The
poetical repetition of the preceding line, with one modification
(angel for God) and one addition (the fact that he prevailed).
For h^ read nx. § is'^a = D'nbK ; cf. Gn. 16^" and 17^^20 g^. 1321
and 14^''; and so in pre-exilic literature in general. || It is E
who in the Hexateuch makes large use of angels (cf. Gn. 21"
22" 28'* 31" 32^-^ Ex, 23™). if Of course it was Jacob who pre-
vailed (ba""!) and not the angel.** Here the thought is that of
praise, i.e. the persistency and energy with which the patriarch
sought the divine blessing (cf. Gn. 32^). — He wept and besought
mercy of hint] i.e. Jacob wept. While (§ makes both Jacob and
the angel weep, and iJttST only Jacob, J (Gn. 32^*^^) says nothing
about weeping, Jacob's attitude is exactly that which the writer
would have Israel adopt, viz. anxiety, sorrow, and repentance,
not victory. But is this consistent with the thought of *"? Is it,
moreover, the point of view maintained in Gn. 32^ ? — At Bethel

* Ew. t AV., RV. X Or. § Now, || G. B. Gray, art, " Angel," EB.
H My statement, Hebraica, V. 261 ; cf. Carpenter and Battersby, The Hexateuch,
I. ii2f. «*Hi,

382 HOSEA

he met him {Yahweli) and there he {YahweK) spoke with him'\ Cf.
Gn. 28"^- 35^*^-. S him, is better than 7is {v.s.), (cf. Ewald, who
on the other hand (i) treats ID of 10X^)2'' as ist pi., not 3rd sg.,
(2) makes Yahvveh subject * and not object, and (3) makes the
imperfects futures (in prediction) and not vivid pictures from past
history). Here is an allusion to Jacob's dream, but the point
of view is different from that of Gn. 28. That vs.'*^"^ present
a different and conflicting point of view as compared with vs.^^" is
apparent. The unfavorable Spy of ^" is changed into a favorable
term, TTW, in **, and this favorable point of view is maintained
through v.^ in striking contrast with the condemnation expressed
in vs.-"*''. — 6. And Yahweh is God of Hosts; Yahiveh is his
name'] This is an interjectional gloss or addition from the hand
of some pious reader of very late days f (the 1 being confirmatory
of what precedes, and practically = as truly asX) rather than
the subject (l being omitted) of the preceding "12T, § for this
gives a cumbersome set of clauses for subject, and the 1 of nnxi
does not fit in. His memorial ; i.e. his name, cf. Ex. 3^^. —
7. So thou by the help of thy God shouldst turn back] The
address is to Jacob || (these being the words spoken at Bethel,
the clause being the object of "i^T (v.'')), rather than to Israel;^
it has the tone and the coloring of the later times. By thy
God, i.e. by his help, ** rather than to thy God, ft or in thy God,
i.e. " such being the character of God, who lets himself be won
by wrestling prayer, return thou to thy God and rest in him " ; + +
but none of these explanations is wholly satisfactory. Cf. Well-
hausen's suggestion {v.s.), thou shall swear (Gn. 21^^ Dt. 6^'^ 10™).
Hal^vy urges in defence of v.® that Hosea, after sharply contrasting
Israel's present dispirited and feeble state with the energy and
courage of their early days (vs.*""*^^), continues in v.^ by assuring
them that Yahweh is the God of armies and is able to defend
the weakest against the strongest ; therefore they should call
on him (reading libT, imv.) instead of appealing to outside
nations. — Keep kindness and Justice] In relation to men, cf.

* So Sim. II Hi., We., Now.

t So We., Volz, GAS., Now. H Ma., Hd., Sim., Ke., Schm., GAS., etal.

X BDB. 253; cf. Am. gS-e Is. s5. ** Hi., GAS.

§ Oort, Val. tt AV., RV., Sim., et al. H Che.

XII. 5-7 383

Ho. 4^^" 6® Am. ^^^ 10-12. is^ — And wait on thy God without ceasing'^
i.e. cultivate absolute faithfulness, cf. 11^ 9^ 11^ 7". Nowack
calls attention to the difficulty of taking \? as an address to
Israel, and suggests that were such the case, the verse must be
regarded as from another writer than the author of **'^. In
favor of regarding vs.'**''^ as a later addition* he urges (i) the
poor connection between *" and ^*; (2) the extraordinary re-
versal of the historical order of events in the narrative of Jacob's
life ; (3) the bad connection of v.^ with v.^ ; (4) the fact that
v.® continues the thought of v.^". This addition was occasioned
by the fact that one of the patriarchs was represented in the
original narrative in an unfavorable light, altogether at variance
with the ordinary view of the patriarchs. Effort has been made
to interpret vs.^'^ as a unit,t thus : Ephraim on account of his
persistent sins is threatened with punishment from Yahweh.
His ancestor Jacob should be his example. Jacob sinned once
(viz. Jta^i) ; but afterwards in sorrow and anguish he returned to
God (nnty ijiks), who received him graciously and promised him
aid on certain conditions. But this interpretation implies an
unnatural contrast between Jtaaa and 131X3.

1. ^jaao] On extended (or uncontracted) form cf. GK. 67 a. — T\] The
possibilities of this word are very great in view of the several roots from
which these consonants might be taken ; e.g. ^'y\ (cf. Ps. 144^ Is. 45^), rrn
{y.s.'), in' {y.s.'), in {y.s.^, but the corruption of the text seems certain. —
QiB'ip] The intensive plural Most Holy One, H. 3, 2c; GK. 124/^; see
especially K6. 348 a'; cf. 263 «/. Chiastic with SN"ay. — JDNj] Foil. D^np as
predicate of t\-\\t\>. — 2. Sav] Or iS^jr, with S of pers.; cf. Ps. 6830 y6i2; for
other cases of final 1 connected wrongly with following word, v. Je. 22^*, 1 >ji"?n
= vjiSn; I S. 1421, DJ1 i-'iXi = oj 133D; Je. 17II, kSi ib';; = nS 'intfj?; cf. Dr.
Sm. XXX f. — 3. npoSi] Cf. GK. 114/; also 114^; K6. 4131'; but v.s. —
4. ma'] Only here and Gn. 32^9; in one case Dj? is the preposition, in the
other HN. On the connection of Snib' with this root, cf. BDB., BSZ.; Nestle,

* Cf. We.8 (suspects 5-7) _ Sm. /?(•/. 215 (rejects 7), Volz (who considers ^''-^ an
archaeological note from a learned reader), Grimm (who rejects *-'! as a " liturgical
appendix"), Wkl. G/. I. 59 (makes ^-6 late). Stark, Studien z. Religions- u.
Sprachgeschichte d. A. T. II. 8 ff. (rejects ^6-7), and Luther, ZAW. XXI. 67
(makes 5-7 late). Marti om. 3<»- 5-7 as later additions.

t Beer, 7.A W XV. 281 ff. ; Procksch, Geschichtsbetrachtung u. geschichtlicher
IJberlieferung bei den vorexil. Proph. (1902), 19-23.

384 HOSEA

Isr. Eigennamen, 60 ff.; Gray, Hebr. Prop, Names, 218; Che. EB. 231 1;
Dr. DB. II. 530. — 5. i^'n] Generally treated as Qal. impf. of mr, a cognate
of r^-\u (f.5.) ; GK. 72 /. The prep. Sn is hardly appropriate, and in view
of Gn. 32^9 HN is preferable {v.s.. We.). — '?:)m] With _ for 1, and _ because
of Zaqeph qaton; on form, GK. 69 r; cf. 53 «. — Ssno] Ace. of place;
K6. 330 i. — UNXDi] For either m or ij (v.s.)', on impf., K6. 157 <5. —
6. mnii] This i is almost the Arab, waw of the oath (v.s.) ; cf. BDB., also
H. 44, I d, rm.; Evv.^ § 340, 3. — 'x 'Sn] The full form of the divine title;
cf. Lohr, Unier stick. 2. B. Amos, 39 ff.; Ko. 295/. — 7. nip] For the use
of this word in Psalms, cf. Ps. 27^* 37^*.

8. Canaaji !'\ Strophe 2 begins in a startling fashion, with the
derogatory epithet — Canaan.* The thought is a direct contin-
uation of strophe i Q'*"^) . This strophe shows no recognition of
the personal story of Jacob in vs.^^- *'"''. There is no reason for
supposing, as does Nowack, that after ^" there originally existed
a line or sentence which explained ^% for *" needs no explanation ;
it is on account of its perspicuity and suggestiveness that the later
writer is led to give in contrast with it the interesting traditions
which point to another conception of Jacob's character. V.*
follows ^" most fitly. Canaa7i is not (i) an address, direct or
indirect, to the Canaanites or Phoenicians, whose reputation for
dishonesty was widely known ; f nor (2) a common noun, mer-
chant; \ but (3) a proper noun used as a figurative epithet for
degenerate Israel, and equivalent to jneixhant, for the work of
merchandising in the cities had been in the hands of Canaanites
so long that " Canaanite " had become a synonym for " mer-
chant" (Pr. 31-* Jb. 41^ also Zp. i^^ Ez. 17*; cf. r\\iV2 = wares,
Je. 10"). In the same way "Chaldean" and "astrologer" became
synonymous. To be rejected are (i) the making of I^DS an
appositive of Ephraim (v.^) ; § (2) its treatment as a vocative ; ||
in favor of (3) the construction as an independent nominative or
accusative. — In his hand are false balances, he loves to defraud~\
Cf. Am. 2^ 8^*'. apub (cf. *"), to defraud, should be read If instead
of ptrub, to oppress, since the latter idea is not under consideration.

* On the etymological meaning, see Moore, PAOS., 1890, pp. Ixvii-lxx; GAS.
HG, 4f.; Buhl, Pal. ^42; M. Jastrow, Jr., art. "Canaan," ^6, EB.
t Cf. Odys. XIV. 290, 291, and the Latin fides Punica. || Cal.

X E, Rashi, Marck, Ros., AV. § Bockel. U We., Now.

XII. 8-9 385

The second line (two words) seems lacking in proportion, the
preceding line having four words ; but as suggested above, this
strophe seems to have the elegiac movement (3 + 2) ; it is surely
an elegy in its tone. — 9. And does Ephrahn say, Yes, but I
have become rich; I have secured for myself wealthl This verse
contains (i) Israel's supposed reply to the charge of deceit
and dishonesty ; together with which comes (2) Yahweh's reply
concerning the gains thus unrighteously acquired ; * and not a
continued statement by Israel that his wealth will not be reckoned
as sin.f Israel's reply is of the self-congratulatory order, and
furnishes his defence for this apparent dishonesty toward God and
man (cf. Zc. 11^). ittK^I = ^«^ has Ephraim said? i.e. a con-
dition (cf. Ps. 104^**^). ^IK is not asseverative = surely, indeed ; %
but restrictive, and in contrast with what precedes = howbeit,
still, yes, but, with something of astonishment on the part of the
speaker that such charges should be made. § Israel's defence is
twofold : {a) I am prosperous, that's enough ; {b) I have obtained
my wealth by my own efforts, and neither by the help of God ||
nor as a Canaauite (trafficker), cf. Zc. 14^'. JIK (= strength v.*)
must here be taken (cf. "^'n) in sense of " wealth " (cf. Jb. 20^") ;
cf. also the reading JIK, idol, of U. — {^Let him know) that all his
gains are insufficient for the guilt which he has incurred'\ This ren-
dering rests on ® and differs from ilKST in {a) substituting 1 (3d
pers.) for '' (ist pers.) ; {U) in prefixing the preposition *? to pr;
if) in reading Kan,l pf. 3 m. sg., for xpn. isita", here without
the ''T {s2ifficiency) , which is the fuller construction ; cf. Lv. 1 2^
2^26. 28 (with •'1) and Ju. 2 1" ** Nu. i i^^.ft Cf. also the interesting
play on K^a between ^^ and ^'. IK^T has been rendered (i) all my
profits shall bring me no iniquity which is sin; Jf {2) as for all
my profits, etc.; §§ (3) they will not find iti all my profits, etc.; || ||
but whatever the specific rendering, two fatal objections present
themselves : {a) these words furnish the basis of v.^", and must
be a part of the divine rejoinder, not the continuation of Israel's
defence, and must have the tone (as these do) of punishment;
{b) there is implied an "unnatural distinction between iniquity

• * Cf. Che., We., Now., Oet. IT We., Che., Now. tt So Wu.

t Cal., Hi., Ew., Pu., Or., «^ a/. ** So BDB., and GFM. ?« ?^t. §5 Mau.

+ Che. § Wu. II AE. ft Also Now. |||| AE.

2C

386 HOSEA

and sin."* — 10. For I, Yahweli] m,T ''2ii< is not an independent
sentence,! but the subject of ']D''tnK. t — Thy God from the land
of Egypt^ Cf. 13*; the God who brought you up out of Egypt,
who has since that day remained the same, and, therefore, has
given no just cause for your unfaithfuhiess. — Will again make
thee to dwell in tents\ Is it a promise or a threat? (i) A promise §
that they will yet be delivered out of the degraded and dishonest
national hfe of the present into the pure, simple, and beautiful
life of primitive times, before the curse of civilization had pro-
duced its dire results ; i.e. " although it is true that Israel has
incurred condemnation, I, being the same that I have been from
the beginning of their history, will deliver them, and cause them
to renew their joy before me." This view is supported {a) by
that interpretation of "lUia "'tt'S {v.i.) which makes it represent an
occasion of joy ; {I?) by the absence of any definite reference in
this verse to the wilderness ; (f) by the actual case of the Rechab-
ites, whose ideal it was thus to live apart from civilization (Je.
35^*^); {d) by the fact that 11" may be interpreted consistently
with this ; (<?) by the combination in 2 K. 13^ of the same ideas ;
viz. deliverance and dwelling in tents. 1| (2) A threat ^ that they
will again be driven away from home and compelled as in the
days of the wilderness to Uve in tents ; i.e. a wandering, nomadic
Ufe. Being the same God as of old, he will now punish as
he punished in the past (Nu. 14-^"). This view is supported
(a) by the demands of the context, for what but a threat could
be uttered after the heartless and defiant words of Israel as ex-
pressed in ^"P (1^) by the analogy of 2^*, which is unquestionably
a threat; and {c) by a correct understanding of "iSJiia "to'S {v.i.).
The evidence clearly favors taking the statement thus, nor is it,
as has been suggested, a threat with an indirect promise in the
far distant future, an idea growing out of the analogy of the
wilderness followed by deliverance ; ** or a suggestion that Yahweh
" could destroy all this commercial civilization " ; tt it is rather the
plain and definite prediction, in language borrowed from past
history and used figuratively, of certain destruction. — As in the

* Che. t Wii. + Che. ^ Jer., Ki., Cal., Marck, Hd., Pu., Marti. ■

II The late origin of 2 K. 13^ is to be taken into consideration ; cf. Benz., Kit. in loc.
H Grotius, Dathe, Ew., Umb., Or., We., Now. ** Ke. ft GAS.

XII. lo 387

days of the festal assembly] This phrase, in 181(1 lyitt WD, has
received widely differing interpretations : (i) According to the
appointed days, using Ii7ia as an appellative = an adjective.*
(2) = Feast of booths (Lv. 23^9^; cf. i K. 12^2 ^tt. 7,1^^), the
time of "ingathering" (cf. Ex. 23^®). The significance of this
feast lay in the fact that it was an occasion of joy and thanks-
giving, celebrating the completion of the harvest, and as such it
was an expression of the characteristically Canaanitish idea that
the deity was the lord, the ba'al of the land and the dispenser of
its fruits. The dwelling in booths is explained by W. R. Smith
as occasioned by the fear that the house and its contents should
become taboo and unfit for ordinary use, through contact with
the consecrated person of the worshipper during the progress of
the feast ; while Wellhausen attributes it to " the custom of the
whole household, old and young, going out to the vineyard in
time of harvest, and there camping out in the open air under
the improvised shelter of booths made with branches." f That
the feast was a reminder of the tent life of early days is, of course,
a late idea (P). Wellhausen's objection that a feast character-
ized by unlimited expressions of joy would not be appropriate
to the wilderness is met by Cheyne's statement that life in tents in
the feast-time was a matter of amusement, out-of-door sport ; but
in contrast, Israel will be compelled so to live, and this would be
another matter. \ (3) A national feast, § i.e. a day of national
assembling. (4) Days of appointed season, i.e. festivals (cf. 9^
La. 2'"). (5) Although the real wilderness-feast was the Passover
(Ex. 4-^), it is to be remembered that there is no reference to
dwelling in tents in connection with the Passover, || and nothing is
known concerning the rites of this feast. In view of the difficulties
involved in the interpretation of i^ST, textual changes (v.s.) have
been proposed, e.g., (i) Yet shall I bring thee back to thy God in
the appointed time ;^ (2) as in the days of thy youth ; ** (3) as

* Ma.

t On the feast of booths v. Now. Arch. II. 150 if. ; Benz. art. "Feasts," EB.;
WRS. Sent, note K; We. Prol. 85, and my Constructive Studies in the Priestly Ele-
ment, \\ 96-106.

X Mich., Bauer; also Grotius, Dathe (although regarding it as a threat {shall
I longer cause them to dwell in booths ? ) ).

§ Hi. II Cf. We., Now. H Gardner. ** We.3; cf. Perles.

388 HOSEA

in the days of old,* cf. nmby nrai nmUD ^tt'S, 2", used of the
times of the wilderness, and note the full significance which IV
now receives. Wellhausen says that vs." ^- belong in another con-
text and that there is no connection between them. The latter
part of his statement is correct, the first part wrong. G. A. Smith
says of vs.""^^, " I cannot trace the argument here." Marti treats
yg_96-n.i3.i4 ^g j^^gj. additions. If v." is taken as introducing a new
strophe, to be followed by v.^^ and then by ^ (v.^^ being placed
before ** and v." being regarded as a later addition from the same
hand as vs.^^- ■**"^) , there is symmetry of artistic form, together
with regular and close consecution of thought. — 11. And I
spake by the prophets'] As so frequently (cf Am. 2^*- Is. chap. 5)
the prophet, before saying the last word, recalls the fact that
earnest effort has been put forth to teach Israel the right things.
This is a new thought in this piece, and quite appropriately
introduces a new strophe ; close connection with either ^^" or
^^^■^ is not to be expected (cf. on the contrary Nowack). Tii^m,
perfect with waw consecutive, expresses frequently repeated
action, and I used to speak, bv means by, by the hand of,
through ; f no good reason exists for substituting b'N ; % cf., how-
ever, ST DIJ and (^ Trpos. — For it was I who multiplied vision
and by the hand of the prophets gave parables] Special em-
phasis rests on " I." § Parables, i.e. similitudes, sometimes
implied, as in 9^", at others, definite, 7*"^ Is. 5^"^ The sug-
gestion to read II "'IiaK n^n^ (taking DK from v.^-, i$l2C) is
favored {a) by the parallel in 4^ \ {b) by the non-occurrence
of the absolute meaning use parables elsewhere for Mat, (^) by
the failure of DK to make sense at the beginning of v.^ ; {d) by
the meaning of ^^* which requires ^^ to be absolute and not con-
ditional (cf. 6*) ; (<?) by the easier interpretation of vn as well as
^'rs^ as historical perfects ; and (/) by the fact that the idea of
destruction through a prophet is quite a common one (6^); but

* Gr., Now. t Cf. Kno. Prophetismus, I. 201 ; Ke. in loc. X Now.H

§ On visions, cf. Giesebrecht, Die Berufsbegabung der Alttest. Propheten, 38-72 ;
Duhm, Theol. 86 ff.; Maybaum, Die Entwickelung d. isr. Proph., 1-6; Briggs,
Mess. Proph. 17 f.; Sm. Rel. 82 ff. ; K6. Der Offenbarungsbegriff d. A. T. II. 9-60;
Borchert, SK. 1895, pp. 217 ff. ; Kue. Prophets and Prophecy in Isr., 78-89 ; Schultz,
O. T. Theol. 1. 275-9, 281 ff. II Oet.

XII. II, i4-iS» 12 389'

this is just the opposite idea from that which the prophet is
trying to express (cf. ""• "*), and is consequently impossible. —
14. And by a prophet Yahweh brought Israel up from Egypt ;
and by a prophet he was shepherded '\ With v,^^ following v.^^,
and v.^^ transferred to precede **, we have next v.", which is
a later insertion intended to state, still more fully and definitely
than Hosea had done, how Yahweh had made use of prophets in
Israel's instruction. This explains why in v." the ist person is
used, but in v." the 3d, of Yahweh. In this verse, naturally, the
idea of warning (so prominent in the original utterance) is absent.
Although K^nD is indefinite, only one prophet is in mind, Moses
(cf. Dt. 18^^. Nowack's remarks (p. 76, foot) are no longer in
place, because v.^^ has nothing to do with v.". It is possible that
"iiatrj had a subject {e.g. Jacob), which has been lost ; the short-
ness of the line is noteworthy. For this use of lOtr^, cf. Is. 21"
62^ — 15. Ephraim has given bitter provocation^ I gave Israel
instruction and warning in every possible way (v."), and what is
the result? Ephraim has, by his conduct, given me bitter provoca-
tion ; literally, A<? has provoked bitterly, no object being expressed ;
cf. I K. 21^- 2 K. 21^ — And his bloodshed he will leave upon him]
Nowack * is in error in demanding for tt-'tSD the meaning to sling,
to cast down; its original use is to leave, let alone (cf. Ex. 23" = let
the field lie fallow ; Nu. ii^\ and left {the quails) by the camp) ;
so here Yahweh will leave t upon him (Ephraim) his bloodshed,
i.e. his guilt for the acts of bloodshed, of whatever form (not,
however, in connection with children offered to Moloch J) which
he has committed (cf, i* 4^). § — And his reproach his Lord will
return to him] i.e. Yahweh will repay Israel (cf. Is. 65^^) for all
reproach brought upon him (Yahweh), i in insnn being the ob-
jective genitive ; || or for the reproach of which Israel is guilty, 1
being a subjective genitive^ (just as 1 in the parallel phrase van).
— 12. In Gilead is iniquity, only vanity they have wrought] The
text is again corrupt. With DS no sense can be made ; perhaps
we may read 3.** After the analogy of bus in 6* we may change
vn to ittT.ft Only, nought but (cf. similar force in Nu. 12- Jb. 19^'')

* Also Ew., Che., BSZ.

t Ke., Or. (thrust upon him) ; GAS., p. 303, seems to have overlooked this word.

X Hi. § BDB. II Che. 11 Wu., Now. ** », Now. ft We.

390 HOSEA

is satisfactory, and the proposed change of "[S to ^'^ * is unneces-
sary. Gilead is singled out, as in 6^, as a place in which Israel's
wickedness has especially manifested itself. DK of ilH^C has been
taken (i) as introducing an ironical, or rhetorical, question, Is
there iniquity in Gilgal?^ (2) as a particle of asseveration = j'ar^/v
there is wickedness in Gilgal; \ (3) as a conditional particle, =
if there is iniquity in Gilgal. § — hi Gilgal they sacrifice to demons^
Cf. Dt. 32^' Ps. Io6''^ D'-ntrb for amty {v.s^, the b having been
dropped after the final h of bhl. The difficulty with iiHC is ||
(i) that the plural of "lit:' appears only here; (2) that the sacri-
ficing of oxen was nothing in itself reprehensible ; (3) if the
meaning is "sacrifice to oxen," we should expect D''"nub or, more
in accordance with prophetic usage, 'Oh'Sih ; and, in any case, the
worship of the calves is nowhere else mentioned as being con-
ducted at Gilgal. (§'s D''~it? is clearly a misreading of "i for n. %
The ordinary translations have been either (i) they sacrifice
bullocks in Gilgal; ** i.e. they insult Yahweh by sacrificing in
connection with idolatrous places (cf. 4^^) ; or (2) they sacrifice
to the bullocks in Gilgal, ft but nowhere else is litr used of the calf-
worship. — So their altars shall be as stofie-heaps among the fur-
rows of the field'] This is the consequence of it all (cf. Mi. i^)
— a scene of desolation. The fulfilment is seen in 2 K. 15^,
concerning which event Tiglathpileser himself says in a badly
broken passage, " The town of Gilead, . . . Abel [beth Maachah ?]
. . . which is a part of the land of bit-Humri \_i.e. Samaria] . . .
the broad, throughout its extent I added to the territory of
Assyria; and established my officer as governor over them." J|

8. ji'jD] On casus pendens as a genitive attribute of the following clause,
cf. K6. 341 h. — PB'JJ^] On use of ^, H. 29, 4<r. — 11. ''DJNi] iPeculiar position,
K6. 339 «. — 12. dn] Retaining i)Il ST, Ko. (389 /) makes this conditional in
form, but causal in force. — rm] Dr. (§ 1367) and K6. (415 0 treat this as an

* We. $ Hi., Ew.. Sim., Ke.. Or.

t Cal., Pu. J Stuck, Hd. || Cf. Now.

H On demon-worship, cf. Di. and Dr. on Dt. 321^; Gray, art. " Demons," EB. ;
Che. on Ps. io63'' ; WRS. Sem., v. Index ; Baudissin, Siudien ziir sem. Rel. 1. 130-36.

** a:, Ke.. Wii., et al. tt F, Marck, et al.

++ Annals, v. III. R, 10, 2, Is. I7ff.; cf. KB. II. 3off.; KAT? 264f.; Dr. in
Hogarth's Authority and Archaeology, 98 f.

XII. 12 391

apodosis expressing certain future, — >ia'] On absence of art., Ko. 293 a. —
13. nu'xa] A good example of the 3 of price, or substitution, K6. 332 0. —
15. onnon] Adv. ace, Ko. 332 e; on pi., K6. 262/

§ 17. The utter destruction of Israel. 13^-'^ Israel in the
days of old stood high ; but they sinned and died ; and now grow
worse and worse in their devotion to idols, treating them as gods
^1.20.6^ . therefore, idolatrous through and through, they shall van-
ish like cloud or dew, like chaff or smoke Q"-^). It was I who res-
cued them from Egypt ; they have had no other god or saviour.
It was I who cared for them in the wilderness, but the more
prosperous they became, the farther they departed from me
(*-^-^. Therefore I will destroy them as if I were a wild beast
— jackal, or leopard, or bear, or lion (^■*). In this impending
calamity, O Israel, who will help you? There will be no king to
save you ; for your kings, given in my anger, will be taken away
in my wrath (^").

The unity of this passage is evident; its symmetrical structure is more
than usually marked. In five strophes (8 + 6 + 8 + 6 + 8) announcement
is made of absolute destruction. The movement is trimeter, with occasional
dimeters and tetrameters. Strophe I contrasts the honored Israel of the past
with the fallen Israel of the present, all on account of faithlessness to Yahweh
(vs.i-2<». 6)_ Strophe 2 presents a picture of destruction, — an utter vanishing
away, consequent on Israel's apostasy (vs.2<^-3). Strophe 3 contrasts Yahweh's
love and care, as manifested in their past history, with their ungrateful atti-
tude of neglect and forgetfulness in degree proportionate to the blessings
granted them (vs.'*- ■'• ^). Strophe 4 presents a second picture of destruction —
a horrible devouring, as of wild beasts (vs.^-*). Strophe 5 announces sternly
that no deliverance will be possible, since no leaders will remain to guide
them (vs.^ii). No important modifications of the text are involved in this
arrangement.

1. naiD] @ Kara, rhv X^Yoc = nais; similarly 'A. — nm] @ SiKaidfuiTa
= npn, or, better, m (Aramaic) in pi. (Vol.) ; S., 9. rpdfjiov; 'A. <l>plK7jv;
& |ooi Zjj = PPT with 'sn as subj. (Seb.). Gr. npN(?). Oort (7",^7". and
£m.) and Val. D]n. Hal. nnn. — Ntt'j] & ]^h jooio = [nin]Nin xtj (Seb.);
similarly ®. Read, with SS and Oort, ti^ii'i (so We., Gr., Val., GAS., Now.,
Get.). Oort (iS'w.) and Marti, NE'j — Nin] Gr. rT>n(?). — de'Nii] (3 xal (dero
o^Ttt = DDiB'11 (Vol.). — nci] Gr. mD'i. — 2. ^b};'} © om. — ojnns] (5 /car'
eUSva; U quasi similitudinem ; % ^ei^a^^ = DPijanD (Seb.); cf. ^. One
cod. of de R. onjuns. Oort {^ThT. and Em!), foil. (S, njinn^ (so Gu., Loft.) or

392 HOSEA

nijanj. Ew. omanp (so Gr., GAS., Oct., Now.^). Hal. nji^na. Read, with
We., Val., Now.i, DPMDn^. — nSu] (@ a-wTeTeXea-fiiva = rh^; & om. Several
codd. of Kenn. and de R. iSr, and 6 codd. of Kenn. dS? (so Loft., Hal.). —
onS] (5 joins with preceding. Read, with Sta. (ZA Iv. III. 12; so Briill,
Jahrb. f. jiid. Gesch. u. Lit. (1883); Gr.), d^hVn, or, with Now. and We.^,
insert D"'n'7X before anS. — TUr] (§ dvffaTe = innr; S. dv(na.aaTe; 5J immolate.
't is perhaps a fragment of an original line, □•'yj'^ O'"^' D>! (v.i.). Gr. ■'nj'i(?).
Ru. •'n^T, to be taken with oncN, which is to be rendered, they assign. — din]
Duhm (^Theol. 132), □■<(?). — ppiJ''] O iKXeXoliraa-LP, with 'rj as subj.; proba-
bly derived from pot' (Vol.); U adorantes ; G. itpouKW-riaert; & - " *^^*^
— 3. n>'D'] Oort, nj'bi (so Gr., Now., Oct., Marti). — hj-ind] (5 and SaKpvwv

- ■■ e y

= na-jSD (Vol.) ; A. d7r6 KarapaKTov; Si |Zq-3 ^e. — 4. T'nV.s] Foil, this
(5 inserts : " the one establishing the heavens and creating the earth, whose
hands created all the host of the heavens, and I did not show them to thee in
order that thou mightest follow after them; and I led thee," etc. On basis of
(5 and & insert iinNXin -\z'{<; cf. Oort (j5'w.), who inserts i\n''S>'n (cf. 12IO). — ■

5. T'njJT'] Read, with (5, iwoiixaivbv ere, yr^-^y^ (so S, Seb., We., Gr., Gu., Loft.,
GAS., Marti); cf. 3C. — VINd] Now. and Oet. insert yn^'j'^ before -N3. —
ni3NSn] (3 doiK-riT (jj ; TS solitudinis ; S Vs^ U? U\iS|^*, " a double rendering,
the latter being a gloss from the Alexandrine transl." (Seb.). Gr. n^N^n. —

6. oniyiDo] <5 Kara. tAj yo/xds (2. sg.) olvtCiv; & ^] ^.-kii^io. Oort {^ThT.
and Em."), an^yiD, joining it with v.^. We., Now., and Marti, 2,-n;7i3. Gr.
onviOJ. Hal. DPiy} iD2. — V^^'] S om.; (§ eh irXea-fiovriv. Read, with Oort,
rafe' (cf. @); Oort offers an alternative, yau'S. — oaS] <3 pi. — 7. inxi] (g Kal
effofiai = n^HNi (so also We., Now., Oct., Marti). Gr. and GAS. tini. — -im's]
Read, with (5, 'Affffvplwv, iii^N (so SiF, We., Val., Now., Oet.). Briill, Gr.,
Meinhold, Now.^, and Marti, iptrx (cf. Je. s*-). Hal. omu'N. — 8. Sor] Oort,
foil. (3 and U, nSi3';'. — d'?ONi] (5 Kal KarafpayovTai aiiro'is = d'73N1 (so also
Oort, TAT. and Em.; Gu., Now., Marti). & "^aspo = a^ss^i or aS^si (Seb.),
with N'^aS as subj. — au'] Meinhold, Now.2, and Marti om. — Ni^^r] (5 (TKip.voi.
dpvfiov = NjaS? (Aramaicizing, Cappellus), or N^a*? (Schleusner), or an^DD (so
also Oort, TA T. and Em. ; Gu., Now.), or ny> n;Q3 (Oet., Marti) ; ,S om. 3. —
9. One cod. of de R. om. v.^. — inna'] Read, with O, tt} 8La<p6opq, crov, ^rnu
(so GAS.); V /lerditio tua ; ^ -fh^^iiLliu. Val. 'nvnnB' (so Gu., Now., .Oct.,
Hal., Marti). Gr. innc'a. — T>iy3 ■'3 >:>'] One cod. of Kenn. om. 12. (S rls
Pov9-n<ret= [^]^Iy> >D (so also Oort, TAT. and Em.; Gr., Val., Gu., GAS.,
Now.). Read, with S, f^t^ oil*, T^'iJa T, cf. Ps. 118^ (so also Seb.,
Scholz, Dr. £x/>. 3d ser. V. 260 f.; Hal.). •<d may be taken as a remnant of
1DJN (cf. Now.). Oet. qnrpa •'D (cf. Marti, r\yy2 >D id). — 10. •>.■!><] Read, with
iSS, i^N (so most comm.). — xidn] (5 oStoj. — S33] S = '?3i (so also Houtsma,
We.; Oort, TAT. and Em.; Val., Gu., GAS., Now., Oct., Marti). % et in
omnibus. Gr. V^r. — Ti>'] Gr. y\^. Houtsma, ry^z' (so Oort, TA T. and
^w.; We., Val., Gu., GAS., Now., Oct., Marti). — -fa^:'!] (5 KpivArw a-e
= 1t30s»i (Vol.); S sg.; so Arab, and some codd. of de R. Read, with

XIII. I 393

Houtsma, riit39K'''i (so Oort, ThT. and Em.; We., Gu., GAS., Now., Marti).
Val. and Oct. :ii35'fi. Gr. :iasi?'i. Hal. transposes to precede yyg Saa.
— mcN ■^e'n] S Zf2ic]o sAja^tA-? = msNi ■>jsd rh^v (Seb.). — ona'i]
<iS3r = Sg. — 11. JDn] (@ Kai eduKa (=inNi); so S. — npNi] S = innpNl;
3L et kabuisti. — \"n3>'3] IL in impetu tuo.

XIII. 1. When Ephraim used to speak, tnen trembled~\ The
many interpretations of this line may be classified in three lists :
(i) Those which make nni an apodosis, following the tem-
poral clause expressed by an infinitive with a preposition, " When
Ephraim spoke (or used to speak, referring to the time of
Ephraim's prosperity, e.g. in the time of the judges*), there
was trembling," f i.e. respect for him, reverence in his pres-
ence; cf. Is. 52^^. (2) Those in which nm as an infinitive or
participle (nrih) is made to modify the infinitive isn as an
object or adverbial accusative, the next line serving as apodo-
sis. Here belong the renderings : " When Ephraim spake stam-
meringly," \ or " spake confusion, ambiguously, etc." § {i.e. when
Jeroboam introduced the calf-worship) ; " when Ephraim spake
trembling " || {i.e. humbly) ; " when Ephraim spake of revolt " ^
{i.e. alarm, uproar, the opposite of Dibtt^). (3) Those in which
change of text has been suggested for nni {v.s.'), e.g. "judg-
ment," or "decree," ** "truth," ft "knowledge," \\ "terror." §§
Nowack's statement that (i) is grammatically impossible, and
is devoid of good meaning, is too strong. It furnishes a fair
meaning, and, although unusual, is permissible ; cf. Gn. 4^ (if
nsf be correct ; cf. Gunkel). — He was a prince in Israel^ Read-
ing N'CJ for KtTJ of fflST. By some this is made {v.s^ the apodft-
sis of the preceding line, e.g. " when he exalted himself in Israel "
{i.e. made effort to get the ascendancy; || || or, "they rose to the
exalted position which their prophet-ancestors foreshadowed," cf.
Gn. 49--:-^*|[^) ; by others, as a parallel line, whether used in the
good *** or bad fff sense. Upon the whole, it seems clear that these
lines, in contrast with the following (cf. nni?, v.^), describe Ephraim

* Hi. t Cal., Bauer. Hi., Sim., Or., GAS., Marti. J Mich. § Ma.
II Pococke, Pu. ; cf. Che. " when the Ephraimites in trembling accents re-
sponded to the divine call (alS), etc."

f Ew. tt Gr. §§ Hal. ItH Che. ttt Ma., Ew.

** €f. 1: Oort. nil Hi. *♦* Or.

394 HOSEA

in the glory of his past, before his fall, — a time when he needed
only to speak to produce awe among his fellow-tribes, — when he
stood highest in the nation, the prince. This, in the prophet's
mind, was either in the days of the judges (Ju. 8^^- 12^), or in
those of Jeroboam I. when the people took a retrograde step in
religion ; or he refers more indefinitely to the general position
always occupied in the past by Ephraim, as shown in its furnishing
leaders like Joshua and in its acknowledged supremacy through-
out its history. — T/ien he became guilty through Baal, and died']
On DtTK, cf. 10-. Ephraim became guilty through accepting Baal-
ideas, and thus contaminating the purer form of his earlier reli-
gion. This corruption came about when, giving no heed to the
spiritual conceptions of the prophets, they devoted themselves to
the realistic worship of Yahweh in accordance with rites borrowed
from their Canaanitish neighbors (2^^-^^). He died, to all intents
and purposes, in so far as it concerned his place in the progress
of religious thought (cf. Pr. 9^* i Tim. 5®). Each step in this
direction was a step nearer death as a nation. Ephraim, in
Hosea's time, had been dying for a long time. The moment of
actual death was now not far distant. Such was early Israel and
later Israel. — 2. A?id now they cotitinue to sij2~\ The Israel of the
prophet's time is no better ; they, too, sin ; in fact, they continue
to sin ; they keep up the national retrogression. And then the
prophet gives in detail the several actions which constitute this
sin. Two quite distinct cults are here treated as one, the Baal-
cult and the image-cult. — And they tjiake for themselves molten
gods from their silver"] As early as in the smaller book of the
Covenant (Ex. 34'") there had been prohibition of the " molten
gods." In Isaiah's time (2^ the land came to be full of idols,
and, in the later days of Isaiah, Hezekiah (2 K. 18*) undertook to
root them out. The history of the relation of the prophets and
sages to the image worship is a most interesting one. This pas-
sage is one of the earHest in the long list of such utterances.* It
is always to be remembered that the stage of image worship in

* Cf. George F. Moore, arts, on " Idol " and " Idolatry and Primitive Religion,"
EB. 2146-58 ; P. Scholz, Gotzendienst und Zauberwesen bei den alte?t Hebrdern und
den benachbarten Volkern (1877) ; Baudissin, Studien zur Sent, Rel, I. 84; WRS.
Sem. 204.

xiii. 1-2 395

the development of religion is a late one. With the attitude
of the Hebrew prophets towards image worship, and the actual
historical results of that attitude, may be compared the similar
attitude of the earliest Greek philosophers, together with the lack
of any such results.* — Idols according to their own model~\ Read-
ing anJItonn. iJtTST " understanding," if retained, must be under-
stood as used sarcastically. S, " according to their figure," and
#U2r favor the rendering adopted above. Other readings {v.s.)
vary but slightly. — Smiths^ work, all of it~\ This is the point of
real importance ; there is nothing divine about it ; the whole
affair is human.f — To such they say: O God'\ D'n'?K is to be
read either as a substitute { for Dnb, or directly before Urh.%
This seems necessary to meet the requirements of "i!ai{, and is
justified by the similarity of the letters in Urh and D'H^K.
Others reach the same result by allowing D'las to stand with-
out an object (cf. Ps. 4') ; e.g. " to such they speak ! " || while
ordinarily these words have been closely connected with the fol-
lowing clause : e.g. " to even these speak men who sacrifice,
etc.,"^ or " they say to one another while they sacrifice, etc." **
This statement concerning the ascription of deity to human handi-
work is the cHmax in the prophet's representation of Ephraim's
sin. What, indeed, could be more heinous? With this the stro-
phe closes. Those interpretations which join with this line those
that follow fail to show a correct understanding of the logical
structure of the piece. — With a people sacrificing to demons^
fH9E is impossible. Since ppD"' U'hl'i D1S furnishes an admirable
meaning, and complies with the demands of the measure, it is to
be accepted. ft This leaves TiaT as the only fragment of a com-
plete line requiring three words. The meaning of this last line
must have been synonymous with that of the Hne beginning with
D"iK. In view of the parallelism thus required, and of 1 2", I ven-
ture to suggest D'^lU^b d'nn? oy. It was easy for DU to have dropped
out when note is made of the several preceding words, ending in
D'_ and D,1_ ; furthermore, D''lf b precedes a word not dissimilar
in form, D"IK. Perhaps httle can be said for this conjecture, but

* Welcker, Griechische Gotterlekre, II. 114 f.

t Marti om. the phrase n'73 . . . dbDdd as a later substitute for the original text.

+ Sta., Brull, Gr. § We., Now. J| Che., GAS. H Ew. ** Cal. ft So Ru.

396 ROSEA

certainly as much as for the many efforts hitherto made to meet
the difificulties in this passage. Some of these are : ( i ) " they
say to one another, sacrificers of men, let them kiss, etc. ; " * i.e.
the absurdity of sacrificing men and worshipping calves is derided.
(2) " Those among men who sacrifice, let them kiss the calves," f
this construction being similar to that found in Is. 29^^ Jb. 31^ Mi. 5'
I K. 19^^ In the latter case, the emphasis rests upon the absurdity
involved in human beings paying homage to calves. Ewald's con-
nection of these words with those preceding is interesting ; viz. to
even these speak men who, etc. ; cf. also Keil's discussion. Con-
cerning the first of these general interpretations, it is to be said
that {a) calf-worship and human sacrifice were never combined ;
{F) human sacrifice did not exist in Israel until much later than
Hosea's time, % viz. that of Ahaz ; (<r) this erroneous interpretation
originated with (©, and has influenced commentators up to modern
times ; (</) the prophet would hardly have treated human sacri-
fice in such a fashion. Concerning the second interpretation, it
is to be said that {a) the passages cited are not satisfactory
analogies, and (^) the awkwardness of the expression, thus inter-
preted, is very great. § Concerning both interpretations, it may
be said that {a) no adequate sense is conveyed ; {U) the paral-
leHsm, elsewhere scrupulously observed, is ignored; (<r) the de-
mands of the strophic structure are not met (cf. Ruben and
Duhm ; v.s^. || — With men kissing calves'] A second circumstan-
tial clause strictly parallel with the preceding one. For various
interpretations, v.s. The kiss was a token of homage or adora-
tion, and is referred to in the case of kings (Ps. 2^^), and, as here,
idols (i K. 19^^ Jb. 31^) -IF From the last passage, we learn that
it was customary to kiss the hand towards the idol. — 3. There-
fore they shall be like the morning cloud, and like the dew that
early passes away] A repetition, word for word, of 6** {v.s.), but

* V, Rashi, Theod., Jer., Cal., Mich., Stuck, Schro., Umb., Hi., Wii., BDB.

f &, AV., RV., Ki., Marck, Ma., Ros., Mau., Eich., Ew., Sim., Pu., Ke.,Che.,
GAS., We., Now.

J On human sacrifice, v. Kamphausen, Das Verhdltnis d. Menschenopfers 2. isr,
Rel. ; on Molech-worship, v. arts. " Molech " in DB. and EB. § Cf. Or.

II Cf. Marti's suggestion to (i) om. 'dn onS ain^N as a gloss, thus leaving on
DTN ''r\'z^, they are sacrificers of men, zsih^ ou%m3\Xe.yX\ or (2) point □''■^b^;, i.e.
they are Amorites, sacrificers of men. H Cf. We. SK. III. 105.

XIII. 2-5 397

this is no ground for omitting it here, as is done by Nowack.
The quadruple figure (cf. the following) is very striking. These
hnes, moreover, are demanded to complete the structure of the
strophe. — Like the chaff which whirleth up from the threshing-
floor\ Cf. Is. 17^^41^^*- Ps. i^ The threshing-floor was usually
situated on an eminence which the wind would easily strike (cf.
I S. 1 9" ((§) 2 S. 24I** 2 Ch. 3^).* The active form, fHS; nrb'^,
is satisfactory, and need not be changed to the passive {v.s.^.
— And like smoke from the window^ n3'*iK, used of the win-
dows of heaven, whence comes rain (Gn. 7" 2 K. 7-- ^^ Mai. 3^"),
occurs also of the openings of a dove-cote (Is. 60®), of the eyes
(Ec. 1 2'^) ; and here, of the latticed opening or window through
which smoke escapes. The comparison is not found elsewhere.
The strophe, as a whole, is very strong. This people, sacrificing
to demons and kissing calves, shall become nothing, just like the
cloud, the dew, the chaff, and the smoke. — 4. And it was I, the
Lord thy God, who brought thee up from the land of Egypt'] i.e. I
do not forget, in thus threatening total extinction, that it was I
who brought them into existence as a nation. For other refer-
ences among the prophets to the Egyptian residence, cf. 2^^ 9^
11^ Am. 2^" 3^ 9^ Mi. 6* Is. 10-^ 11^", etc. Who brought thee up is
from S and (§. (@ inserts much additional material after thy God
(v.s.). — And a god besides me thou knowest not~\ Cf Dt. 32^.
The meaning becomes clearer from the parallel line ; it is God
as saviour, deliverer, that is meant; i.e. Israel has received
no favors from any other god. It may not be assumed that
Hosea believed in the existence of only one God, At all events,
this expression does not show this. He says, however, that no
other god has exerted his power on behalf of Israel. — Nor has
there been a saviour except me'] A poetic parallel of the preceding
line. — 5. // was I who shepherded thee in the wilderness] This
reading follows (^ and S (z'.j.) . // was L who knew thee (cf. Am. 3^
Is. 58^ Na. i^ Ps. 73" 144^) is a common expression = show favor,
cf. Ps. i^; but its use of Israel in the preceding line seems to
justify this slight change of text. This, too, seems to be presup-
posed in v.^. Nowack allows / knew thee to remain in this line,

* Cf. Now. Arch. I. 232; Benz. Arch. 209; DB. I. 50; EB. 82 fc

398 HOSEA

and supplies, for the sake of the parallel, / shepherded thee, at the
beginning of the next line. — In the land of drought'] Cf. Dt. 8^.
nuxbn, drought, occurs only here {v.i.) . — 6. {But) when they fed,
they filled themselves full'] This reading connects untr (for lystr)
with the preceding verb, as a strengthening infinitive absolute. So
bounteous was the supply furnislied that Israel, although filling
himself to the full, failed to recognize the source of the supply
(2* 4^ 10^; cf. Dt. 8"*- 31^ 32'^^*). This is expressed most
pathetically in the next line : And their heart was lifted up ; con-
sequently they forgot me] The history is thus epitomized of the
evil results which often flow from prosperity;* cf. 8^* Is. 17^".
— 7. And so I will be to the)n like a lion] Because they have
forgotten me in the pride of their heart, I will treat them as
a lion treats his prey ; cf , for a similar expression, 5". Some
prefer to render / have become, with reference to the fact that
the punishment has already been inflicted (7^^"), but & has the
future ; the imperfect with waw consecutive may = prophetic
perfect, or the word may be pointed {v.s.) ,T'7^V — Like a leop-
ard on the way to Assyria] If "iWi< is pointed as in JK^T, Yahweh
is represented as concealed upon the way, ready to jump or leap
uponf (cf. Je. 5-*^, but this is doubtful J) the passing traveller. §
According to C^S and U, some Mss. and certain editions of the
Hebrew Bible {v.i.), the word should be pointed "iit^K, and be
rendered " to Assyria." || Cheyne's objection to this translation,
that '' the prophet has now to deal with the disease itself, not with
a mere symptom," seems hardly to meet the case. With " on the
way to Assyria " may be compared the more common treatment
of naStt? Tn (6^). The strongest argument for treating "iltt^K as a
verb is the parallelism ; but {v.s.) the meaning required here is
hardly to be derived from niu, and besides, nt (v.^) seems to
require something more definite than "i~n bv. — 8. / will fall
upon thon like a bear robbed of its young] Cf La. 3^" 2 S. 1 7^ —
And will tear the enclosure of their hearts] i.e. the breast. — And
there I will devour them like a lion] v.s. for the various sugges-
tions for ®. Evidently the line was treated by (§ like the following

* Marti om. 6S as a gloss. J Cf. Giesebrecht and Duhm in loc.

t So GAS. I. p. 305, note 4. \ So Ew., Hd.. Sim., Pu., Ke., Or., GAS.

II So Stuck, Hi., We., Val., Now., Oat. ; cf. de Rossi's Mss. (16).

XIII. 6-IO 399

line, " and lions shall devour them," the personal " I " being aban-
doned. — While wild beasts tear them'\ A circumstantial clause. —
9. / am thy destruction, O Israel. Yea, who is thy help .?] This
reading is gained by two shght changes in the text {v.s.). Iprw
may be pointed so as to be read as perfect 3d masc. "he has
destroyed thee "; * or perfect ist sg. " I have destroyed thee," or
" I destroy thee." f It has also been taken as a noun with 2d
person suffix " thy destruction = thou hast destroyed thyself," f or
with the following ''3 as a remnant of "SDK (cf. Nowack), "I am
thy destruction." Still another group of interpreters have made
the following clause the subject ; § viz. " it has destroyed thee, that
(thou art) against me, etc." {v.i.). According to Kimchi it is
the calf which has wrought the destruction. Upon the whole, the
ist person is to be preferred as continuing the person already in
use. The perfect is prophetic. The logical relationship of this
clause is thus clear : when I destroy thee, as I am now about to
do, who then is to be thy help? ("0 for ''3; v.s.). ^"2 may be
taken {I'.s) for ''3JK, or as the particle of asseveration, yea, then ;
@ and S) are so clear on this reading that we may not doubt it. ||
Oettli's pointing "t"""!?!?, "thy helper," does not affect the sense,
a = " in the capacity of" or " in the character of," the so-called 3
essentiae.^ Ewald's translation, "that (thou) to me, {i.e. to thy
help !) becomest unfaithful " (these last words to be supplied, the
abruptness being attributed to the " laboring voice, interrupted by
sobs"), is an interesting but ineffectual effort toward the recon-
struction of this sentence. The verse, as read above, is strictly
in accord with the context. Who is to help thee ? (cf. Ex. 18*:
for the God of my father was my help, lit. was in or as my help).
No one. — 10. Where is thy king now /] Reading n"K for ^"lt<
(v.s.).** The renderings, "I will be thy king," ff "Woe to thy
king," II do not accord with what follows. The question calls for
a negative answer ; this, however, does not mean that Israel's

*Cal.,Che.,GAS. t S, Bauer, Now., Oet., Hal. + Hd.

§ Hi., Ew., Sim., Ke., Or., RV.

II Dr. {Exp. 3d ser. V. 260 f.) points out in detail the difficulties of this passage,
and translates : " Thou art destroyed, O Israel, for who is there as thy help ? "
H Cf. De. on Ps. 352. ** ©SFar, Pococke, Ew., Hi., Hd., Pu., Ke., Or, ef al.
•ft Cal. XX Ma-

400 HOSEA

kings have passed away, that kings no longer sit upon the throne ;
but rather that they are powerless to help. On SISX, v.i. — That
he may save thee'] This is to be closely connected with the pre-
ceding, and closes the first line. The accentuation in |Jl9r is
wrong. — Or all thy princes that they may rule thee /] This line,
following Houtsma {v.s^, is the poetic equivalent of the preceding,
matching it in every particular. — Those of who7n thou hast said]
At different times in the history of the northern kingdom when new
dynasties were established.* — Give me kings and princes] Other
passages in which Hosea refers to the kings are 7^*^- S*-^" lo^-^^.f
— 11. I give thee kings in 7ny anger] The imperfect here is fre-
quentative in so far as it relates to the past ; but the history is
still in progress. — And I take them away in my wrath] The
history of the northern dynasties has been one the only interpre-
tation of which must mean divine displeasure. Israel's experiment
had proven to be a failure. " Indulged self-will brought with it
its own punishment, — hardening of the heart in apostasy. Thus
our passage seems to mediate between the two different views of
Jeroboam's act presented in i^^ and i K. n^^-sa. jn one sense
Yahweh ' gave ' ; in another he * gave not.' " %

1. 3] = guutn, 3 = quando, in expressions of time; GK. 164^; Ko. 401 k-n.
The inf. here refers to the past; Ko. 216. — nr-i] For form, cf. nrn, Jb. 62i;
Lag. BN. 173 ; Ko. II. i. p. 68 ; Sta. § 199 3 ; Earth, NB. 7 b ; Ew.8 p. 384 ;
No. Mand. Gramni. p. 116. Cognate words are: Aram. NPirn = trembling;
Arab. vJ^n' = irembling ; ^-^-^^ terror, Je. 49-*. — 2. iddv] Although sep-
arated from 1 by 7\r';, the force of 1 really continues ; H. 24, 3 (5 ; Ko. 368 k. —
cn^] With reflex, force, Ko. 28; GK. 135 i. — n:;D-:] From -\o: = pour out;
hence 'D = 7nolten metal, molten image. — cjora] So ilHSC; on form, GK. 91 e;
Ew.8 p 64^_ por similar interchanges of a and r, Ko. 330 0. — aoi';'] On d. f.
in 3, GK. 93 ee. — h^d] Q^rt, i'??; perhaps n'^r, referring to .idd;:, or o'jr, refer-
ring to a''3i-v, should be adopted {y.s^. — nnS] Refers logically to noon, but
grammatically to "i'); Ko. 3492. — nncN] For cases in which icn is used
absolutely, i.e. without an obj., cf. Gn. 48 Ex. ig^^. — Tia;] Explained by
GK. 128 / as a gen. of genus ; by Ko. 337 </as an appositional gen.; but v.s.
— 3. D''3i:'c] On subordination of ptcp., GK. 120^; treated as ptcp. circ. cl.
by Ko. 412c. —4. tiSit] Lit. = with the removal of; cf. 2 S. f-'^ Ps. iS^a

* Marti om. this and foil, clause as a gloss.

t On the relation of I S. S^f- as the basis of this, cf. Sellin, Beitrage, II. 185.

\ Che. in loc.

XIII. lo-ii 401

Is. 45'- 21 64'. On the obsolete ending '_ (cf. >n'?3), cf. GK. 90 w. —
5. nnNSr] Only here; pi. intens.; GK. I24(?; K6. 348 rt. — 6. piyic] Ver-
bal noun = inf.; Ko. 233^. — ij;3;rii] 1 cons, marks apodosis, in continuation
of an inf. cstr.; Ko. 366-4. — ''Mnor] On _ in stative vb., GK. 43 a. — 7. "idd]
On poetical form, GK. 103^. — 8. ai] On gender, cf. GK. 122 ^; Ko. 247 -4,

and 253 a; contra, Ew.^ § 175 a. — N'-aS] Cf. Assyr. labbu ; Arab. 'iJt^\
Lag. BN. 93; Erman, ZDMG. XLVI. 113; Hommel, Sajigethiere, 288 f.—
9. '2] On its function as connecting protasis and apod., cf. Ko. 415/. — o]
= ID ; on confusion of 3 and r, Ko. 330 m. — 10. nibn] Renders question
more vivid; GK. 150/; Ko. 353 J. — 11. I'^n] On frequency of collective
usage, GK. 123; Ko. 254. — npNi] The impf. with simple i to express the
frequentative idea.

§ 18. Ephraim condemned to Sheol. 13^-"^^ Ephraim's sin
is complete ; judgment approaches, but he is unprepared ; he
cannot escape from the calamity which is bearing down upon him.
Shall I, now, rescue him from this certain death ? No ! it is too
late ; let Sheol's plagues attack him. I will no more show com-
passion. To Ephraim, although heretofore fruitful, an east wind
will bring drought and death ; all precious things shall be carried
away by the foreign invader. Samaria must suffer the conse-
quences of rebeUion against Yahweh, viz., sword and horrible
destruction.

This section bears all the marks of unity, and is taken as a separate
address by many modern commentators {e.g. We., Now., Marti). Some, on
the other hand, connect it closely with 13^"" (Ew., Or., Che., GAS.). It is
true the general subject is the same, but, after all, this is the subject of the
greater portion of the book. There are four strophes of trimeter movement,
with 6 + 5 + 6 + 5 lines. The elegiac measure is strongly marked ; while
in strophe 4 the dimeter is adopted for the purpose of adaptation to the
terrible content of the poem. Strophe i announces the end, the judgment,
and the collapse of Israel. Strophe 2 pictures a momentary reconsideration,
which results in a reannouncement more direful than before. Strophe 3 puts
the matter in a more exact form, destruction by drought, by foreign invasion.
Strophe 4 explains that it is on account of Israel's sin, viz. rebellion, that the
sword and war will blot them out of existence.

12. ^nx] (5 (TV(TTpo(pT)v (taken as obj. of np,s, v."). — 13. Kin] Now. xini
(so Marti). — nDn nS p] <@ vl6s (rov 6 <pp6vLfwi; 6 must be corrected to ov (so
Cappellus, Schleusner,Vol. ; cf. Oct., who also om.(rou). & interprets the clause
as causal. — py >3] (@ om. n>" ; ILSFST = nny '<3 (so also Scholz, Seb., Gu.( ?)).

2D

402 HOSEA

Oort (^ThT. and Em:), np (so Gr., Now., Marti). Oet. njfa '3. Hal. nyp.

— id;?"|] Gr. n3p\ — I2!f 03] (5 kv (rwrpi^y = U tM contritione, both literal or
etymological renderings. Gr. and Now. 13 r pa. Hal. tasB'pa. — 0''J3] ILfilio-
rum tuornm. Gr. transposes to precede nS (cf. 2 K. I9'^). Now. om. —
14. dian] @ pv(TOfi.a.i, Kal, "perhaps (& read D as 1" (Vol.). — ■'Hn] Read,
with (55, niK (so Gr.); 'A., 2. effo/j-ai; 0. /cat e<TTai; so 2C. U ^>'o. — T'l^n]
Many codd. of de R. have sg.; cf. (3, 6. V SIki} ffov = "i^n (Vol., Loft.);
S <^a£|; U mors tua. Oet. t;?^. Hal. :i"i3n.. — 13ap] <@ to Kivrpov aov ;
'A. 5rjy/j.oi ffov; 2. aK-qbla aov; 9. irXyj-y-q <tov ; 3J morsus tuns; S ■ tim nal^. —
onjj Hi. Dnj. Gr. Diem (cf. ii^). Hal. Dm. — 15. ^3] Gardner, ]•<•; (foun-
tain). Gr. D''j3 (?). Read, with We. p^s (so Val., Now., Get.). — D>nN] Oort
(^TAT. and £m.), ins (so We., Val, Now., Oct., Marti). Gr. D^nsiC?). BDB.
DipiN. Gardner, D^'n. Read, with We., inx d^c. — Nnc^] (g Stao-reXet = inai
(Schleusner, Vol.; so also Seb., Gr.); so 3J dividet; and S ^-^c^s^ —
Ni3i] (5 ^7rd|« = N131 (Vol.; so also Gr.), with "» as subj.; so U; similarly
ST. — nSy] (5 ^tt' ayrij/ = rVy; so Arab.; % v^AtfZ. — B'131] @ dva^ripavel
= !i'i3r (so US, We., Gr., Now., Oct., Marti). Read r3>\ — nipo] (5FS pi.

— 3ini] (S i^epr]fj.ui<Tei = 3nni; so U desolabit (so also We., Gr., Now., Marti).

— iryn] @S pi. — nDa"] <S Kara^ripavei, probably a misreading for Kara^ave?,
due to previous ava^. (Vol., fol. Bahrdt). Gr. ri3i\ — ixin] (5 = nxiN (so also
Oort, Gu.). Gr. pN. Read ix^n; cf. GAS. — Sd] Gr. S31. — ^Sj] <&&E ipl
Hal. ns. — XIV. 1. DtrNP] @ a(paviff6i^a€Tai, deriving from DDf; cf. 5^^ lo*
(Vol.). Gr. DE'n. Marti, nan. — iSc] (& irecrovvTai avrol; hence Ooit(£m.)
inserts nnn after 'O'', and Gr. on. — oni'jSj?] (@S2C and Arab. = 'S;ji (so also
Gr.). — vninni] Gr. nvini. Marti, Dninnn. — U'P^''] Oet. ]Vp_2^ or njj:|53;i (so
Marti).

12. T/ie iniqicity of Ephraim is gathered up ; his sin is laid by
iti store'] This is no word of promise = shall be forgotten ; * the
context and the language itself indicate the opposite. The figure
(cf. Jb. 14^') is taken from the custom of tying up money in bags
and hiding it in some secret place for preservation. Ephraim's
guilt is collected, carefully bound up ; it will be well guarded and
preserved, and no part of it will be lost sight of in the day of
judgment. In other words, the case is closed. No longer is
there opportunity to atone for their misdeeds. Cf. the noteworthy
parallel in Is. 8^", where, however, it is the teaching of Yahweh,
the testimony of the prophets, that is gathered up. On v.^^ cf.
Jb. 21^^ — 13. The pangs of childbirth come upon hini\ This
figure for anguish and distress is not uncommon (cf. Is. 13* 21^

*Umb.

xm. 12-13 403

Mi. 4^ Je. 4^^ 1 3^) ; the pain and suffering of a woman in travail
is a most striking representation of an inevitable period of afflic-
tion, since it is something which no power can turn aside. In
this instance the figure represents the woman as unable to perform
the act ; i.e. Israel is unable to extricate himself from the troubles
which have come upon him. But with the privilege of a Hebrew
poet, the figure suddenly shifts from the mother to the child that
is to be born. — He is an unwise son'\ This child is represented
as failing to do the part assigned him by nature; and in this
failure he shows himself unwise and fooUsh. The result will be
that, instead of an occasion for rejoicing, viz. a new birth, there
will rather be an occasion for grief, for the parturition will be fatal
to both mother and son. Not only is there no new being in the
world ; that one which did exist is taken away. Israel, in order
to continue life, must be born again ; without such new birth, old
Israel must perish. The very failure to produce the new destroys
the old. This is explained in the following line. — For at this time
he should 7iot stand in the mouth of the womb, or more freely, this
is no time to stand in the mouth of the womb *] Whether r\r\f2 be
read, f or ny2 = " at this time," the meaning is not affected.
Graetz's " do not break through (the womb) " affords no real
help in the interpretation of the passage. The exact meaning
rests upon the modal usage of "iai;\ If it is indicative, it signifies
that the child at the (right) time (cf. Ez. 27''*) does not stand, {
i.e. has not come forward to that place in the womb whence
egress at the proper moment is possible ; if it is optative, that
the child should not (at this time, or now) remain stationary in
the womb, thus failing to make the progress necessary to a normal
birth. § What is Israel doing ? By his lack of will-power or
inclination to do the necessary thing, viz. make timely repentance,
he prolongs the agony and endangers even the possibility of the
new regime which the prophets have pictured and promised. The
figure has been interpreted of ( i ) premature birth ; i.e. a child
who is impatient and waits not for the proper time, thus remain-
ing in the womb an insufficient period ; and this is coupled with
the interpretation of the passage as one of comfort ; || (2) retarded

* GAS. t SrSE. X Ew., Ke., Or., Che., Now. \ Cal.. Hd. || Stuck, Hes., Umb.

404 HOSEA

birth;* but also (3) to a state of vacillation on the part of the
child at the critical moment, t — 14. Shall I deliver them from the
hand of Sheol?'\ It seems necessary, first of all, to determine what
is required by the context, — a promise J or a threat? Vs.^^-^^
seem (z/.j.) to announce punishment; vs.^®""'*^^ certainly have this
meaning; v." itself contains {v.i^ the statement repentance (not
resentment) is hid frofti my eyes. How now can "" be taken in
any other way than as a threat ? But it has been suggested

( 1 ) that the simple translation is " From the hand of Sheol,
I will redeem them," there being no interrogative particle ; and

(2) that this translation is strictly in accord with the feeling of
a father who is thus represented as unable to contemplate the
thought of his son's final ruin ; (3) that it is also consonant with
Hosea's expression of ultimate redemption elsewhere, cf. i^"*' 2^^*'-
3^ 14^^; (4) still further, that the language has been so taken by
(gSFQT, by Paul in i Cor. 15^; AV. and RV. In this case,
" repentance " {v.i.) must be changed to " resentment," and the
words treated parenthetically, i.e. "as an ejaculation of promise
in the midst of a context that only threatens." The argument is
almost if not entirely conclusive on the side of those who treat
the entire verse as a threat. But from this point of view, different
treatments have been accorded the passage: (i) (making the
imperfect a frequentative) "I have in past times repeatedly
delivered them, but, etc. ";§ (2) (making the imperfect condi-
tional) " I would have delivered them, etc. (if they had been
wise, but — being foolish — ) I will bring on them the plagues of
death, etc." ; || (3) (treating the sentence as interrogative, as
above) "shall I, or should I dehver them, etc.,"^ a negative answer
being implied. The " hand of Sheol " (cf. the " mouth," Is. 5",
the "belly," Jon. 2^) is here used poetically for "power," and
perhaps to give the line a third word. Sheol = underworld. —
Shall I redeem them from death ?~\ The poetic equivalent of the
preceding line ; on the synonyms "rw and niB, v.i. ; on the
synonymous use of " Sheol " and " death," cf. Is. 28*^ Ps. 6* 49".
— Where are thy plagues, O death ? Where, thy destruction (or

* So most comm. t Sim., Pu.

t Cf. Cal., Dathe, Ros., Umb., Mau., Ew., Hi., Ke. § Rashi.

II Ki., Eich., Sharpe. H Sim., Wu., Schm., We., Gu., GAS., Now.

XIII. 14 405

pestilence), O Sheol?'\ \1K = .TK, where ?* So rendered by many,
who treat it in entirely opposite ways ; e.g. ( i ) as an expression
of triumph over Sheol and death, their plagues and pestilence
being powerless to do harm, inasmuch as Yahweh has determined
to deliver Israel;! ^.nd (2) as a command to Sheol and death
to do their worst, i.e. to bring on plagues and the pestilence which
shall destroy Israel = " come on, death, with thy plagues, and thou,
O Sheol, with, etc." J Others (reading ^^t< as ist singular imper-
fect apocopated of .Tn) render / zvill be, § or / would be ; || but
(i) the I St person singular is rarely apocopated; (2) if Yahweh
asserts positively that he will deliver them from Sheol, this clause
must mean, I would be thy plagues, if it were fiecessary, but the con-
text seems to require a positive declaration.^ Whether we read
pestilence as singular or plural is unessential {v.s.). Everything
that points toward death {mille viae leti) is to be reckoned a
pestilence ; while "'laai^ (v.i.) = destruction in general (Is. 28-) ;
in particular, epidemic, disease, plague (cf. Dt. 32-* Ps. 91®). —
Repentance is hid from my eyes'\ For this reason, Yahweh, having
determined not to deliver, calls upon Sheol to do its fatal work.
dpi:, occurring only here, has been emended to a form of Drn =
compassion. Ewald, on the basis of Gn. 27*- ("thy brother re-
sents thee unto death"), translates resentment, i.e. a secret, treas-
ured, ancient grudge, which will result in the death of an enemy ;
and this is something which God himself will not permit. But the
word means neither resentment nor compassion.** It is the tech-
nical word for repentance. It refers therefore, either (i) to the
threat of v.^, ff of which Cheyne suggests it may once have been
the third member, but surely in its present position it could not
go so far back ; or (2) to "" taken as a promise, \\ i.e. a promise
which should never be repented of = irrevocable; but the prom-
ise is regarded, even by those who so accept it, as of so transient
a tone as to make this doubtful ; or (3) to "" taken as a threat, §§

* V.S. ©sua; on Ho. 13IO and ®, 'A., St, here; so New., Hi., Ew., Hd., Umb.,
Sim., Ke.

t Ew., Umb.. Hd., Ke., Che. »* We. ; cf. Thes., s.v.

X We., GAS., Now. ft Che.

k WB, AV., Cal., Dathe, Ros., Mau., Pu. Jt Mau., Hd., Ke.

II Mich., Bauer. % So Pu., Che. $J Or., GAS. Now., et al.

406 HOSEA

in view of what has already been said, and of the fact that there
is evidently needed here a statement of threat, in preparation for
what follows in vA — 15. Although he, as does the reed-grass in
the midst of water, show frintfulness'] A pun on the word D''"iBK,
cf. also 14* Gn. 49-^, and Ewald's rendering, "though he be
among brothers a fruit-child." His name (for name = nature or
character) would have given ground for the expectation of fruit-
fulness; i.e. prosperity. The reading adopted {v.s.) is favored
by the continuation of the same figure in v.^^. It would have
seemed impossible that there could have been disaster with every-
thing so prosperously situated (for the reed-plant in the midst of
the water,* cf. Gn, 41^^* Is. 19^). As fatal to M^ t is the fact
that Ephraim cannot be taken as one tribe among its brethren
the other tribes, because clearly it is used here, as elsewhere, of
all the northern tribes. | — There shall come an east wind, —
Yahweh's wind'\ This wind, coming over the desert, is both
violent and scorching (cf. Arab. Sirocco = Eastern) ; cf. (with
nil) Ex. 10^^ Jon. 4^ Ps. 48^; as here, standing alone. Ho. 12^
Is. 27^, etc. The figure represents Assyria, who comes from this
direction, cf. Is. 21^. It is Yahweh's wind, because it is Yahweh
himself who executes the judgment pronounced, Assyria being
the instrument (cf. Is. lo^-^^) § ; or because it is a mighty wind, in-
tensity being expressed by the use of the divine name (cf. Gn. 23*
Is. 14'^ Ps. 36^.11 '■' mi is thus to be taken as in apposition with
mp, and so as closely connected with it, and not as subject of
This. — Coming tip fro7n the wilderness"^ v.s. — And his fountain
shall dry tip, and his spring shall be parched"] A continuation of
the figure in ^^", the source of fruitfulness will be destroyed. For
tris;'. read 1^3'''' {v.s.), as is clear from the parallel word : Sin'' ; cf.
(§'s treatment of the nouns as objects. — While he will strip the
treastire of all preciotis vessels'] The he is not emphatic, but used
as expressing the subject of the circumstantial clause. It does
not refer to Ephraim,^ who is thereby represented as himself

* So Rashi, Or.. We., Val., Now., Oort, Oct., et al.
t Retained by Ki., Cal., Marck, Bauer, Hi., Ew., Ke., Wu., Che., et al.
X So Now. \ Hd., Sim., Pu., Or.

II So Bauer, Ew.,; cf. Da. Heb. Syntax, p. 49; K6. 309/; Kelso, AJSL. XIX.
152-8 ; on the contrary, Green, Heb. Gram. p. 298 ; Revue biblique, Oct., 1901.
% Sharpe, GAS.

XIII. is-i6 407

despoiling the treasury and turning over its precious things to
the enemy ; but rather to the enemy itself * — Assyria {i.e. the
east wind; for here the figure changes) which carries off the
treasure consisting of all, etc. The change is confessedly abrupt,
but no greater than often occurs ; nor is it so great as to justify
Nowack's suggestion that this line is the survival of a stanza or
sentence in which the antecedent of Kin appeared as Assyria.
The precious vessels (also rendered pleasant vessels,^ precious
jewels X) include all articles of value. — 16. Samaria shall (or
must) bear the guilt'\ This now is the final summing up. Some
make WS)H = be laid waste, § but the rendering adopted is in
accord with 10^ 13^. The measure now falls to two words in each
line. — For she has rebelled against her God"] Cf. Is., chap. i.
— They shall fall by the sword ; their children shall be dashed in
pieces ; and their women with child shall be ripped up'\ The
gender and number of the verb change from feminine singular
to masculine plural. For parallel expressions, cf. 10" Ps. 137^
2 K. 15^" Am. i^^ The change back to masculine singular and
the hapax legomenon nv"in are not sufficient to raise suspicion
concerning the last clause. The customs of ancient warfare were
indeed horrible ; || cf. Jos. lo^* 2 Ch. 25^- Ju. i"*"- 2 K. S^^.

12. On order of words, v. H. 39, i; GK. 141 /, m. — 18. ^iv\'\ Subj. here
emphatic. — Nin] GK. 141a. — D3n nV] A shortened attributive clause; Ko.
385 a'. — nv] If = nm:, cf. K6. 331 3; Ez. \b^^ 27^* Hg. i2 Ps. 69" Ec. S^.
If = np, note demonstrative use of art., GK. 126 (!i. — 14. tc] Cf. ]wh t'3,
Pr. 1 8^1; nanS it. Is. 47^*, etc. On the interrog. sense without particle,
GK. 150 a. — SiNtT'] On Hebrew conception of 'sf, v. Charles, CrzV. //is^. of
the Dodr. of a Future Life (v. Index, s.v. S/ieol); Griineisen, Ahnenkulius u.
Urrelig.hr. (Index); Frey, Tod, Seelenglaube, u. Seelenkult, 188-228; Da.
DB. I. 739 f.; Schwally, Leben nach dem Tode. — '?njn . . . a^DN] Snj = act
the part of a kinsman ; hence always implies a more personal and intimate
relation between the redeemer and the redeemed than does m£3, which is a
more general term denoting raw^fw. — l^iSp] On the form before the suff.,
GK. 93 q. The masc. suff. (referring to SiNSf ) is used under the influence of
the preceding :]_; K6. 249/ — 15. N'n£3>] On intentional confusion of N"*?

* Ki., Hd., Ke., Wii., Schm., Pu., Che., Dr., Now., et al.
t AV. X GAS. § Cal., Pu., AV.

II See DB. IV. 895 ; Now. Arch. I. 374 ; Benz. Arch. 363.

408 HOSEA

and n-h forms for the sake of the pun, GK. 75 rr. The Hiph. may be treated
as intensive, GK. 53 a'. — triai] For other cases of confusion between B'i3 and
tff2\ V. Ew.8 § 122 If; GK. l%b.

§ 19. Later words of hope. \/^'^. Israel will return from
her apostasy with words of true repentance (^■^"), saying to Yah-
weh, " Forgive the past, and we will render praise and thanks-
giving, for in thee the fatherless finds pity (2i.3c^_ -^^g ^jjj
henceforth enter into no alliance with Assyria or Egypt ; nor
will we treat as God dumb idols" (^'' *). (Yahweh will reply)
" I will forgive the past, and love them ; instead of being angry
with them, I will show mercy (*•*"). As a result they shall
flourish ; their prosperity shall be like the olive, like Lebanon "
(^*-^). ''Ephraim will no longer serve idols; it is I who will
care for him eternally and sustainingly " (*).

This piece, a picture of the final triumph of Yahweh's love, is added
in accordance with the prophetic thought of a much later period. Cf. § 5,
pp. 236-248, and also Introduction, pp. clix ff. Six short strophes of the trime-
ter movement (exceedingly regular) are evenly divided between Israel and
Yahweh in their loving discourse with each other. Strophe i announces
the return, in the form of command, and prescribes the gift which they are
to carry (vs.' 3 a), Strophe 2 presents the petition for forgiveness and the
ground for the same (vs.^**"). Strophe 3 contains the pledge given, never
again to desert Yahweh for dependence on outside powers or on graven
images (v.'*"*). Strophe 4 announces in reply Yahweh's readiness to for-
give, to forget, and to be merciful (vs.^-^"). Strophe 5 pictures their great
prosperity now that they are loyal to Yahweh (vs.^*- ^). Strophe 6 asserts that
henceforth Yahweh, not idols, shall be their everlasting support (v.^). If it
were not so clear that each of these four-line strophes contained a separate
and distinct thought, it might be well to arrange the piece in two strophes
of twelve lines each. In this arrangement, the following general modifica-
tions of the text have been assumed: (i) the transfer of v.^'^ to follow v.^
iy.i.); (2) the omission of v.^"" as a gloss (w.e.); (3) the treatment of v.* as
a later addition. There has been a growing tendency on the part of the most
recent writers to deal with this passage (vs.^^) as with Am. gSJ-is^ i,e. assign it
to a later age than that of Rosea (so We.; Che. in WRS. /'r(5/>4. XIX. and
in Exp. Nov. '97, p. 363; Marti, Rel. 119, EB. 2122, and Dodekapropheton ;
Voh(?) ; Grimm, Lit. App. 91 ff.; on contrary, v. GAS. I. 309 ff.; Now.). In
behalf of this position it may be urged (i) that there is total lack of connec-
tion between vs.^ *"<* -; (2) that " to have added anything to the stern warning
of 14I would have robbed it of half its force " (Che.) ; (3) that 2^, in contrast
with 5^, looks back upon the punishment as completed; (4) that the allusion

XIV. 1-8 409

to a covenant with Egypt (v.*) is incomprehensible in Hosea's time; (5) that
Hosea certainly could not have spoken of Yahweh's wrath as having departed
from Israel ; (6) that the spiritual tone of vs.^-* is in striking contrast with
the picture in 5^; (7) that the emphasis laid upon physical blessings (vs.^ff-)
is strange on the lips of Hosea, who constantly rebuked the Israelites for
their longing after material blessings rather than ethical and spiritual ;
(8) that the " whole description is wanting in unity ; entirely different
features are simply combined one with another " (Grimm) ; (9) that the
language and phraseology are very similar to those found in writings from
the time of Jeremiah and later (on language, v. especially Volz and Grimm) ;
(10) that the emphasis here laid upon words is in striking contrast with
Hosea's demand for deeds. On the other hand, it is claimed (see especially
GAS.), (i) that Hosea must have given utterance to such a hope as is here
set forth, his point of view being different from that of Amos, in that he was of
an affectionate disposition, and utterly unable to believe repentance impossi-
ble, and had indeed already predicted restoration on the basis of repentance
(chap. 2) ; but cf. pp. 236, 238; (2) that the epilogue introduces no idea which
was not already contained in the previous promises of the book; " there is, in
short, no phrase or allusion of which we can say that it is alien to the prophet's
style or environment, while the very key-notes of his book — return, backslid-
ing, idols — the work of our hands, such pity as a father hath, and perhaps even
the answer or converse of v.® — are all struck once more" (GAS.); (3) the
similarity between the epilogue and such passages as Je. 3ii'>-20 jg to be
explained as due to the influence of Hosea on later writers; (4) while it is
unlikely that Hosea's ministry closed with this word of promise at a time
so close to the downfall of Northern Israel, it is probable that it comes from
some earlier portion of his career, when the moral failure of Israel was not
so clear, and the outlook still furnished occasion for hope. The present
position in the book, it is suggested, is due to Hosea or some editor who
thought it unfitting that the prophet's message should go down through the
ages closing with a threat of punishment. But the weakness of the old
position is seen in the unreadiness of those who hold it to permit this chapter
to stand at the end of the book.

2. nSifo] ® ^(r^(?vi;(ray, — 3. anan] ft w«/i'<?j. Or. nan (cf. Pr. 4^"). With
@ and S insert " your God " after " Yahweh." — noN] U and many codd. of
de R. = nDN|. — v.vr\ Sa] @ Sttwj ^t) Xd^ijre = ■iNB'n-'?? (Vol.) ; & ■ '•■«^^i«
^ 1 > = t<iyn ^3(?) (Seb.); 'A. iraffav dpare; 0. l\a<Tdrjvai. Some codd. of
(S, S'uvao'ai ira<rav d^xn-ipeiv (aixapr Lav') ; hence Oort ( 2'h T. and Em^ and Val.
PN!^ nSb\ Gr. Ntyn-San. Scholz, ti-Sn. Gardner, yii'p-Sa {= regard not).
— npi]" (55 pi. Oort {ThT. and^w.), nn|iji (so Val., Oet. (or npji), Now.2,
Marti). Gr. DNtam for aita npi, np being dittog. of prec. mp. — nnStt-ji] S 3 p. sg.
= dSitm. Gardner, Sa'ji, connecting nc- with following. — anij] Read na
with @ Kapirbv; so S) (so also Duhm, Theol. 132; Oort, ThT. and Em.; We.,
Val., Loft., Now., Marti); U vittilos — •'-\b (so also Oct.). Hi. \v\b. Gr.

4IO HOSEA

^•p:. Gardner, nniD. — irnoB'] S = D3'>nfi8'. 3L adds et aepulahitur in bonis
cor vesirum. Duhm, ij^pdb'D. Gardner, irniou'D. — 4. S begins with iidni.

— HB'yD] ©FSr pi. — 13 -ib-n] @ 6 ^i^ <ro2; U ^wza ejus, qui in te est; 9. &ti
iv ffol ; & ^J]? '^^..J^' Oort and Gr. ^3 nti'x. Hal. precedes by nns i;.

: : J, T- •

— Dmi] (5 iXe-^a-ei = on-}' (Vol,) ; U misereberis ; & hJ\ ^ --^'^ — mn'']
Oort and Gr. om. as dittog. of Dm\ — 5. Nfl-\N] Gr. dndix. — Dn3iB'c]
(S KaroiKlas aiirQv = DnotriD (Vol.) ; SU2C take in sense of penitence, con-
version, Gr. Dn3iB'DD. We. ijcd(?). — naij] Si .aoi^^jj. Hal. nsnjn. —
3B'] @ dir^cTTpefev. — udd] Hal. anc. — 6. '7i<-iiy>S] — y\'\ "S erumpet, with
'IB' as subj. Houbigant, OM. Oort, nji. Read, with We. and Now., isSm.
Oet. -1330^1. — pjsVd] 3L 5zV«^ /'-^m^t. Oort (T'AJ'. and Em.^, nj;"?? (so Val.).

We., Now., and Marti om. as dittog. from v.^ — 7. 13?''] S ^ nO » 1o. Gr.
inSx\ — IIJ3S3] ILE = nji3S3 (so also New., Gr.). — 8. 131:"] 3s ^oIlc^^o,
probably an error for ^o^o^o (Seb.). Val. i3i:'m. — oty] (S /cai Ka^ioCvrat
= i3C^i (Vol.); so S; similarly 3E. Read, with Oort {ThT. XVI. 298 f.,
and XXIV. 503), 13^*^ (so We., Val., Loft., GAS., Now., Oet., Hal., Marti).
Oort (.£;«.), or;,, omitting preceding 132'\ — iVs3] We., Now., Oct., and Marti,
•»Sx3. — vn^] @ fi^ffovTot = vni (Vol.); so SF; cf. ST. (S inserts here Kai
/te^no'^ijcroi'Tat = vi-c (Vol.) ; some codd., (!Tt\pix^ii<rovTa.i. Oort (77^7". and
Em.), rni. Perles, Now., and Marti, vn', foil. ®, and considering ^riffovrai
a later correction based on fS[M- Oet. rriM. Read, with GAS., foil. (5, iin''i
vni.— pi] Oort (r/JT". XVI. 299, XXIV. 503, and Em.), pi3, and adds
j"3 n3a'i (in £w. isb*^). Marti, jb^t or jB-ip or ■'jiy. Read, with GAS. and
Oct., JJ3. — imiJ''] (S sg. Oort, m£3i, with onflN, from beginning of v.^, in-
serted after fOJ as subj. — nor] S = 0"\3T. Oort {TkT. and Em.) and Oet.
om. last three words of v.* as a marginal note. Ew. '1-131. Gr. nrc'i. Marti,
.i-\3ri. Read, with GAS., nsT (cf. Is. 663). — pj^S] Some codd. of de R. 'Vs.
Gr.^ and Hal. jnSn (cf. Ez'. 27I8). Che. {Exp. Nov. '97, p. 365), n33S.

— 9. S» begins v. with ^po, and treats 'iDX as its subj.; so 3C. — "'S] Read,
with @, ai)r(j}, i'? (so also New., Ew., Or., We., Gr., Loft., GAS., Now., Oort
{Em.), Oct., Marti). — Di3Xi;S] @ = -ySi (so also Gu.). — "in>J3?] @ iraireivuffa
avrbv = vpijy (so also Dathe, Oort, ThT. zxiAEm.; Volz, Oct., Now.^) ; so S.
One cod. of Kenn. injyN. We. ipjy. Gr. and Marti, vn''jr. Hal. T'nijr. —
imti'S'] (5 fcartu-xi^ffw oi^riv = ijie'n (Vol.) ; & ..imn .. ^^m."^ = ■ijiB'nn (Seb.) ;
U dirigam eum. Oort, ijnt;?Ni. Gr. 'C^B'nni. We. ''nnc'Ni. Val. qi.iB'Ni. Oet.
ij33rKi (so Now.2). Gardner, us-'B-ni. Marti, u^ie'ni. Volz, jni E'n''n. Che.
{Exp^ T. IX. (1898) 331), iB'n^ni ''jj-;. — B'n33] Hal. nn3 or n-\rN3. — y-\D]
Gr. vifl(?) (so Volz, Oort (.£w.), Marti). — nsc:] Volz, nDXi.

1. Rehirn, Israel, to Yahweh thy God'\ The introductory words
of the utterance. The imperative is predictive (cf. Is. 23^ 47^)
= the time will come when thou shalt return. For the consist-
ency of this prediction with the announcement to the effect that

XIV. 1-2 411

there was absolutely no hope, reference is made to (i) other
similar passages, viz. i^*'-2^ 2^*'^ 3^"^ 11®"^, but these are mostly
late ; (2) the suggestion that while the passages without hope
applied to the nation as such, such expressions as these were
addressed to the faithful few ; (3) the proposition that in all pre-
dictions of disaster there is a conditional element (cf. Je. iS^"^) ;
but these are not sufficient to overcome the difficulties suggested
above. Israel's apostasy was the cause of the whole trouble
(cf. Je. 2^') ; his return is the first step to be taken toward
reconciliation. — J^or thou hast stumbled by thine iniquity'] Cf.
4* 5^ Israel's iniquity (crookedness) occasioned the fall; for
the calamity has already come (cf. 5^^''- 7**'). — 2. Take with you
words and return unto Yahweh your God] The last two words
are found in (§ and S, and are required by the measure. Words
(not my words (v.s.), nor Yahweh's words,* for (a) in this case
something more definite would be required, and (b) this would
not be consistent with the following lines ; nor words which are
to be taken to heart j) are to be the gift carried to Yahweh, for
(Ex. 23^* 34^) none shall appear before Yahweh empty ; words,
rather than sacrifice and burnt offering (cf. 5^. These words
must express repentance, not fitful, but true and strong. J —
Say unto him : Do thou wholly remove (\.&. forgive) iniquity] The
prayer begins with petition for pardon. The emphatic h'2 used
adverbially (cf. 2 S. i" Jb. 27'') describes the pardon called for
as one entirely complete ; v.i. Oort's emendation {v.s.), " thou
art able to forgive," is very ingenious, but v. Nowack; cf. also
Graetz, "Wilt thou not forgive?" — And do thou take good]
i.e. take it well § that we pay, etc. ; or accept what is good, viz.
that we pay, etc. ; || or graciously receive (us) ; \ or let thyself
be gracious ;** or take good things ff (cf. Ps. 107^ Pr. 13^ Is. 55^).
Graetz's suggestion {v.s^ means nothing; but Oort's, "and let us
receive good," furnishes a good meaning. (§ and S have the
imperative 2d person plural "take ye," but this is inconsistent
with what follows. — And we will pay the fruit of our lips] i.e. if
thou wilt forgive, etc., we will pay, etc. ; or do thou forgive, etc..

* Hi. X Umb., Sim., Now., and most comm. ** We., Now.

t Bauer. J Dathe, Sim. || Ke. t Hd., AV. ft Pu-. BDB.

412 HOSE A

that we may pay, etc. i^ST " We will pay the calves of our
lips " * is ungrammatical and senseless ; it is hardly any improve-
ment to render "we will pay (as if with) bullocks, (with) our
lips."t Cf. Hitzig's rendering {v.i.), "thoughtless utterances"
(J^- 5^^)- It is impossible to find any satisfactory treatment of
D^B ; nor is it necessary when (!l's suggestion of ns is so close ; J
cf. Is. 57^^ The fruit of the lips is, of course, the words spoken
in praise and thanksgiving (Ps. 51^®* 69^*'). On uh^, cf. Ps. 50".
— 3 c. For in thee the orphan finds mercy {ox pity)~\ This Hne
stands better here, because (i) ''[a has nothing in v.^ to which it
may refer, while here it connects closely with the 2d person of
the verbs Kir^n and np ; (2) it explains here the ground of their
praise and thanksgiving, viz. for mercy shown, while with v.^"- * it
makes no logical connection ; (3) in its position in ifflt^E it has
nothing with which it stands in parallelism, and it interferes with
the strophic structure, while in the position here suggested it not
only relieves strophe 3, but completes strophe 2, which other-
wise would be incomplete. The orphati is " das von Menschen
verlassene, rein auf Yahweh angewiesene Israel " (Wellhausen) ;
cf. Jn. 14^^ — 3 a. 6. Assyria shall not save «j-] A pledge to give
up looking for help toward Assyria (cf. 5^^ 7^^ 8^). — We will not
ride upon horses {from Egypt)'] A second pledge to leave off
trusting in Egypt, for alliance with Egypt included the provision
of cavalry by Egypt (cf. i^ 10^^ with Is. 30^^ 31^). From the
times of Solomon horses were brought into Palestine from Egypt
(i K. 10-® Ez. 17^^). See the prohibition in Dt. 17^^ — And we
will no more say : " Our God," to the work of our hands'] Cf. 13I
This is the third pledge, viz. not to treat as God images which
were made by themselves. This is the climax of the pledge.
With these three points covered, Israel will be at one with Yah-
weh. The chief planks in the platforms of both poHtical parties
of earUer times are here rejected. In the phrase, " work of our
hands," is seen an example " of the splendid morsels of irony in
which" later prophecy "lashes idolatry" (cf. Is. ^2" 44^^). § —
4. / will heal their backsliding] Although no words are used to

* So Cal., Hd., GAS., ei al. f Dathe, Ma., Ew., Sim., Ke., Che.

t So S, St., Duhm, Oort, We., Loft., Val., Now.

§ Cf. Che. in loc. ; Marti considers 36. 4 i glosses within the interpolation 1-8.

XIV. 3-6 413

introduce a different speaker, the context leaves us in no doubt.
Yahweh in his turn repUes not directly to them, but in an indirect
way, as if speaking to the prophet concerning them ; cf. 1 1'.
Their apostasy, or backsliding, is regarded as a disease, which
will be healed. — / will love them freely'] i.e. of my own free will ;
because of that which is in me, not because of anything in them.
This is added as a poetic parallel to the preceding, and is gram-
matically independent. — Since ( = now that) my anger is turned
away from the?n'] The pronoun is 3d singular, i.e. collective. The
Babylonian Codex has from me, a mistake growing out of Je. 2^.
"2 furnishes the ground for what follows in ^'', not what precedes.
This connection of *" with *" is clearly shown by the parallelism.
It is only in*' and following that the subject changes from Yahweh
to Israel. For other cases in which '3 ( = on), with its explicative
clause, precedes the clause explained, cf Gn. 3"-^' 18^ 27^
Ex. 1^8 18^^ 2 S. 19^^ Is. 28^^ — 5. / will be as the dew unto
Israel] The dew is here a figure of beneficence, kindness; cf. its
very different force in 6*. ^D = night-mist or vapor, which comes
in the summer with the west wind. This counteracts much of
the evil effect wrought by the sirocco or east wind; cf. 13''. —
JJe shall blossom as the lily] Cf. Ecclus. 39". This figure sug-
gests beauty and fruitfulness. On Jtt^lT, v.i. — Afid his root shall
spread {like Lebanon)] Cf. Is. 11^" 53^ Whether the cedars of
Lebanon * are intended, or the mountains,! is secondary, in view
of the doubt which attaches to the word plib^, partly because
of the abruptness of the change and the obscurity of the sense
gained, and partly because of the frequent occurrence of the
word in these last verses ; cf. v.^ On i2b"i for *]"% 'v-s. — 6. And
his saplings shall spread] This seems to be a gloss intended to
explain*''; cf. Is. 53^, where np3V occurs as here, in the sense
of sucker, the superfluous shoots about the roots, which ordinarily
are cut out in order to strengthen the main stock. — And his
beauty shall be like the olive-tree] Cf. Je. 11^^ Ps. 52^ This figure
suggests beauty, but also something of the greatest value. — And
his smell like Lebanon] i.e. hke the smell of the cedars and

* ST, Jer., AE., Ki., Geb., Mau., Sim., Pu., Wu., et al.
t New., Hes., Ke., Schm., Or., GAS., et al.

414 HOSEA

aromatic trees (cf. Ct. 4"). Smell — name; cf. Ct. i^ — 7. They
shall 7-eturn and dwell in his shadow'] Cf. Ez. 31^. This cannot
be a continuation of Yahweh's words, because it reads his shadow;
but whose shadow could it be if not Yahweh's (cf. v.*) ? The
shadow of Lebanon,* or Israel himself ?t (cf. Je. 31^"^). V.'^ con-
tains only a repetition of what has been said. It is therefore
best to regard it as an interpolation by a still later hand, J and
to suppose that it was intended to be the utterance of the pro-
phetic writer, not of Yahweh. The text is difficult. Reading iSf'l
for "'Sty (ji.s.), the sense becomes clear : Once more they will
dwells tinder his shadow. This is better than (i) to connect
13W with rn'' = once more shall they that dwell, etc., bring corn
to life {i.e. cultivate corn),|| or (2) JUISE = shall tur?i those who
dwell in his shadow {and) they shall revive. \ — And they shall
live well watered like a garden] = rm ps TTT"! (z'.J.) ; cf. Ps. 36^
With this translation may be compared (i) they shall revive {as)
the corn;** (2) bririg corn to life-\\ (ci. the statement in 7"),
neither of which seems satisfactory. — And they ivill sprout like
the vine] The vine is frequently mentioned in figurative speech ;
e.g. id" Ps. 808" 128^ Ct. f Is. 34* Je. 2"^ 6» Ez. i-j. — And their
renown will be like the wine of Lebanon] Ct. i^ ; cf. also n''"i of
preceding verse, and Ho. 12^ Contrary to Nowack's a priori sug-
gestion that good wine could not be produced so far north, cf. the
testimony of von Troil (cited by Henderson), " On this mountain
are very valuable vineyards, in which the most excellent wine is
produced, such as I have never drunk in any country, though in
the course of fourteen years I have travelled through many, and
tasted many good wines." J J Perhaps i"i3: should be read with
G. A. Smith, I~i3t, and in the sense given this word in Is. 66^,
they shall be fragrant; cf. (§. — 8. Ephraim, what more has he
to do with idols] Yahweh speaks here. V.^ is in close connec-
tion with v.^ 'h should be read ''h (v.s.). If fHST is retained,
the translation is, Ephraim {shall say ) : What have I to do any
more with idols ? %% On the form of utterance, cf. Ju. 1 1^^ 2 S. 16^",
etc. — / respond {to him) and look after him] i.e. it is I who, etc. ;

* Rashi. t AE., Wii., Che. + So Now.

§ So Oort, We.. Val., Loft., GAS., Now., Oet., Hal. || Hi.. Ew., Sim., Ke., Che.

H Wu., AV. ** Hd. tt Che. ++ Cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. XIV. 7. §ij SST. AV.

XIV. 7-8 415

cf. 2"-^^. Yahweh now replies or gives response to Israel in the
same temper as that with which Israel met Yahweh, and besides,
he looks upon him for the purpose of rendering assistance (Ps. 84^
ii9^'^- Jb. 33"), i-e- he looks after his needs. Cf. the opposite,
"to hide his face," Dt. ^i^''. Wellhausen's "his Anath and
Asherah" is a freak of the imagination. Volz's "I answered
him with wine and corn" is better, but not strong. — / atn like
an evergreen cypress'] It is difificult to read this of Yahweh, but
it is still more difficult to place it in Israel's mouth. In favor of
the former * is the fact that it is demanded by the following clause
of which Yahweh is certainly the subject. Yahweh's shelter and
protection of his people are likened to the refreshing shade of
the cypress. If the words be referred to Israel, there is the
difficulty that Israel is likened in two successive clauses to two
different kinds of tree, for the cypress is not a fruit tree. As
opposed to this, and in favor of the latter,t is the fact that
Yahweh is nowhere else likened to a tree. If the figure is used
of Israel, the punctuation of iiflST must be disregarded, and this
clause be taken with umrxi = and J look after him like an
evergree?i cypress. With all its difficulty, the former is to be
preferred. — From me is thy fruit found~\ This is clearly in Yah-
weh's mouth, and announces, as the last word of the dialogue,
that from Yahweh comes all of Israel's prosperity.

2. iy] For Ss; for other cases, v. Dt. 48^ 302 Jo. 2»2 Am. 4«- 8- »-" La. 3«
3. ^2Z"\ . . . inp] Two consec. imvs.; H. 23, rm. i. On the change to pi. from
sg. of V.2, cf. K6. Sii/. 237. — 'td] With adverbial force; GK. 1281?; but cf.
K6. 277 m, 339 r. — ans] Other cases of stat. abs. in place of stat. cstr., Ju. 5^'
Pr. 22^1 Dt. 33^1. — 4. ^^ -(tt'N] On causal force of la'N, Ko. 389 «, 344^;
contra Ew.^ § 331 d. On 3 marking agent, K6. 106, 13 = through thee alone,
Ko. Stil. 196. — 5. 03ns] With o only in I p. sg.; elsewhere _,, GK. 68/ —
n^^J] = 'j3, Ko. 332 r, cf. Dt. 232*. — 6. njna'] A noun of unity, Ko. 255^.
For literature on form and origin, cf. BSZ. The reference is, perhaps, to the
fragrant white lily with six bell-like leaves, which grows wild in Palestine and
" is unsurpassed in its fecundity, often producing fifty bulbs from a single
root" (Pliny, Hist. Nat. XXI. 5). Possibly ) -^'^ ^^a-^, the royal lily, is
meant. This is three or four feet high, with a stem of the thickness of a

* Rashi, Ki., Hd., Wii., Or., Now., et al.

t So US', Sim. ; Ma. treats \? as a dialogue between Israel and Yahweh, this
clause belonging to Ephraim.

4l6 HOSEA

finger and flowers of great beauty. — 7. ^sh>'] Masc. with fem. subj., Ko. 205 e.
— 8. pjaS] Without art. (cf. VS.6 and r)^Ko. 295 c. — -2 Oil"] If retained, stat.
cstr. before prep., Ko. 336 w. — 9. '*?•.. '''"•id] More usual '1 . . . Vnn (but
cf. Je. 2I8) ; Ko. 376/

§ 20. The lesson to be learned. 14^ A man who desires
wisdom will study such things as these that are found in Hosea's
prophecy. It will be seen from these chapters that Yahweh's
ways are straight, and that by them men stand or fall.

In a five-line stanza (trimeter movement), a reader from a late period adds
his own understanding or interpretation of Hosea's writings as a whole. Two
elements in the verse betoken the lateness of the conception, viz. the strong
coloring of the wisdom-speech, and the division of humanity into two classes,
viz. the righteous and transgressors; cf. Pr. Ii^ l^^^; also Ecclus. 39^*.

10. I'jB'Ji] (S affOev^ffovaiv, cf. 5^ — D2] Hal. DJiya.

9. Whoso is wise, let him discern these things^ Here "'la is used
indefinitely, in the sense of whoever, or if any one. The words
wise (DSn) and discern (p2) are technical terms of the wisdom-
vocabulary ; these things means, of course, the preceding dis-
courses of the prophet Hosea. The reader's advice is this :
Notice how things work out in history, as in the case of Israel, and
acquiesce therein; for to do this is a mark of "wisdom." — Pru-
dent, then let him know them"] A parallel statement, reenforcing
what has just been said, expressed likewise in wisdom-language
(cf. p23, from fa {v.s.), and UT, which might mean here either
acknowledge, confess (as in Je. 3^^ Is. 59^^ Ps. 51^) or observe, per-
ceive, i.e. secure the lessons of wisdom they were intended to
teach ; cf the absolute use of rT be wise, in Is. i^, and its use
with n^Sn in Pr. 24"). — For Yahweh's ways are straight^ ''3
= for, not that. The word Providence would, perhaps, suitably
represent the frequently recurring phrase, Yahweh's ways, which
includes the ways in which he acts, as well as those in which men,
under his guidance, move. The reference is to Hosea's interpre-
tation of these ways. Yahweh's dealings put men on straight {i.e.
not crooked, but lying in an unbroken level ; cf. Is. 26*) or right
{i.e. righteous) ways ; cf. Dt. 32* Ps. 19^. — The righteous walking

XIV. 9 4^7

in them'\ This word righteous (n'p'n::) is not used elsewhere in
Hosea. This is not' explained by the fact that there were none
such in his days,* but is due to the fact that this technical phrase
had not yet come into use. The clause is subordinate to the
preceding, not coordinate f with it. To walk in Yahweh's ways is
to adopt a course of conduct in harmony with Yahweh's will, and
consequently one which permits them to go forward prosperously.

— But sinners stuttibling by theni] That is, they fall and suffer
utter ruin. The same ways lead in one case to Hfe, but in the
other to death; cf. Dt. t^q^^-^ i Cor. i^l

10, '?:] Although apparently an indefinite pronoun here, it is really inter-
rogative, who is wise ? let him, etc. (cf. similar cases after ^r:, Je. 9^ Ps. 107*^).

— oyTi . . . p''!] On 1 with jussive marking what is really the apodosis of a
conditional sentence, GK. 166 a. — O'p'ixJ In the sense oi just, /.<?., right in
one's cause, this word occurs in E (Ex. 23^- *), Am. a** 5^'-, but in the general
ethical sense it does not occur earlier than Jeremiah (cf. 20^^, Is. 3^*^ being
late). The two clauses at the end of the verse are closely parallel, and should
be taken together, both being subordinate to the preceding; v.s.

* Hd. t As We., Now., and most others make it.

INDEX.

I. SUBJECTS.

Adam, 288.

Adultery, punishment of, 227.

Alliteration, clxxii, m.

Amorite, 55, 58.

Amos, occupation of, civ f., 2 f.

, literary skill of, 12,

, personal life of, c ff.

, home of, ci.

, date of, cii fif.

, preparation of, cvi ff.

, vision of, cviii.

, antecedents of, cviii.

, character of, cviii f.

, message of, ex ff,

, popular conceptions opposed

cxi ff.

, convictions of, cxiii ff.

, anthropomorphisms in, cxv f.

, monotheism of, cxvi ff.

, ministry of, cxxiv ff.

, political activity of, cxxvii.

, literary form of, cxxx ff.

, analysis of, cxxxii.

, insertions in, cxxxi ff.

, general structure of, cxxxiv ff,

, history of Book of, cxxxvi f.

, style of, cxxxviii ff.

• , discussions of poetical form

clxv f.

, syntax of, clxx f.

, rare words in, clxxi.

, favorite words in, clxxi.

by.

of,

Amos and Hosea, poetical form of,
clxiv ff.

, language and style of, clxx ff.

, text and versions of, clxxiii ff .

, literature on, clxxvii ff.

Ancestor-worship, 182 f., 329.
Angels, 381.
Anointing, 149, 150.
Assyria, relation to Israel, 20 f.

Baalim, names of, 235.

Baalism, nature of, xc.

Baldness, 182 f.

Bear, 132.

Book of the Covenant, Ixiv fif.

, reconstruction of, Ixvf.

, relation to E, Ixvi f.

, prophetic element in, Ixviii f.

Bribe, 122, 124.

Canwan, 384.

Civilization, opposition of prophets to,

xxxiii, xxxvi, Ixxvi f.
Qean and unclean, 173, 329, 330.
Commandment, date of second, Ixii.
Compass, points of, 186.
Covenant, 30 f.
Covenant Code, 255.
Cultus, 136.

David, 148, 198, 223.

Day of Yahweh, 62, 131 f., 181, 247.

419

420

INDEX

Dead, treatment of the, 40 f.
Decalogue, reconstruction of older,
Iviii ff .

, message of older, lix f.

, younger, Ixff.

, original form of younger, Ixi.

, date of younger, Ixi f., 250.

, message of, Ixii ff.

Decalogues, older and younger, Iviii ff.

Demon-worship, 390, 395.

Dew, of Palestine, 285.

Dirge, 105 f., 108 f.

Disruption, attitude of prophets to,

314-
Dove, foolishness of, 303 f.
Drought, 97.

Earthquakes, 7, loi, 179.
Eclipse, 181.
Edom, 31 ff., 198.
Egypt, 76, 191 f.

Egyptian elements in Northern wor-
ship, 112.
Elijah, xxxiv ff.

, his contest with Ahab, xxxvii ff.

Elisha, xli ff .

, character of, xliii.

, miracles of, xliii f.

, political activity of, xliv ff.

Ephah, 178.

Ephod, 221 f.

Ephraimite narrative, Ixxix ff,

, Northern origin of, Ixxix.

, date of, Ixxix f.

, scope of, Ixxx f.

, purpose of, Ixxxi.

, prophetic element in, Ixxxi f.

, message of, Ixxxii ff.

, relation to other prophets, Ixxxiv.

Ethics, xcvi f., cxxi f.

Feasts, 133 f., 177, 231 ff., 330,

387.
Foreign nations, prophecies against,
4f., 12.

God, idea of, Ixxxviii ff., xci f., xciii f.,

cxiv ff ., cxlviii ff.
Gomer, 211.
Grape, 340.

Hair-offering, 182 f.
Hammurabi, code of, 261 f.
Harvest season, 230.
Haymaking, 161, 163.
Heathen, 327.
Hezion = Rezon, 15.
High places, worship at, 166.
Homer, 219.
Horses, trade in, 412.
Hosea, name of, 202.

birthplace of, cxlf., 202.

date of, cxli f., 203.

call of, cxliiff., clvf., 205.

marriage of, cxliv ff., 208 ff.

personal life of, cxlff.

occupation of, cxlii.

character of, cxlvf.

message of, cxlvi ff.

idea of God in, cxlviii ff.

attitude toward cultus of, cH.

ethical teaching of, clif.

political attitude of, clii, clvii,

attitude toward past of, cliii.

outlook of, cliii f.

antecedents of, cliv.

characteristics of message of,
cliv f.

ministry of, civ ff.

literary form of, clviii ff.

interpolations in, clix ff.

analysis of, clx.

growth of Book of, clxii.

structure of Book of, clxii f.

external history of Book of,
clxiii.

chiasm in, clxxii.

paronomasia in, clxxii.

assonance in, clxxii.

syntax of, clxxii.

favorite words of, clxxii.

INDEX

421

Hosea, rare words in, clxxiii.
Hosts, Yahweh of, 158, 190.

Images, worship of, Ixxxix, xcv, cxvi,

140, 314. 316, 363, 394 f.
Individualism, xcvi.
Inscriptions cited or referred to —

Assyrian and Babylonian, 6, 16, 17,
21 f., 26, 27, 28, 30, 37, 42, 58.

Egyptian, 26.

Moabite, 8, 39, 40, 42.

Phoenician, 55, 68.

Of Tel el-Amarna, 27, 28, 47, 58.

Of Zinjirli, 22, 78.
Isaac, 166.

Israel, chosen by Yahweh, 66.
Israel's intercourse with other peoples,
301.

fACOB, 379 f.

Jareb, King, 277 f.

Jehu, revolution under, xlvi ff.

Jeroboam I., revolt of, xxxii ff.

leroboam II., reign of, 6.

Joseph, 151.

Judaean narrative, Ixixff.

, date of, Ixxi.

, scope of, Ixxi.

, purpose of, Ixxii.

, world-stories in, Ixxii f.

, prophetic element in, Ixxiii f.

, national element in, lx>iv.

, predictive element in, Ixxivf.

, idealism in, Ixxv f.

, covenant-idea in, Ixxvi f.

, idea of sin in, Ixxvii.

, message of, Ixxvii f.

, relation to later prophets, Ixxviii f.

Judah, 44 f.

Kewan, 138, 140.

Law, 45, 255, 320 ff.
Lethek, 219, 224.
Libations, 328.

Line, poetical, clxvii.
Lion, words for, 70.
Locusts, 161 f.
Lyre, 135.

Magic, xxxvi.
Massebah, 221, 343 f.
Meal-offerings, I34f.
ISIicaiah ben Imlah, Iv ff.
Military enrolment, 108.
Moab, 39 f.
Monolatry, 329 f.

Mosaism, Kenitic origin of, Ixxxvii.
Mourning customs, 126 f., 305 f., 328,
334-

Naboth-story, xxxix f.
Nazirite, li ff., 56 f.
New moon, 177, 232, 271.
Numbers, use of, 14, 21, 55, 99.

Oath, 179, 186.
Oil, 378.
Orion, 115.

Palestine, Assyrian name for, 308.
Paronomasia, 175, 318, 339 f., 367,

406, 407 f.
Passover, 387.
Patriarchs, xcvi f.
Peace-offerings, 135.
Period, poetical, clxvii f.
Personification, 302.
Philistia, 23.

Philistines, history of, 23 f., 192.
Phoenicia, 28 ff.
Pilgrimages, 182.
Pillars, the sacred, 221, 343 f.
Pleiades, 115.

Pre-prophetic movement, xxxi f.
Pre-prophetic societies, xliv, xlixff.

, literature on, 1.

, origin of, liv f.

, development and influence of,

Iviii f.

422

INDEX

Pre-prophetism, xxxi f.

■ , relation to Mosaism, Ixxxivff.

, relation to Egyptism, Ixxxv.

, essential thought of, Ixxxviii ff.

, idea of priest in, xciv.

, place of worship in, xciv f.

, sacrifice in, xcv.

, feasts in, xcv.

, general character of, c.

Prophecy, causes of its appearance in

N. Israel, xxxiii f.
Prophets, " schools " of, liii.

, ecstasy of, liii.

, relation to priests, Iv.

Prophets support Jeroboam I., xxxii ff.

support Jehu, xlvii f.

Prostitution, sacred, 258, 261 f., 377.
Providence, 416.

QlNAH rhythm, 109, 185 f., 369.

Rainy season, 283 f.
Raisin-cakes, 218, 224,
Rechabites, xxxvi. Hi, 237.
Refrains, poetical, clxix.
Remnant, 125 f.

Sabbath, 177 f., 232 f.

Sackcloth, 182.

Sacrifice, 136 f.

Sakkut, 138, 139.

Samaria, 77, 153.

Sea-monster, 189.

Seer, 170.

Serpent, 132.

Shabako, 192.

Shalman, 358.

Shekel, 178, 219.

Sheol, 189, 407.

Shoes, pair of, 49.

Sieve, 197.

Silver and gold, source of, 229 f.

Sin, origin and nature of, xcix.

Sin-offering, 257.

Sky, conception of, 190 f.

Slavery, 25.
Soothsayers, i7of.
State after death, xcixf.
Strophe, clxviii.

Strophic arrangement, 13, 23, 27 f., 35,
38, 44, 48, 53 f., 60, 64, 73, 74 f.,

84, 90, I02, 105, 109, 113, 118, 128,
129,141,151,159,168, 174 f., 187,
195, 215, 225, 236, 238, 241, 244,
245, 248, 249, 252, 256, 260, 262,
267, 280, 299, 325, 335, 341, 349,

360, 373. 391, 401, 408. 416.
Strophic criticism, clxix.
Superscriptions, the, i ff., 201 ff.
Sycamores, 172.
Syria, country of, 15.
, history of, 15 f., i8, 192 f.

Taboo, 233 f., 269, 329.
Teraphim, 222.

Threshing instruments, 17 f., 21 f.
Tithe, 92, 95.
Tone-phrase, clxvi f.
Totemism, 242, 251, 329.
Trumpet, 43 f.
Tyre, 28 ff.

Uzziah, reign of, 5 f.

, identification with Azriya'u, 6.

Vintage, 198 f., 230.
Virgin, 107.
Visions, 3 f., 160, 388.
Vulture, 311.

Wisdom utterances, 260, 416 f.

Wormwood, II 9.

Writing of prophecy, cxxv f.

Yahweh, day of, 62, 131 f., 181, 247.

, titles of, 83 f., 158, 190.

, a national deity, 190, 329 f.

Yahwism, relation to Baalism, xc ff.

Zaw, the god, 276.
Zion, 10.

INDEX

423

II. GEOGRAPHICAL.

ACHOR, valley of,

240.

Hamath, I44f.

Admah, 369.

, entrance to, 157,

Ammon, 34 ff., 37

Harmon, 88 f.

Arabah, stream of the.

157-

Ashdod, 26, 76.

Jerusalem, 47,

Askelon, 26.

Jezreel, 21 if.

Aven, 19, 22.

Karnaim, 156.

Baal-Peor, 336 f

.340.

Keryyoth, 41 f.

Bashan, 86.

Kir, 20, 23, 192.

Beer-sheba, iii.

184,

263

f.

Beth-arbel, 358 f.

Lo-debar, 156.

Beth-Eden, 19 f.,
Bethel, 82, inf.,

22.

188, 263,

274.

Mediterranean, 183,

189.

Bozrah, 34.

Memphis, 330.
Mizpah, 269.

Calneh, 144.
Caphtor, 192.
Carmel, II, 189.

Naioth, xxxiii.
Nile, I79f.

Cush, 191 f.

Padan-Aram, 380.

Damascus, 14, 19

, 138

•

Rabbah, 36 f.

Dan, 184.

Ramah, 273 f.

Dead Sea, 183.

Shechem, 290.

Ekron, 26.

Shittim, 269.
Sidon, 28 ff.

Gath, 145.

Sodom, 369.

Gaza, 23, 25 f.

Gibeah, 273, 35 if.

Tekoa, 3.

Gilead, 17, 288 f.

Teman, 33 f.

Gilgal, 91 f., Ill,

263,

339

•

Gomorrah, 369.

Zeboiim, 369, 373.

m. HI

2BREW.

mjN, 194.

ni:D-iN, 22.

dSi3, 174.

I.IN, 112.

DiS'itJ

N, 224.

03Diri3, 120.

r^N, 58.

IJHN,

333.

mn-p = Bir-

idri, 22.

424

INDEX

PP3, 347 f-

cpu, no note, 113.

15, 121.

n*?;, 20, 22 f.

i^n, 200, 224/.

h-}, I20f.

trm, 1 10 note, 113.

"in, 127.

r^'in, 202, 205.

hD>n, 181.

"1?!. 135-
njr, 214.

nm, 4, 170.
nxf£in, 257.
>n, 186.
in, 3"-
n^Sn, 235 f.

'7'73n\309f.

n-\03, 199.
npv, 117.
aiS3, 175, 184 f.
noD, 346 f.
nij3, 150.

S^Dr, 117.
npb, 122, i?.4c

nj3>;', 261.

r?";. 105.

niv^, 120.
^^'?, 224.

jiSac, 117.
lyic, 387.
p-iTc, 150.
p-jjc, 62.

ic, 334.
riDarc, 334.
Wc-r, 123.
t2fl-'c, 345 f-

DNJ, 59.

N>3:, 4.
h2i, 150.
"inj, 128.

r|aj, I72f.

on|-ij, 8.

PVJ, 3i5f-
-iii-j, 311.

D, interchange with r,
158.

•T'D, 89.
-IPD, 194.

y weakening to t*, 158.
DID}', 7 f.

ajy, 340.
D''d;, 200.

^t^.^ 319-

D^onc, 150.

mN3x, 158.
mnSs, 117.
njx, 89.
-\nx, 197, 200.

-lap, 94, 235.

nj^p, 105, 108 f., 128.

Vp-\p, 194-

C'NH, 158, 346.
D^D^Dn, 158.

ippi, 8.

Q133B', 316 f.

natt?, 20.

D^2^' air, 199, 200.
njtt'iB', 415 f.
dSit, 139.

niin, 256.

.enEOssi.

HOME USE

CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT

MAIN LIBRARY

This book is due on the last date stamped below.
1 -month loans may be renewed by calling 642-3405.
6-month loans may be recharged by bringing books

to Circulation Desk.
Renewals and recharges may be made 4 days prior

to due date.

ALL BOOKS ARE SUBJECT TO RECALL 7 DAYS

AFTER DATE CHECKED OUT.

M 2 5 1975 1A

JUN 3 0 1978

ifj

-^

4 a/i

i/f>

DEC 7

%w-

■'t^r^^

M4^

ir

ni

io_

f EB 1 8 ly/b

KR cm MAR 1 7

12^

gCLCUL iAN8 — W9 ^x

LD21 — A-4ojn^i2,^4 General Library ,

(S2700L,) University of California

Berkeley —

ia
(NgB37slO)47t) — A-3.i Berkeley

illliiimmiif ^ ^'^^^^'^^

■-^ M^\02.

THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY